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I 


AUTHOR: 


MULLER,  PETER  JOSEPH 


TITLE: 


EXERCISES  FOR 
TRANSLATION... 

PLACE: 

NEW  YORK... 

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1 884  [1 883] 


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Miiller,  Peter  Joseph,  d.  1895. 

Exercises  for  translation  into  Latin,  chiefly  on  the  rules 
of  syntax.  Collected  and  arranged,  by  Rev.  Pet.  Jos.  Miil- 
ler  ...  -New  York  and  Cincinnati,  F.  Pustet  &  co.,  1884 
^1883] 

vi,  371,  i2i  p.  air*". 

Based  on  Dr.  F.  Scliiiltz*s  grammar,    cf.  Prcf. 


Restrictions  on  Use: 


1.  Latin  langnage — Composition  and  exercises.        I.  Scluiltz,  Ferdinand 
t.  e.  Joseph  Ferdinand  Bernhard,  b.  1814. 


Library  of  Congress 
Copyright    1883 :  22595 


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BORN    1835-DIED   1903 

FOR   THrRTV   YEARS    CHIEF   TRANSLATOR 

DEPARTMENT   OF   STATE,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

LOVER    OF   LANGUAGES   AND    LITERATURE 

HIS    LIBRARY    WAS   GIVEN    AS   A    MEMORIAL 

BY   HIS   SON   WILLIAM   S.  THOMAS,  M.  0. 

TO   COLUMBIA    UNIVERSITY 

A.  D.  1905 


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Qlolumbm  Snitt^rBittt 
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BORN   1835-DIED   1903 

FOR   THIRTY   YEARS   CHIEF  TRANSLATOR 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

LOVER   OF   LANGUAGES  AND    LITERATURE 

HIS   LIBRARY   WAS  GIVEN    AS  A   MEMORIAL 

BY   HIS  SON  WILLIAM  S.  THOMAS,  M.  0. 

TO  COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY 

A.  D.  1905 


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I 


EXERCISES 


FOR 


TRANSLATION  INTO  LATIN, 


CHIEFLY 


ON  THE  RULES  OF  SYNTAX. 


COLLECTED  AND  ARRANGED 


BY 


REV.  PET.  JOS.  MtJLLER,  s.  j., 

PROFESSOR  OK  LATIN  AND  C.RKEK  IN  CANISIUS  COLLEGE. 
BUFFALO,  N.  Y. 


ttm  $  ■  o  I 


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FR.  PUSTET  &  Ck>. 

NK^V    YORK    A.Nr>    CINCINNA.TI. 

1884. 


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t  I 


Copyright  1883  by  E.  Steinback 
of  the  firm  Fr.  Pustet  &  Co. 


Prefatory  Notice. 


?8r 


X  HE  Exercises  here  presented  to  classical  teachers 
and  students  consist  of  three  parts.     The  first  is  in  the 
closest    conformity    with    the    Syntax    of   the    excellent 
,^  Latin  Grammfir,    Adapted  to  the  Use  of  Colleges.    From 
the  Fifteenth  German  Edition  of  Dr.  F.  Schidtz's  Gram- 
mar.   Pfihlished  hy  Fr.  Pmtet,  New -York  (first  ed.  1878, 
second  ed.)    l^SS^''.     It  is  intended  not  so  much  to  aid 
the  first  understanding  as  to  accompany  a  thorough  re- 
petition of  the  rules  of  Syntax,  the  practical  knowledge 
of  which  is  absolutely  necessary  for  a  successful  study 
of  the  Latin  authors.    The  second  part  is  based  on  those 
authors  that  are  usually  read  in  the  middle  Classes  of 
Colleges  and  is  designed  not  only  to  keep  up  familiarity 
with  them  but  also  to  derive  the  greatest  possible  profit 
from  them  for  improvement  in  the  Latin  language.    To 
this  part  also  sketches  of  the  lives  of  Sallust,  Livy  and. 
Virgil  have  been  added.    Beside  the  division  and  general 
ammgement  of  the  whole  book,  the  Exercises  contained 
in   these   two   parts   have  been  freely  borrowed  from  a 
collection    of  Exercises   on   the  Eules   of  Latin  Syntax, 


392831 


IV 


Prefatory  Notice. 


by  the  same  Dr.  F.  Schultz,  not,  however,  without  many 
changes,   omissions,   and  substitutions  from  other  excel- 
lent books  of  the  same  kind.    Of  some  pieces  the  editor 
himself  claims  the  authoi-ship.     These  two  parts  are  to 
furnish  matter  for  oral  and  written  translations  to  stu- 
dents  of  the  third  and  fourth  Classes,    yet   not  so  that 
the  pieces  of  the  first  part  should  be   exclusively  used 
in  Class  III,  of  the  second  in  Class  IV,  but  each  accord- 
ing to  the   advancement    in   the   study   of  Syntax   and 
the  authors  read.     Since  the  last  piece  of  each  Section 
is  more  difficult    than   the   preceding  ones  in  the  same 
Section,  it  is  advisable  to  i)ut  its  translation  off  to  tlie 
fourth  Class.     These    pieces   will    thus  give  the  Class  a 
short   re\iew  of  the   rules   akeady  learned,  without  the 
annoyance  of  repeating  the  same  Exercises. 

The  editor  has  deemed  it  necessary  not  to  give  the 
pieces   of  these   twa  parts   in   pui^e   idiomatic  English. 
On  the  one  hand  the  book  is  not  intended  for  the  study 
of  the  mother  tongue;    on  the  other  the  editor  has,   by 
the  experience  of  many  years,  been  fully  convinced,  that 
students  of  such  a  standing  as  is  here  supposed  are  not 
yet  able,  without  an  enormous  loss  of  time  on  the  part 
both  of  the  teacher  and  the  students  themselves,  to  find 
the   exact   equivalent,   in  Latin,    for   even   the   smaller 
number   of  idiomatic  English  expressions.     Moreover  it 
cannot   be   denied,    that   this   method   of  adapting   the 
English  idiom  to  the  Latin,  as  far  as  the  nature  of  the 
fonner  permits,   is  the  shortest,    easiest  and  surest  way 
of  acquiring  a  practical  knowledge  of  the  latter. 

The  tliird  part  consists  of  Cardinal  Newman's  Sketch 


Prefatory  Notice.  V 

of  the  Life  and  Writings  of  Cicero,    with   the  omission 
of  No  0,    as   being   less   interesting  and  intelligible  f^ 
boys,  containing  a   digression   on   the   doctrines  of  the 
Academic  school.     This  Sketch  has  been  adapted  to  the 
fifth   Class.     Although   the   students   of  this   Class   are 
rightly   supposed   to   have    fully   mastered  the  rules  of 
Syntax  and  to  be  going  over  to  free  Latin  composition, 
they  should,    however,    continue   now   and   then   to   be 
exercised  in  translating  a  given  English  text.    A  greater 
variety  of  matter  might  have  been  expected  in  this  part. 
But    the   piece    itself  is  too  interesting  to  be  shortened 
any  further,  since  it  gives  a  complete  idea  of  an  author 
whose  writings  should  be  the  inseparable  companion  of 
every  classical  student,  and  enables  the  teacher  of  Ehe- 
toric  constantly  to  refer  to  it  for  details  in  the  life  of 
Cicero   so   necessary  for  the  understanding   of  many  of 
his  writings. 

As  to  the  notes  added,  the  aim  was  not  altogether 
to  supersede  the  annoying  use  of  a  Dictionary  but  to 
lessen  it.  In  parts  I  and  II  generally,  and  a  few  times 
in  part  III,  references  have  been  made  to  the  para- 
gi-aphs  of  the  Grammar  mentioned  above  to  revive  rules. 
But  though  only  one  Grammar  has  been  referred  to  as 
being  without  doubt  one  of  the  best,  yet  the  Exercises 
may  be  profitably  used  in  connection  with  any  Gram- 
mar whatever,  since  the  general  arrangement  of  all  of 
them  is  more  or  less  the  same. 

In  part  III  the  expressions  given  are  more  numer- 
ous than  in  the  two  first  parts,  for  the  obvious  reason 
that  no  existing  English-Latin  Dictionary  furnishes  the 


VI 


Prefatory  Notice. 


necessary  supply.  Notes  on  the  Latin  style  might  have 
been  added.  However  some  are  included  in  the  phrase- 
ology itself,  the  addition  of  others  would  have  swelled 
the  volume  to  a  greater  extent  than  was  desirable,  and 
besides  the  remarks  on  style  form  a  chapter  whicli 
every  teacher  may  aptly  take  advantage  of  to  enliven 
the  otherwise  somewhat  dry,  though  necessary,  work  of 
translating  from  English  into  Latin. 

Some  inaccuracies  in  the  print  may  be  accounted 
for  by  the  fact  that  circumstances  did  not  allow  us  to 
see  all  the  proofs.  Finally  the  editor  discharges  a  pleas- 
ant duty  of  returning  his  sincere  thanks  to  some  of  his 
friends  and  fellow-teachers  who  have  readily  and  gener- 
ously contributed   towards   the  completion  of  the  work. 

Canisius  College,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  on  the  feast  of 
St.  Ignatius, 

July  31,  1883. 

The  Editor. 


PART  I. 


^■V\r~ 


Exercises  on  the  Rules  of  Syntax. 


-^ 


Mil  Her,  ExercitieH. 


SECTION  I. 

Preliminary  Exercises.    Agreement  of  the  Parts 
of  a  Sentence.    Use  of  the  Xominatire. 

(Grammar  §.189—192.) 
No.  1. 

On  the  Boundaries  and  Parts  of  Ancient  Greece. 

Northern  Greece. 

Ancient  Greece,  the  seat(l)  of  the  most  renowned 
of  all  nations,  was,  towards (2)  the  North,  separated  (3) 
from  Illyria  and  Macedon  by  high  mountains.  Towards 
the  East  and  South  it  was  washed  (4)  by  the  Aegean 
sea,  towards  the  West  by  the  Ionian  sea.  The  whole 
country  is  divided  by  nature  itself,  as  it  were  (5),  into 
tliree  parts.  The  first  of  these  parts  is  Northern  (6) 
Greece;  the  second  is  Central  Greece,  which  is  also 
called  Hellas;  the  third  is  the  Peloponnesus.  The  islands 
can  also  be  added,  so  that  these  form (7)  a  fourth  part 
of  Greece.  But  besides  (8),  the  Greeks  inhabited  (9)  still 
many  other  countries,  into  which  they  had  led  (10)  co- 
lonists. —  Northern  Greece  included  (11)  two  provinces 
(12),  Thessaly  and  Epirus.  Thessaly  was  a  lovely  (13) 
and  fertile  land.  Here  was  Tempe,  that  very  renowned 
valley,   which  was  situated  (14)  between  two  mountains, 


Ko.  1.  (1)  sedes,  domicilium.  (2)  ad  —  versus,  Gram.  ^  164, 
15.  (3)  sejungere.  (4)  alluere.  (5)  quasi,  tanquam.  (6)  septen- 
trionalis.  (7)  efficere.  (8)  praeterea.  (9)  incolere.  (10)  deducere. 
(11)  complecti.    (12)  terra,  provincia.    (13)  amoenus.    (14)  situm  esse. 

1* 


4  Part  i. 

Olympus  and  Ossa,  and  traversed  (15)  by  the  river  Pe- 
neus.  Olympus  was,  as  is  related  by  the  ancient  poets 
of  the  Greeks,  the  abode  of  the  Gods.  The  largest  of 
the  towns  of  Thessaly  was  Larissa,  the  birth-place  (16) 
of  Achilles.  Near  the  town  of  Pharsalus  Pompey  was 
vanquished  by  Caesar.  Pherae  is  also  renowned.  —  In 
Epirus  was  situated  Dodona,  which  town  was  the  seat 
of  the  oldest  oracle  of  Jupiter.  Pyrrhus,  who  waged 
war  against  (17)  the  Eomans,  was  king  of  Epirus. 

No.  3. 

On  the  Provinces  of  Central  Greece.    Acamania,  Aetolia» 

Doris  and  Locris. 

Central  Greece  or  Hellas  consisted  (1)  of  eight  coun- 
tries or  provinces,  the  names  of  which  are:  Acamania, 
Aetolia,  Doris,  Locris,  Phocis,  Boeotia,  Attica,  IMegaris. 
—  Acamania  is  situated  toward  the  West  (2),  and  is^ 
in  great  part  (3),  surrounded  (4)  by  the  sea.  The  most 
noted  town  of  this  province  is  Actium,  where,  in  the 
year  31  before  the  birth  of  Christ,  the  Roman  general 
Antony  was  vanquished  by  his  adversary  Octavianus  in 
a  great  naval  engagement  (5).  Acamania  is  separated 
from  Aetolia  by  the  river  Achelous,  of  which  many 
things  are  related  in  the  fables  of  the  Greeks.  To  Acar- 
nania  Aetolia  is  adjoining  (6).  The  inhabitants  of  these 
provinces  were  less  cultivated  (7) ,  than  the  other  (8)  in- 
habitants of  Central  Greece.  Doris  was  a  small  (9)  pro- 
vince between  Thessaly,  Locris,  and  Phocis.  It  had  four 
small  towns,  united  (10)  by  a  confederacy,  which  are 
called  the  Dorian  Tetrapolis.     Locris   consisted   of  two 

\lb)  perfluere.  (16)  patria.  (17)  bellum  gerere  cum  or  ad- 
versiis. 

No.  2.  (1)  constare.  (2)  spectare  ad  occasum,  ad  or  in  occi- 
dentem  solem.  (3)  magnam  partem.  (4)  circumdare,  cingere* 
(5)  pugna  navalis.  (6)  finitimus.  (7)  colere,  excolere.  (8)  ceteris 
(9)  exiguus.    (10)  inter  se  conjungere. 


Section  i.  5 

parts,  which  were  separated  by  the  intermediate  (11) 
Phocis.  One  part  was  situated  near  (12)  the  Corinthian 
gulf  (13),  and  had  two  larger  towns,  Amphissa  and  Nau- 
pactus.  The  other  and  smaller  part  was  situated  near 
the  strait  (14)  of  Euripus.  Of  the  towns  in  this  part 
the  largest  was  Opus,  from  which  the  Locri,  who  lived 
(15)  here,  were  also  called  the  Opuntian  Locri.  But 
most(16)  remarkable  in  this  Locris  is  Thermopylae.  This 
is  that  defile  (17)  between  Mount  Oeta  and  the  Malian 
gulf,  where  Leonidas,  with  300  Spartans,  died  (18)  a 
most  glorious  death  for  his  country. 

No.  3. 

Phocis. 

Phocis  is  situated  between  the  two(l)  Locris,  and 
touches  (2)  the  Corinthian  gulf  towards  the  South,  Mount 
Oeta  towards  the  North.  Very  noted  in  the  history  and 
fables  of  the  Greeks  are  the  town  of  Delphi  and  Mount 
Parnassus,  wliich  are  situated  in  this  province.  Delphi 
was  especially  (3)  renowned  for  (Abl)  the  oracle  of  the 
P^iihian  Apollo;  in  the  very  same  place  (4)  were  also, 
every  fourth  year (5),  celebrated  the  Pythian  games,  to 
which  always  a  great  multitude  of  Greeks  came  to- 
gether. Deljihi  was,  as  the  ancients  say,  the  centre  (6) 
of  the  earth  (7).  That  very  renowned  tribunal  of  the 
Ampliictyons  had  also  its  seat  there. 

Mount  Parnassus  was  the  abode  of  the  Muses;  at 
its  foot (8)  was  a  sacred  spring,  which  was  called  (9) 
Castalia.  Parnassus  and  Castalia  were  very  often  celebrated 


(11)  interpositus.  (12)  ad.  (13)  sinus.  (14)  fretum.  (15)  habi- 
tare,  incolere;  Participial  Constr.  (16)  maxime.  (17)  angustiae, 
fauces.    (18)  obire. 

Xo.  3.  (1)  uterque.  (2)  tangere,  pertinere  ad.  (3)  imprimis. 
(4)  ibidem.  (5)  quarto  quoque  anno,  Gram.  §  68,  Note  4.  (6)  umbi- 
licus. (7)  orbis  terrarum.  (8)  sub  —  radicibus.  (9)  Gram, 
§207.    3. 


6 


Part  i. 


by  ancient  poets;  they  were  consecrated  to  the  Muses 
and  Apollo,  the  leader  of  the  Muses.  Of  the  river  Ce- 
phissus  mention  is  also  often  made  in  the  poems  of  the 
ancients.  Elatea,  the  largest  town  of  the  country  (10), 
was  taken  and  fortified  (11)  by  Philip,  king  of  the  Mace- 
donians,  whereby  (12)  the  name  and  power  of  the  king 
were  greatly  increased  (13)  in  Greece. 

No.  4. 

Boeotia  and  Thebes,  Its  Capital  (1).    Some  Other  Towns* 

Boeotia  has,  towards  the  North,  Phocis  and  the 
smaller  Locris,  but  towards  the  South  Attica  as  neigh- 
bours (2);  in  (3)  the  West  and  East  it  is  bounded  (4)  by 
the  Corinthian  gulf  and  the  strait  of  Euripus.  After  (5) 
Attica,  Boeotia  is  the  most  important (6)  province  of 
Hellas.  Here  were  Mount  Helicon  and  Mount  Cithae- 
ron,  after  Parnassus  the  most  renowned  abodes  of  the 
Muses;  moreover (7)  Lake  Copais  and  the  rivers  Asopus 
and  Ismenus.  On  (8)  the  river  Ismenus  was  situated 
Thebes,  the  capital  of  the  country,  of  which  something 
(9)  is  to  be  said  in  this  place.  The  citadel  (10)  of  the 
town  is  said  to  have  been  founded (11)  by  Cadmus,  a 
prince  of  the  Phoenicians;  it  was  therefore  called  also 
Cadmea.  After  the  Peloponnesian  war  this  citadel  was 
occupied,  in  a  perfidious  manner,  by  the  Lacedaemonians, 
but  again  freed  by  Pelopidas.  Thebes  was  the  birth- 
place of  the  very  renowned  poet  Pindar.  Its  greatness 
and  power  was  increased  especially  by  (12)  Pelopidas 
and  Epaminondas,  the  most  illustrious  (13)  generals  of 
the   Thebans.     Alexander    the   Great   destroyed  (14)   the 

(10)  terra.  (11)  munire.  (12)  qua  re.  (13)  augere,  ampli- 
ficare. 

No.  4.  (1)  caput.  (2)  finitimus,  vicious.  (3)  ab.  (4)  con- 
tinere.  (5)  Secundum.  (6)  magnus,  potens.  (7)  turn.  (8)  ad. 
(9)  pauca.  (10)  arx.  (11)  condere.  (12)  per.  (13)  illustris,  ex- 
cellens.    (14)  evertere,  diruere,  delere. 


Section  i.  7 

town  and  burned  down (15)  all  the  houses,  except (16) 
the  temples  of  the  Gods  and  the  house  of  the  poet  Pin- 
dar, whose  poems  were  in  the  highest  repute  (17)  with 
the  ancients. 

Among  the  other  towns  of  Boeotia,  Leuctra,  Pla- 
taea  and  Chaeronea  are  often  named  in  history.  By 
the  battle  of  Chaeronea,  where  Alexander  the  Great  as 
a  youth  of  eighteen  years  (18)  obtained  the  highest 
honours,  the  Macedonians  became  the  masters  of  Greece. 


No.  5. 

Attica. 

Attica  is,  among  all  the  provinces  of  Greece,  the 
most  celebrated.  Nearly  (1)  the  whole  country  was 
washed  by  the  Aegean  sea;  towards  the  North  it  was 
bounded  (2)  by  Boeotia,  towards  the  West  by  the  small 
country  of  Megaris.  —  Attica  was  less  distinguished  (3) 
for  its  fertility,  than  for  the  genius  (4)  and  activity  (5) 
of  its  inhabitants.  It  has  many  mountains,  several  of 
which  are  worthy  of  being  named  (6).  Pentelicus  yield- 
ed (7)  the  most  excellent (8)  marble,  Hymettus  the  best 
honey;  for  on  account  of (9)  its  abundance  of  herbs  it 
was  well  suited  for  (10)  apiaries  (11).  Near  (12)  Lau- 
rium  there  were  mines  (13),  out  of  which  a  large  quan- 
tity (14)  of  silver  came  (15).  In  the  extreme  part  of 
Attica,  towards  the  South,  was  the  promontory (16)  of 
Sunium,  on  the  top  (17)  of  which  a  magnificent  temple 


(15)  comburere.  (16)  praeter.  (17)  esse  in  honore.  (18)  Gram, 
.^'  211.    Note. 

No.  5.  (1)  fere  (after  totus).  (2)  contineri  aliqua  re,  at- 
tingere,  or  tangere  aliquid.  (3)  insignis.  (4)  ingenium.  (5)  in- 
dustria.  (6)  Gram.  §  258.  (7)  praebere,  dare.  (8)  praestans, 
praeclarus.  (9)  propter.  (10)  idoneus,  aptus  ad,  Gram.  §  203.  2. 
Notel.  (11)  res  apiaria.  (12)Apud.  (13)  metalla,  orum.  (14)  vis, 
copia,  Gramm.  ,^  212.  2.  (15)  redire.  (16)  promuntorium  (pro- 
montorium).    (17)  vertex,  or  after  Gram.  ,§  237.  3. 


8 


Part  i. 


"f 


of  Minerva  had  been  built  of  (18)  Pentelian  marble. 
For  in  Attica  this  Goddess  was  especially  (19)  worshipped 
(20)  before (21)  all  other  Gods,  and  the  whole  countrj- 
was  under  her  particular  protection  (22).  Neptune  was 
also  held  as  a  guardian  (23)  God  of  the  country.  The 
rivers  of  xittica  are  very  small;  most  noted  are  the 
Ilissus  and  Cephissus;  but  this  Cephissus  must  be 
distinguished  from  that  other  one,  which  flows  through 
Phocis  and  Boeotia. 

No.  tt. 

The  City  of  Athens. 

By  far  the  most  famous  town  of  Attica  was  Athens, 
which  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Cecrops,  an 
Egyptian  king.  The  citadel  of  the  city  was  cidled  Ce- 
cropia  after  (1)  the  name  of  its  founder.  About  Athens 
many  and  wonderful  things  are  related  by  ancient 
writers;  they  extol  it  with  such  praises (2)  that,  without 
doubt,  it  must  be  considered  the  first  and  most  beauti- 
ful city  of  all  antiquity  (3).  Here  were  the  most  magni- 
ficent temples  and  public  buildings,  here  was  a  great  (4) 
profusion  (5)  of  the  most  beautiful  works  of  painting  (6) 
and  sculpture  (7),  here  was  the  market  (8)  not  only  of 
the  most  precious  wares,  which  were  imported  (9 j  from 
(10)  all  countries,  but  also  of  sciences (11),  as  it  were, 
and  the  fine  arts (12).  All  the  streets,  all  the  public 
places  of  the  city  were  adorned  with  statues.  All  the 
excellent,  all  the  rare  things,  that  could  be  foimd(13) 
in  no  other  city  of  the  globe  (14),  were  found  at  Athens, 


(18)  ex.  (19)  maxime.  (20)  colere.  (21)  praeter.  (22)  esse 
in  praecipua  tutela.    (23)  tutelaris. 

No.  6.  (1)  ex.  (2)  laudibus  eiferre.  (3)  antiquitas.  (4)  in- 
gens.  (5)  copia.  (6)  ars  pingendi,  pictura.  (7)  ai*s  statuaria. 
(8)  mercatus.  (9)  advehere.  (10)  ex.  (11)  litterae.  (12)  bonae, 
or  optimae  artes.    (13)  reperire,  invenire.    (14)  orbis  terrarum. 


Section  i.  9 

so  that  Athens  has  not  injustly(15)  been  styled  the  in- 
ventress  of  all  the  liberal  arts  (16).  No  state  has  pro- 
duced (17)  more  and  greater  generals  in  war,  none  men 
more  skilled  in  the  administration  of  the  state  (18),  than 
Athens.  Their  names  are  mentioned  in  the  history  of 
Greece  with  the  greatest  praise.  The  Athenians  also 
surpassed  all  nations  of  antiquity  by  the  endowments 
(19)  of  their  minds. 

No.  7. 

The  Harbours  of  Athens  and  other  Remarkable  Places 

of  Attica.     Megaris. 

Athens  was  not  situated  on  the  very  {i2)se)  sea- 
shore (1),  but  it  lay  at  a  distance  (2)  of  forty  stadia, 
i.  e.  (3)  five  Roman  or  five  English  miles  (4),  from  it. 
But  the  city  had  a  most  excellent  harbour,  the  Piraeus, 
which,  at  the  advice (5)  of  Themistocles  and  especially 
of  Cimon,  had  been  strongly  (6)  fortified  and  joined 
to  (7)  the  city  by  the  so-called  (8)  long  walls.  This  was 
perhaps  the  most  useful  thing,  which  these  men  have 
done  for  their  country.  Munychia  and  Phaleron  also, 
two  smaller  harbours,  had  been  fortified,  and  they  form- 
ed (9),  with  the  Piraeus,  a  considerable  (10)  sea-port  (11) 
town.  These  three  harbours  can  be  regarded(12)  as  parts, 
as  it  were,  of  Athens  itself,  and  they  were  very  import- 
ant (13)  for  the  preservation  and  extension  of  its  power  (14). 

Besides  Athens  some  other  towns  of  Attica  have 
fJso  become  renowned,  chiefly  Eleusis,  Marathon  and 
Decelea.    At  Eleusis   the   mysteries  (15)   of  Ceres   were 

(15)  injuria,  Gram.  224.  3.  1.  (16)  See  12.  (17)  parere. 
(18)  administranda  res  publica,  Gram.  §  213.    (19)  virtus,  bonum. 

No.  7.  (1)  mare.  (2)  abesse.  (3)  i.  e.  =  id  est.  (4)  quinque 
millia  passuum  sive  quinque  milliaria  Britannica.  (5)  consilium; 
AU.  (6)  valde.  (7)  cum.  (8)  Gram.  §  238.  2.  h.  (9)  efficere. 
(10)  satis  amplus.  (11)  maritimus.  (12)  putare,  habere.  (13)  gra- 
vis, or  plurimum  valere.  (14)  ad  tutandam  et  amplificandam 
potestatem.    (15)  mysterium,  arcanum. 


10 


Pabt  I. 


celebrated,  who  is  sjiicl  to  have  first  taiight  men  agri- 
culture in  Attica.  These  are  the  Eleusinian  festivals (16), 
the  authority  of  which  seems  to  have  been  very  great 
among  the  ancients.  We  must  also  name  Marathon  and 
the  Marathonian  plain  (17),  which  is  a  monument  (18) 
of  the  greatest  glory  of  the  Athenians.  For  Miltiades, 
who  had  been  chosen  general  by  the  Athenians,  vanquish- 
ed here,  with  ten  thousand  Greeks,  the  tenfold  (19)  number 
of  Persians.  Decelea  was  in  older  times  an  inconsider- 
able (20)  place;  but  in  the  Peloponnesian  war  it  was 
fortified  by  the  Spartans  at  the  advice  (21)  of  Alcibiades 
who  had  been  declared  an  enemy  of  the  country  and 
banished  (22)  by  his  fellow-citizens.  Thus  Decelea  be- 
came very  dangerous  to  the  city  itself. 

The  smallest  among  the  provinces  of  Hellas  was 
jMegaris.  Its  capital  is  Megara,  from  which  the  country 
received  its  name.  This  town  was  the  birth-place  of 
the  philosopher  Euclid,  a  pupil  of  Socrates. 

No.  8. 

The  Peloponnesus. 

The  Peloponnesus  is  a  peninsula  (1),  which  is  almost 
entirely  surrounded  by  the  Aegean  and  Ionian  seas. 
The  island  received  its  name  from  Pelops,  the  son  of 
Tanttdus,  king  of  Phrygia.  For,  in  the  year  1400B.  Chr., 
when  the  land  had  not  yet (2)  a  definite  name,  Pelops 
had  come  there  and  had  been  made  king;  Peloponnesus, 
then  (3),  means (4)  the  island  of  Pelops.  It  is  connected (5) 
with  the  mainland  (6)  by  a  narrow  slip  of  land  (7),  which 
is  usually  called  Isthmus.     On  this  Isthmus,   at  the  be- 

(16)  sacrum.  (17)  campus.  (18)  hy  nuntius.  (19)  decemplex. 
(20)  exiguus,  parvus.  (21)  consilium;  Abh;  or  according  to  Gram. 
§  284.  1.     (22)  expellere. 

No.  8.  (1)  paeninsula.  (2)  nondum.  (.S)  autem.  (4).  esse. 
(5)  adhaerere  alicui.  (6)  continens.  (7)  „a  tmrrmo  slip  of  lamV^^ 
terrae  fauces. 


Section  r. 


11 


ginning  of  every  third  year,  the  Isthmian  games  were 
celebrated,  which  are  siiid  to  have  been  instituted  by 
Theseus  in (8)  honor  of  Neptune,  and  wliich  were  no 
less  renowned  than  the  Pythian.  The  contests  consist- 
ed (9)  in  chariot-races,  running,  singing  (10),  and  other 
arts;  the  most  noble  and  irreproachable  (11)  men  were 
chosen  as  arbitrators  (12)  of  the  combats.  Whosoever  of 
the  combatants  had  been  declared  the  worthiest  by  the 
arbitrators,  was  announced  victor.  It  is  related (13), 
that  the  poet  Ibycus,  when  he  was  making  a  journey 
to  these  contests,  was  killed  by  robbers.  But  the  story 
goes,  that  the  robbers  were  recognized  in  a  wonderful 
(14)  manner,  and  punished  (15)  with  death. 

Tlie  Pelopomiesus,  like  Middle  Greece,  was  divided 
into  eight  provinces,  Corinth,  Sicyonia,  Achaja,  Elis, 
Messenia,  Laconica,  Argolis,  Arcadia.  All  these  pro- 
vinces touched  the  sea,  except  Arcadia,  which  was  si- 
tuated in  the  centre  of (16)  the  Peloponnesus,  and,  in 
(17)  no  direction (18),  extended (19)  as  far  as (20)  the  sea. 

No.  9. 

Corinth. 

The  small  country  of  Corinth  was  situated  on  the 
Isthmus  between  the  Corinthian  and  Saronic  gulfs.  The 
capital  of  the  country  was  Corinth.  This  city  had,  by 
extensive  commerce  (1)  and  industry,  acquired  (2)  so  great 
a  power (3)  and  so  great  riches,  that  it  suq^assed,  in 
splendour  and  magnificence  (4) ,  almost  all  the  other 
towns    of  Greece.     The   temples    and    public   buildings 

(8)  in,  tcith  Ace,  (9)  „the  contests  consist'',  certatur.  (10)  cur- 
rus,  cursus,  cantus,  AH.  mthout  Prep.  (11)  integer.  (12)  arbiter. 
(13)  traditur.  (14)  admirabilis.  (15)  multare.  (16)  Gram.  §  237.  3, 
(17)  ex,  or  ab,  also  in,  tvith  Ace.  (18)  pars.  (19)  pertinere.  (20)  us- 
que ad. 

No.  9.  (1)  trequens  mercatus,  or  mercatura.  (2)  comparare, 
parare,  acquirere.    (3)  opes.    (4)  Gram.  §  226. 


12 


Part  i. 


especially  were  adorned  with  the  most  magnificent  pil- 
lars (5).  The  Corintliian  pillars  were  considered  the  most 
artificial  (6) ;  the  Dorian  pillars  were  distinguished  by 
their  simplicity  and  dignity,  the  Ionian  by  their  slender- 
ness  (7)  and  a  certain  (8)  boldness.  If  the  hight  of  these 
pillars  is  compared  with  their  circumference  (9) ,  the 
Ionian  columns  were  of  a  smaller  circumference  than 
the  Dorian.  But  in  art  and  elegance  the  Corinthian 
surpassed  them.  In  the  history  of  arts  the  Corinthian 
brass  is  also  remarkable  (10),  which  is  said  to  have  been 
(11)  mixed  of (12)  gold,  silver,  and  copper.  It  was (13) 
in  great  renown  with  the  ancients.  Out  of  it  artificial 
vessels  and  statues  were  formed,  which  were  considered 
most  precious.  Earthen  ware  (14)  was  also  made  (15) 
at  Corinth. 

No.  10. 

S  1  c  y  o  n. 

The  province  of  Sicyon,  whose  capital  likewise  (1) 
was  called  Sicyon,  was  of  nearly  (2)  the  same  extent  (3) 
as  (4)  Corinth.  The  city  of  Sicyon  is  considered  by 
many  to  be  the  oldest  city  of  Greece;  but  it  seems, 
that  several  other  cities  have  been  either  older  or  at 
least  (5)  of  the  same  age  (6).  Sicyon  was  the  birth-place 
of  Aratus,  an  excellent  citizen  and  general  of  the  Achaean 
league.  At  various  times  arts  greatly  (7)  flourished  at 
Sicyon,  and  even  (8)  Daedalus,  that  most  renowned  art- 
ist, is  said  to  have  been  born  there.  A  school  of  paint- 
ing (9)    was    afterwards    founded    there    by   Eupompus. 


(5)  columna.  (6)  artificiosus.  (7)  gracilitas,  proceritas. 
(8)  quasi  quidam.  (9)  amplitude,  ambitus.  (10)  memoria  dignus, 
or  memoratu  dignus.  (11)  fuisse.  (12)  ex.  (13)  fmi,  or  esse  in. 
(14)  opus  figlinum,  or  fictile  (Hur.)    (15)  conficere. 

No.  10.  (1)  item.  (2)  fere.  (3)  magnitude.  (4)  Gram.  §238, 
2.  (5)  saltem.  (6)  vetustas  (Gen.).  (7)  magnopere.  (8)  atque 
adeo.    (9)  schola  pingendi. 


Section  i. 


13 


Before  the  time  of  Eupom^Dus  only  Attic  and  Ionian 
painting  had  been  in  honour.  From  tliis  school  Apelles 
as  well  as  others  have  come  (10).  Apelles,  however,  was 
not  a  Sicyonian  by  birth  (11),  but  had  been  bom  in  the 
island  of  Cos.  The  Sicyonian  shoes  (12)  were  also  prais- 
ed in  Greece  because  of  their  beauty  and  elegance ;  but 
for  the  very  same  reason  they  were  considered  woman- 
ish (13),  so  that  they  were  declared  (14)  unworthy  (15) 
of  a  man.  The  most  ancient  brass  foundries  (16)  are 
also  said  to  have  been  established  at  Sicyon.  In  the 
Sicyonian  territory  (17)  was  also  situated  the  city  of 
Phlius,  which,  when  Aratus  of  Sicyon  as  leader (18)  of 
the  Achaean  league  waged  war  against  (19)  the  Spartans, 
remained  faithful  to  the  alliance  of  the  Spartans  in  bad 
as  well  as  (20)  in  good  fortune.  The  Sicyonian  state 
was  generally  governed  (21)  by  tyrants  and  never  obtain- 
ed (22)  great  power. 

No.  11. 

Achaia  and  Arcadia. 

Achaia  occupies  nearly  the  whole  northern  coast  (1) 
of  the  Peloponnesus  on  the  Corinthian  gulf.  It  is  se- 
jmrated  from  Arcadia  by  liigh  mountains.  Of  these 
mountains  Erymanthus  has  become  (2)  the  most  renowned. 
There  Hercules  is  said  to  have  killed  the  huge  (3)  Ery- 
manthian  boar,  wliich,  during  a  long  time,  had  laid 
waste  (4)  the  whole  country.  Diana,  the  Goddess  of  the 
chase,  had  become  very  fond  (5)  of  the  forests  of  Ery- 
manthus  because   of  the   abundance   of  game  (6).     The 


(10)  prodire,  prolicisci.  (11)  natione.  (12)  calceus.  (13)  mu- 
liebris.  (14)  judicare.  (15)  Gram.  §  223.  (16)  fabrica  aeris. 
(17)  ager.  (18)  princeps.  (19)  cum.  (20)  tarn  —  quam.  (21)  regere. 
(22)  adipisci. 

No.  11.  (1)  ora.  (2)  evadere,  exsistere.  (3)  immanis.  (4)  va- 
stare,  populari,  vexare.  (5)  „fo  become  fotid  of'^,  adamare,  with 
Ace.     (6)  ferae. 


14 


Part  i. 


province  of  Achaia  consisted  of  (7)  twelve  small  republics, 
which  were  united  (8)  by  a  league.  Its  capital  was 
Patrae.  The  inhabitants  of  the  country  are  called  Achae- 
ans;  but  the  Homeric  ^Axctioi^  who,  by  the  Latins,  are 
not  called  Achaeans,  but  Achivi,  is  a  common  name  of 
aH  the  Greeks. 

The  province  of  Arcadia  occupies  the  middle  (9)  of 
the  Peloponnesus.  It  is  a  mountainous  (10)  region,  full 
of  forests  with  herbiferous(ll)  pastures  (12)  and  fertile 
valleys,  renowned  for  its  many  natural  beauties (13). 
For  this  reason  Pan,  the  God  of  shepherds  and  husband- 
men, is  said  to  have  liked  Arcadia  above  all  other 
countries.  Diana  also  very  often  came  thither  to  follow 
the  chase  (14),  because  there  was  plenty  of  game  in  those 
large  forests.  The  largest  city  of  the  province  was 
JVIegalopolis.  But  Mantinea  has  become  more  celebrated, 
proclaiming  (15)  the  glory  of  Epaminondas,  who  vanquish- 
ed the  Lacedaemonians  near  that  city  and  died  himself 
for  his  country.  In  the  northern  part  of  Arcadia  is 
Lake  Stjonphalus,  where  those  ugly  rapacious  birds  were 
living  (16),  which  Hercules  is  said  to  have  killed.  The 
Arcadians  themselves  were  a  simple,  hardy (17)  and 
warlike  tribe  (18)  of  shepherds;  they  are  not  unjustly 
compared  to  the  Swiss. 

No.  12. 

Elis. 

The  province  of  Elis  lies  on(l)  the  Ionian  sea. 
It  has  its  name  from  the  city  of  Elis,  which  was  the 
capital  of  the  country.  But  the  most  renowned  place 
of  the  province  was  Olympia,  where  the  Olympian  games 


(7)  ex.  (8)  inter  se  conjungere.  (9)  medius.  (10)  montanus. 
(11)  herbosus.  (12)  pascuum,  saltus.  (13)  amoenitas  locorum. 
(14)  causa,  icith  Gen.  of  Genmd.  (15)  by  nuntius,  a,  um.  (16)  ver- 
sari.    (17)  durus.     (18)  gens. 

No.  12.    (1)  adjacere,  with  Dat.  {^rarely  Ace.), 


Section  i. 


15 


were  celebrated.    Ol^-mpia,  a  plain  of  uncommon  loveli- 
ness (2),   was   enclosed  (3),   on  the  South,    by  the  river 
Alpheus,  on  the  North  by  a  sacred  grove  (4)  of  Jupiter, 
which  was  called  Altis.    On  this  plain  stood  only  a  few,' 
but  magnificent  buildings,   in  which   those  things  wer^ 
kept  (5),  that  were  necessary  for  the  games;  for  it  seem* 
that  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  01;yTnpia  has  been 
very    small.     Nevertheless  (6)    the   whole    country^    was 
adorned  with  statues,  altars  (7)  and  temples  of  the  Gods, 
of  which   the  most  splendid  was   the  temple  of  Jupiter. 
But  all  the  splendour  of  the  edifice  was  sui^Dassed  by  that 
most  famous  statue  of  the  God  himself,  which  the  Athen- 
ian Phidias   had  shaped   out    of  gold  and  ivory.     It  is 
said  in  Homer's  IHad,  that  Jupiter,  by  a  nod  (8)  of  his 
eyebrows  (9),    makes    the    whole  Olympus    tremble  (10). 
Phidias  had  taken  up  (11),   in  his  mind,    this  figure,  in 
which   the   highest  power  of  the  God  is  described,    and 
had  expressed  it  with  so  much  skill,    that   no  work  of 
art,  ni  all  antiquity,  has  acquired  a  greater  or  an  equal 
(12)  renown. 

No.  13. 

The  Olympian  Games. 
The  Olympian  games  occupied  (1)  among  the  Greek 
festivals  (2)  by  far  the  first  place.  They  were  ^renewed  (3) 
with  the  greatest  solemnity  (4)  every  fourth  year.  On 
those  festive  days  an  immense  multitude  of  people  came 
to  Olympia  from  all  the  Greek  states,  and  even  from 
Sicily,  Asia  and  Egypt.  However  only  Greeks  were 
admitted;  the  presence  of  foreigners  (5)  was  deemed  un- 


(2)  amoenitas;  Omm.^^i/.  (3)  claudere.    (4)  lucus.    (5)  ser- 

vare.     (6)  nihilo   minus,    nihil  eo    setius.      (7)    ara.      (8)    nutus. 

(9)  supercilium.    (10)  „fo  make  tremble'',   tremefacere.    (11)  eon- 
cipere.     (12)  par. 

No.  13.    (1)  obtinere.    (2)  soUemnia.    (3)  instaurare.     (4)  ce- 
lebritas.     (5)  barbarus. 


16 


Part  i. 


fit.  The  hearts (6)  of  all  were,  during  the  days  of  the 
games,  aroused  (7)  to  joy  and  cheerfulness.  There  was 
a  universal  (8)  peace;  discords  and  enmities  rested  (9). 
Old  friends  and  guests  were  seen  again  (10)  after  (11) 
a  long  interval,  new  connexions (12)  were  made (13), 
friendships  concluded  (14)  and  hospitalities  (15)  renewed 
between  individuals  and  states,  so  that  these  Olympian 
meetings  (16)  became  (17),  as  it  were,  a  certain  common 
(18)  bond  of  all  Greece.  Although  the  Olympian  festivals 
belonged  (19)  principally (20)  to  religion,  and  sacrifices 
were  offered  (21),  and  the  Gods  worshipped  by  dances  (22) 
and  hymns  (23) ,  yet  the  minds  were  mostly  carried  (24) 
to  the  contests  themselves,  of  which  there  were  hve 
different  kinds,  called  by  the  Greeks  ntvTal^kov^  by  the 
Latins  quinquertium. 

No.  14. 

Chapter  II. 

The  contests  embraced  also  the  liberal  arts(l). 
Sappho  is  said  to  have  recited  her  poems (2)  there; 
Herodotus  read  part  of  the  Greek  history,  and  it  is  re- 
lated (3),  that  Thucydides,  who  then  was  present  as  a 
boy,  was,  precisely  by  this  (4),  inflamed  to  (5)  the  emul- 
ation (6)  of  Herodotus.  Generally  only  Eleans  were 
chosen  as  umpires,  who  themselves,  for  that  reason,  were 
not  allowed  to  contend.  He  who  had  been  announced 
victor,  received,  as  a  reward  of  victory,  a  crown  of  olive 
branches  (7)  and  a  palm(branch),  without  any  other  gain. 
But  this  was  considered  the  greatest  glory.     A  victory 


(6)  animus.  (7)  excitare.  (8)  communis.  (9)  quiescere. 
(10)  revisere.  (11)  ex.  (12)  societas.  (13)  inire.  (14)  jungere. 
il5)  hospitium.  (16)  conventus,  coetus.  (17)  exsistere.  (18)  quasi 
communis  quidam.  (19)  pertinere  ad.  (20)  potissimum.  (21)  sa- 
cra facere.     (22)  chorus.    (23)  cantus.    (24)  ducere  ad. 

No.  14.  (1)  artes  ingenuae.  (2)  carmen.  (3)  perhibere.  (4)  ea 
ipsa  re.     (5)  ad.     (6)  aemulatio.     (7)  by  the  A(ij.  oleagineus. 


Section  i. 


17 


in  (8)  the  Olympian  contests  (9),  says  Cicero,  was  held, 
by  the  Greeks,  almost  more  glorious,  than  the  consulate 
or  a  triumph  at  Eome.  When  once  Diagoras  of  Rhodes, 
a  celebrated  (10)  Olympian  victor  (11),  had,  on  one  day, 
seen  his  two  sons  victors  at  Olympia,  and  the  sons  had 
put  their  crowns  on  their  father's  head,  a  Lacedaemonian 
approached  (12)  and  said  (13):  „Die  (now),  Diagoras,  for 
you  do  not  intend  to  ascend(14)  into  heaven."  For 
three  Olympian  victors  (15),  having  sprung  (16)  from  one 
house,  seemed  to  that  Lacedaemonian  to  be  almost  a 
superhuman  (17)  glory. 

No.  15. 

Messenla,  Laconica,  Argolis. 
Messenia  was  separated,  from  the  rest  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, by  mountains.  The  largest  river  of  the  country 
is  Pamisus.  Of  the  cities  of  Messenia  the  most  renown- 
ed are  Messene,  the  capital,  Pylus,  the  birth-place  of 
Nestor,  and  Ithome  and  Ira,  two  fortified  towns,  the 
former  of  wliich  was  bravely  defended  by  Aristodemus 
in  the  fii^t,  the  latter  -by  Aristomenes  in  the  second 
Messenia n  war. 

Tlie  province  of  Laconica  was  the  most  powerful  of 
the  whole  peninsula.  The  most  noted  mountains  were 
the  Pamon  in  the  North,  and  the  Taygetus  in  the  West. 
The  river  Eurotas  flowed  through  the  middle  of  the 
country,  and  fell(l)  into  the  Laconian  gulf,  near  the 
city  of  Gythium,  where  the  naval  (2)  arsenal  (3)  used  to 
be.  The  promontory  of  Taenarum  had  a  deep  cavern 
(4),  in  wliich  a  way  down  (5)  to  the  infernal  regions  (6) 

(8)  Oenit  (9)  Olympia,  orum.  (10)  nobilis.  (11)  Olympio- 
nices.  (12)  accedere,  adire.  (13)  inquit,  fo  be  plac&l  after  the  first 
tcord  spoken.  (14)  ascendere;  „fo  inte^td  to  ascetid'',  by  Periphrast. 
Conjiig.  (15)  See  11.  (16)  proficisci.  (17)  Transl  „a  greater  than 
a  hiinuin'^  — . 

Xo.  15.  (1)  effundi.  (2)  navalis.  (3)  castra.  (4)  specus. 
(5)  descensus.    (6)  inferi. 

MUller,  Exercises.  2 


18 


Part  i. 


Section  i. 


19 


il 


!! 


was  said  to  be.  The  capital  of  Laconica  is  Spjirta,  which 
is  also  allied  liacedaemon;  it  is  situated  on  the  river 
Eurotas.  The  Spartans  were  believed  to  be  the  bravest 
of  all  the  Greeks ,  which  they  owed  (7)  especially  to  the 
severe  laws  of  Lycurgus.  Argolis  is  enclosed  by  the 
Argolic  and  Saronic  gulfs,  so  that  it  forms  (8)  a  penin- 
sula. The  most  ancient  cities  of  Greece  were  situated 
in  this  province,  Argos,  Tiryns,  Mycenae,  and  several 
others.  Among  them  Nemea  is  worth  mentioning  (9) ; 
for  there  Hercules  is  said  to  have  killed  that  dreadful  (10) 
Nemean  lion,  and  instituted  public  games  in(ll)  memory 
of  this  victory. 

No.  16. 

The  Grecian  Islands.     The  Cyclades. 

The  mainland  of  Greece  is  surrounded  (1),  as  it  were, 
by  a  belt  of  islands,  the  most  remarkiible  of  which  are, 
in  the  West,  Corc;yTa,  Cephalonia,  Zacynthus,  and  the 
small  and  stony  (2)  island  of  Ithaca,  the  birth-place  of 
Ulixes;  in  the  South,  Cythera,  sacred  to  the  Goddess 
Venus;  in  the  Saronic  gulf,  Aegina  and  Salamis,  near 
which  Themistocles  gained  (3)  the  greatest  naval  \'ictory 
over  the  Persians.  The  largest  of  all  the  islands  near 
the  mainland  is  Euboea. 

The  Aegean  sea  is  filled  with  islands,  many  of  which, 
not  far  from  Greece,  forai,  as  it  were,  a  circle  of  is- 
lands (4),  called  with  a  common  name  Cyclades,  from 
the  Greek  word  xvxXog,  i.  e.  circle.  Among  these  Cy- 
clades Delos,  Paros,  Naxos,  and  Ceos  are  especially  to 
be  mentioned.  In  the  island  of  Delos  Apollo  and  Diana 
are  said (5)  tc  have  been  bom,  on  the  moimtain  Cyn- 
thus.     Therefore  these  Gods  are  also  called  the  Delian 


(7)  debere.  (8)  efficere.  (9)  commemorandus,  memorabilis. 
(10)  horreudus,  immanis.    (11)  in,  tcith  Ace. 

No.  16.  (1)  cingere,  circumdare.  (2)  saxosus.  (3)  victoriam 
reportare  ab.     (4)  orbis  quidam  insularum.    (5)  perhibere. 


or  Cynthian  Gods.  The  Athenians  sent  yearly  a  solemn 
embassy (6)  to  Delos,  to (7)  offer  sacrifices (8)  to  ApoUo 
for  the  victory,  which  Theseus  had  gained  over  the 
Minotaurus. 

Paros  had  the  largest  marble-quarries  (9) ;  the  Parian 
marble  was  considered  the  best  on  account  of  its  exceed- 
ing whiteness  (10).  Two  hundred  years  ago  a  marble 
table  was  dug  out  in  the  island,  which  is  said  to  have 
been  made  (11)  about  200  B.  Chr.,  and  on  which  a  short 
history  of  Greece  is  written.  This  table  also  is  called 
the  Parian  marble.  It  is  known,  that  (12)  Miltiades  was 
woimded,  whilst  he  was  besieging  (13)  the  city  of  Paros; 
of  which  wound  it  is  said  he  afterwards  died.  Naxos 
was  the  largest  and. most  fertile  of  the  Cyclades;  Ceos 
was  the  native  country  of  the  poets  Simonides  and 
Bacchylides. 

No.  17. 

The  Sporades.     Some  Larger  Islands. 

Sporades,  i.  e.  dispersed  (1) ,  those  islands  are  es- 
pecially called,  which  are  situated  near  the  western 
coast  of  Asia  Minor.  The  most  renowoied  of  them  are: 
Ehodes,  which  has  flourished  not  only  through  (2)  com- 
merce and  navigation,  but  also  through  (2)  love  of  letters 
and  arts;  again (3)  Cos,  the  native  country  of  Hippo- 
crates, the  most  excellent  of  all  the  Greek  physicians, 
and  of  the  painter  Apelles;  then  (4)  Icaria,  which  is 
said  to  have  received  the  name  from  Icarus,  the  son  of 
Daedalus;  moreover (4)  Samos,  a  very  rich (5)  island,  in 
which  the  philosopher  P;yi}hagoras  was  bom;  finally (6) 
Lesbos,  the  native  country  of  the  poet  Alcaeus  and  the 


(6)  legatio.  (7)  ut,  or  qui,  with  Subjunct.  (8)  sacra  facere. 
(9)  lapicidinae.  (10)  candor.  (11)  conficere.  (12)  Ace.  c.  Inf. 
(13)  oppugnare,  obsidere. 

No.  17.  (1)  dispersus.  (2)  Ahlat.  (3)  deinde.  (4)  turn.  (5)  opu- 
lentus.    (6)  denique,  postremo. 

2* 


20 


Part  i. 


Sbction  I. 


21 


; 


poetess (7)  Sappho,   and  Tenedos,  which  has  become  re- 
nowned through  (2)  the  Trojan  war. 

The  northern  islands  Lemnos  and  Imbrus  are  not 
reckoned  in  the  number  of  (8)  the  Sporades;  they  were 
sacred  to  Vulcan  because  of  (their)  fire -vomiting  (9) 
mountains.  The  largest  of  the  Greek  islands  are  Crete 
and  C3rprus.  Crete  is  said  to  have  been  the  realm  of 
Minos,  the  most  just  lawgiver  (10) ;  it  also  (11)  was  the 
native  country  of  Idomeneus  and  Sthenelus,  who  acquir- 
ed great  glory  by  their  bravery  in  the  Trojan  war. 
The  best  known  (12)  cities  of  the  island  are  Cydonia 
and  Gnossus.  The  Cretes  were  held  as  the  best  archers 
(13);  for  that  reason  (14)  the  Cydonian  bow  and  the 
Gnossian  arrows  are  often  jiraised  by  ancient  poets  as  (15) 
the  most  unerring  ones (16).  Cyprus  was  sacred  to  Venus; 
the  known  cities  of  this  island  are  Paphos,  Cittium  and 
Salamis,  the  last  of  which  is  said  to  have  been  founded 
(17)  by  Teucer,  the  son  of  Telamon,  king  of  the  island 
of  Salamis. 

No.  18. 

The  Asiatic  Colonies  of  the  Greeks. 

Besides  the  above  named  (1)  islands  the  Greeks 
possessed  (2)  still  many  other  countries  and  cities,  wliich 
had  been  founded  by  Grecian  colonists.  These  colonies 
were,  in  great  part (3),  very  powerful,  but  remained 
generally  faithful  to  those  cities,  from  which  they  de- 
rived (4)  their  origin.  On  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  on  (5) 
the  Pontus  Euxinus  were  situated  Tmpezus  and  Sinope, 
the   birth-place   of  Diogenes.     On   the   Aegean   sea   in 


(7)  poetria.  (8)  annumerare,  tcith  Dat.  (9)  ignivomus.  (10)  le- 
gis,  o»'  legum  lator.  (11)  „iY  rt/«o"  =  the  same.  (12)  Superlat. 
(13)  Sagittarius.  (14)  idcirco,  or  quocirca.  (15)  ut,  tanquam. 
(16)  certus.     (17j  condere. 

No.  18.  (1)  Gram.  §  238.  2.  b.  (2)  tenere,  obtinere.  (3)  Ace, 
without  Prep.    (4)  habere.    (.5)  ad. 


Lydia   were   situated    the   cities    of  Smyrna,    which   is 
believed   to  be  the  birth-place  of  Homer,    and  Ephesus, 
where   stood (6)    that   famous  temple   of  Diana,    which, 
being   set   on   fire  (7)   by  a  certain  Herostratus,    is  said 
to   have   burnt   down  (8)   on  the  same  night,    on  which 
Alexander   the   Great    was    bom.      The    largest    of  the 
Grecian  colonies  in  Caria  was  Miletus,  where  Thales  the 
.   philosopher  was  bom,  a  very  rich  (9)  city,  which  itself 
sent   many   colonies  (10)    into   other   countries.     In   the 
same  province  was  also  situated  Priene,   which  city  be- 
came more  renowned   through  its  citizen  Bias,    than  by 
its  power;    finally  also  Halicamassus ,   the  birth-place  of 
Herodotus,  whom  they  have  called  the  father  of  history; 
and  several  other  cities,    which   are  said  to  have  been 
founded  by  the  Greeks,    and   have  all  become  rich  and 
flourisliing(ll).     To   these  Asiatic  cities  Cyi-ene  can  be 
added,    a  powerful (12)  colony  of  the  Greeks   in  Africa, 
the  birth-place  of  Aristippus  the  philosoj^her  and  Calli- 
machus  the  poet,    of  whom  the  one  was  a  pupil  of  So- 
crates,   but   the  other  lived  about  100  years  aftei-wards 
(13)  at  Alexandria. 

No.  19. 

Some  Colonies  of  the  Greeks  in  Europe,  and  especially 

in  Italy. 

No  less  flourishing  were  many  of  the  Greek  colonies 
in  Europe.  On  the  coast  of  Macedonia,  which  before 
king  Philip's  time  (Pliir.)  was  held  to  be  barbarous, 
were  the  highly  renowned  cities  of  Chalcis,  Amphipolis 
and  Potidaea.  These  cities  were  partly  already  in  the 
Peloponnesian  war  a  cause  of  conflict  between  the 
Athenians   and  Spartans.     But  a  much   more  violent  (1) 

(6)  esse.  (7)  incendere.  (8)  deflagrare.  (9)  locuples.  (10)  „to 
sei\d  colonies'",  deducere  colonias.  (11)  opulentus.  (12)  potens. 
(13)  Gram.  §  234.  2. 

No.  19.    (1)  gravis,  acer. 


22 


Part  i. 


Section  i. 


23 


contest  about  (2)  them  arose  shortly  before  (3)  Philip  of 
Macedonia  invaded  (4)  Greece.  A  greater  power,  how- 
ever, than  these,  Byzantium  acquired  (5),  a  city  situated 
in  Thrace  on  the  Propontis,  which  was  afterwards  made 
the  capital  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  called,  by  the 
Emperor  Constantine  the  Great,  Constantinople,  i.  e.  city 
of  Constantine. 

Lower  Italy  was  full  of  Greek  Colonies,  wherefore  (6) 
it  is  also  called  Great  Greece.  There  flourished,  by 
authority  and  power,  Tarentum,  the  birth-place  of  the 
Pythagorean  philosopher  Archytas.  It  was  founded,  in 
the  year  707  B.  Chr.,  by  Phalanthus,  a  leader  of  the 
Lacedaemonians.  Sybaris,  too,  whose  citizens  were  no- 
torious (7)  for  (8)  their  effeminate  manners,  again  Croton, 
Cumae,  and  Rhegium  must  be  mentioned  (9).  In  Sicily 
Syracuse,  a  very  old  Grecian  colony,  which  is  often 
mentioned  (10)  in  the  history  of  the  Eomans,  was  the 
most  powerful  city.  In  the  very  same  island  Agri- 
gentum,  Messana  and  Catana  were  founded  by  the  Greeks. 
Massilia,  too,  which  (is  situated)  in  Gaul,  and  Sagimtus, 
which  is  situated  in  Spain,  owed  (11)  their  origin  and 
their  power  to  Grecian  colonists. 

No.  20. 

Of  the  Reception  (1)  of  Men  among  the  Gods. 

As   the  Thasians   had   received  many  benefits  from^ 
Agesilaus,   they  wanted   to  be  grateful  to  him.  ^There- 
fore they  sent  ambassadors  to  him  and  asked,    whether 
he  wished   to   be  declared  a  God  and  to  be  honored  (2) 


i 


(2)  de.  (3)  paulo  ante  quam.  (4)  invadere  in,  tvith  Ace, 
(5)  nancisci,  adipisci.  (6)  quam  ob  causam.  (7)  infamis.  (8)  AM. 
(9)  commemorare,  Periphr.  Cmjng.  (10)  mentionem  facere. 
(11)  debere. 

No.  20.  (1)  Part.  Fut.  Pass.,  recipere  in  decs,  or  rec.  in  nu- 
merum  deornm.     (2)  ornare. 


with  temples.  Agesilaus  asked,  whether  through  their 
endeavor  (3)  men  could  become  Gods.  When  they 
affirmed  (4)  it,  he  said:  „Well(rD),  make  yourselves  Gods 
first,  then  I  shall  believe,  that  I  myself  can  also  be 
made  (6)  a  God  by  you."  This  was  sarcasm,  worthy  of 
a  reasonable  man.  Not  so  free  from  the  absurdest 
vanity  and  the  most  frantic  pride  was  Alexander,  king 
of  Macedonia,  who  on  account  of  his  great  deeds  and 
schemes  appears,  not  without  reason,  to  be  styled  the 
Great.  When  he,  not  without  his  own  efforts,  had  been 
hailed  as  a  God  by  Jupiter  Ammon,  he  insisted  (7)  on 
being  honoured  as  (8)  such  by  the  Macedonians  and 
Greeks.  The  Lacedaemonians  decreed:  „As  Alexander 
will,  by  all  means (9),  be  a  God,  he  may  be  one (8)". 
At  Athens  he  was  declared  a  God  by  the  motion  of 
Demades,  yet  this  venal  orator,  of  whom  (10)  they  right- 
ly believed,  that  he  had  been  bribed  by  the  Macedonians, 
was  afterwards  punished  on  account  of  his  temerity. 
In  the  army  numerous  conspiracies  arose,  the  cause  of 
which  was,  for  (11)  the  greatest  part,  the  divine  honour 
paid  to  Alexander.  One  day (12)  the  soldiers  said,  he 
alone  with  his  father  Jupiter  might  (13)  meet  the  enemy. 

Xo.  21. 

Chapter  II. 

Callisthenes  from  Olynth,  sister's  son  of  Aristotle, 
who  accompanied  Alexander  as(l)  a  naturalist  (2)  and 
friend,  remained  always  opposed  to  the  divine  worship 
of  the  king,  and  this  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  (3)  the 


(3)  Transl.  „(hrough  them''.  (4)  Plupf.  (5)  igitur.  (6)  fieri, 
effici.  (7)  postulare,  nt.  (8)  Transl.  „as  God''.  Likewise  „he  may 
he  a  God".  (9)  utique.  (10)  Gram.  §  268.  3.  (11)  Ace,  without 
Prep.     (12)  quondam.     (13)  Gram.  §  248.  1. 

No.  21.  (1)  lit.  (2)  speculator  venatorque  naturae.  (3)  ma- 
xima ex  parte. 


24 


Part  i. 


reason  why  he  was  put  to  death  (4);  for  it  is  rightly 
believed,  that  he  had  no  part  in  the  conspiracy  of  Her- 
molaus.  Yet  Alexander  sometimes  laughed  with  his 
friends  at  his  own  divinity  (5);  for  one  day  when  he 
had  been  wounded,  and  blood  was  flowing  from  the 
wound,  he  said:  „This,  indeed,  is  blood,  and  not  what 
flows  through  the  veins  of  the  immortal  Gods^.  Upon 
the  whole  the  flattery  of  some  low  people  seemed  to 
the  king  to  have  sometimes  been  extravagant  and  mean  (6). 
On  one  occasion (7)  one  of (8)  his  architects,  named (9) 
Stasicrates,  wanted  to  give  to  Mount  Athos  the  shape 
of  a  statue  of  Alexander,  in  the  one  hand  of  which  he 
wanted  to  place  a  city  with  (10)  10,000  inhabitants,  in 
the  other  a  basin,  from  which  a  river  continually  flowed 
into  the  sea.  But  Alexander  said:  „ Athos  may  remain 
as  it  is!  it  is  already  a  memorial  of  a  king's  foolish 
pride,  and  that  is  more  than  enough"  (11). 


No.  32. 

Chapter  m. 

Aristobulus  was  one  of  (1)  the  companions  of  the 
king  and  wrote  his  life  and  his  deeds,  like  Ptolemy, 
who  afterwards  became  king  of  Egy^it.  He  had  described 
the  struggle  of  Alexander  with  Porus,  and  greatly 
exaggerated  (2)  his  deed  and  bravery.  When  he  read  it 
to  the  king  whilst  sailing  (8)  on  the  Hydaspes,  Alexan- 
der threw  the  writing  into  the  water,  siiying:  „You  also 
deserve  (4)  to  be  thrown  thither,  since  you  make  (5)  me 
undergo   such   a   combat   and   kill   an   elephant   with  a 


(4)  supplicium  sumere  de.  (5)  numen.  (6)  vilis.  (7)  ali- 
quando.  (8)  unus  ex.  (9)  nomen,  Gram.  ^  226.  (10)  Transl. 
„filled  with^^.     (11)  satis  superque. 

No.  22.  (1)  See  21,  8.  (2)  nimis  valde  laudare,  or  valde 
verbis  augere.  (3)  vehens  (Intransit),  navigans  in.  (4)  Gram, 
§  258.    (5)  Gram.  §  275.   2.  4. 


Section  h. 


25 


throw  of  the  lance."     In  later  times  the  most  miserable 
kings  of  Egy]3t   and  Syria   were   called  Gods  and  wor- 
shipped as  Gods,   which   must  really  be  held  as  a  dis- 
grace   to   those   nations  (6).     Augustus   was    not    called 
Lord  by  the  Eomans,    but  altars  were  erected   to  him, 
and   he  was  adored   as   a  deity.     And  to  many  of  the 
emperors  after  (7)  Augustus,  who  are  to  be  called  mon- 
sters(8)  of  the  human  race,  divine  honours  were  attribut- 
ed, and  even  men  like  Trajan  knew,  that  their  statues 
were   worshipped (9)   with   frankincense   and  wine,    and 
men  like  Pliny  did  such  things.    Marcus  Aurelius  com- 
manded the  senate  to  declare  his  vicious  wife  Faustina 
a  Goddess   after   her   death.     In   these   proceedings   the 
meanest  flattery  and  the  most  wretched  nature  of  man 
reveal  themselves.    Domitian  began  (10),  when  he  wrote 
lettei-s,    in   this   form:    „Our  Lord  and  God  commands, 
that   it  be   done   in  such  a  way."     (By  the  expression) 
Lord  and  God,  however,  he  denominated  himself.     It  is 
certain,  that  human  reason  must  be  corrupted  and  blind- 
ed, as  feeble  men,  even  men  covered  with  outrages  and 
crimes  (11)  are  acknowledged  (12)  by  it  (to  be)  Gods. 


SECTION  n. 
Use  of  the  Accusative. 

(Grammar  §  193—202.) 
No.  23. 

The  Fate  (1)  of  Tantalus. 
^  Who  has  ever  equalled  (2)  Tantalus  in  happiness  (3)? 
If  it  is  allowed  to  believe  the  fables  of  the  ancient  poets, 

(6)  Gram.  §  208.  2.  (7)  insequi;  Part.  Perf.  (8)  portentum 
prodigiumque ,  or  monstrum  atque  prodigium.  (9)  supplicare, 
Gram.  §  204.  1.  (10)  exordiri.  (U)  sceleribus  flagitiisque  co- 
opertus.    (12)  aliquem  agiioscere  deum. 

No.  23.    (1)  fortuna.     (2)  aequare.    (3)  felicitas. 


26 


Part  i. 


Section  ii. 


27 


II 


i 


Tantalus  was  king  of  Phrygia,    and  so  powerful,   that 
even  (4)  most  of  the  princes  flattered  him  and  sought  (5) 
his  friendship.    But  no  one  was  able  to  vie  (6)  with  his 
greatness.     For   he   was   so  dear  even  to  Jupiter,   that 
the  latter  admitted   him   to  the   banquets  of  the  Gods, 
and  entrusted  (7)  to  him  his  secret  plans.    And  once  the 
Gods  are  said  to  have  been  even  (8)  invited  by,  and  to 
have   dined   with   him.     But   Tantalus,    having    grown 
proud  by  this  honour,  entirely  fell  off (9),  at  that  time, 
from   his  wisdom   and  piety.     For  the  ungrateful  king, 
far  from  (10)  imitiiting  the  kindness  of  Jupiter,  revealed 
even  the  conversations   and  plans   of  the  Gods   to  men. 
This  perfidy   could    not    long   escape  (11)   Jupiter.     In- 
flamed with  wrath  he  threw  (12)  the  impious  man  into 
Tartarus.     There  Tantalus,  whom  here  on  earth  fortune 
had  never  quitted,  was  tormented  with  hunger  and  thirst. 
The  purest  water  flowed  around  (13)  him,  but  it  vanish- 
ed(14)  from  his  lips  as  often  as(15)  he  tried  to  drink(16); 
the  most  delicious  fruits  (17)  were  hanging  over  his  head, 
but  they  were  of  no  use  (18)  for  the  hungry  man;    for 
as  often  as  he  endeavored  to  catch (16)  them,  they  es- 
caped  his   hands  and  were  withdrawn  (19).     Thus  Tan- 
talus was   punished  (20)   for   his   perfidy  by  everlasting 
torments  (21).   —   The   same  Tantalus  is   the   father   of 
Pelops.     Of  the  latter  it  is  said,    that   he   escaped  the 
snares    of  his   father    and    came    to    the   Peloponnesus, 
which  peninsula  received  its  name  from  him. 


(4)  vel.  (5)  petere.  (6)  aemulari.  (7)  credere.  (8)  atque 
adeo.  (9)  deficere.  (10)  tantum  abest,  ut  —  ut,  Gram.  §  27 o. 
2,  2.  (11)  effugere.  (12)  detrudere.  (13)  circiimfluere.  (14)  See 
11,  (15)  quotiescunque.  (16)  Periphr.  Conjitg.  (17)  pornuin,  Bur, 
(18)  Transl  ,,Mped  nothing''.  (19)  in  altum  tollere.  (20j  poenas 
alicujus  rei  solvere,  or  pendere.     (21)  cruciatus. 


No.  24. 

Cruelty  of  Phalaris. 
Phalaris ,   the  tyrant  of  the  Agrigentini ,    was  of  so 
wild  (1)  a  character,  that  he  committed  many  and  most 
horrible  (2)  crimes,   but   never   repented  of  any  cruelty. 
He  felt  disgusted  at  his  power,    if  he  could  not  use  it 
for  cruelty.    To  this  man  once  came  Perillus  of  Athens, 
whom  his  contemporaries  considered  a  great  artist,   and 
ofiered  (3)  him,  for  a  high  price,  a  brazen  bull,  artificial- 
ly made,  saying:  „You  will  never  regret  it,  most  mighty 
king,  if  you  will  buy  (4)  from  me  this  work  of  art;  for 
if  you  bum  (5)  your  enemies   in  this  bull,   nobody  will 
pity  (6)  them;    for  never  will  there  any  lamentation  of 
the  wretched  be  heard,    but  only  the  roaring (7)  of  the 
buU'^.     As   the   artist,   for   whom   it   was   becoming   to 
serve   humanity  (8),   was   not   ashamed  of  promoting  (9) 
cruelty,    the  tyrant  liimself  was  so   disgusted  with  this 
\'ileness(10),    that   he   burned  Perillus  first  in  the  bull. 
Pliny,    who   has   related   the  affair,   calls   this   a  juster 
cruelty,  than  that  of  the  artist;  and  not  without  reason 
was   the   tyrant   less   ashamed  of  this  action.     But   not 
even  (11)  he  himself  escaped  the  punishment  of  the  Gods, 
which  always  follows  impious  (12)  men;   he  was  captur- 
ed (13)  by  the  Agrigentini,  and,  as  nobody  had  pity  on 
him,   cruelly  killed.     Thus  neither  escaped  that  punish- 
ment, which  was  the  fit  reward  (14)  of  such  inhumanity. 

No.  25. 

Miltiades. 
When  the  Persians   had   invaded  (1)  Attica  with  a 
great   army,    the   terrified  Athenians  chose   ten  men  of 

No.  24.  (1)  saevus.  (2)  dirus,  immanis.  (3)  oflferre.  Abl  of 
Price.  (4)  II.  Fut  (5)  I.  Fut.  (6)  miseret.  (7)  mugitus.  (8)  hu- 
manitas.  (9)  adjuvare.  (10)  nequitia.  (11)  ne  —  quidem.  (12)  sce- 
lestus,  nefarius.  (1.3)  opprimere,  capere.  (14)  Transl.  „whidi  was 
becoming  so  great  ati^'  etc.  —  decet. 

No.  25.    (1)  irrumpere,  invadere  in,  with  Ace. 


28 


Pabt  I. 


Section  ii. 


29 


I 


f 


known  (2)  bravery  as  generals,  who  should  kive(3)  an 
equal  power.  For  they  considered  it  dangerous  to  their 
liberty,  if  only  one  possessed  the  highest  command. 
Among  the  ten  generals  was  Miltiades,  who  had  already 
shown  himself  brave,  and  very  experienced  in  war  on 
several  expeditions.  When  therefore  Aristides,  another 
of  the  ten  generals,  thought  the  command  of  one  more 
useful  in  this  great  danger,  than  that  of  many,  he  him- 
self resigned  (4)  his  power  to  Miltiades,  and  effected, 
thereby,  that  all,  by  common  consent (5),  chose  Mil- 
tiades commander-in-chief.  Miltiades  showed  himself 
such  a  one,  as  his  fellow-citizens  thought  him  to  be, 
and  he  completely  (6)  defeated  the  Persians  in  the  Ma- 
rathonian  battle.  At  that  time,  indeed,  the  Athenians 
acknowledged  Miltiades  as  their  deliverer.  Soon  after 
they  chose  him  leader  in  the  war,  which  they  waged 
against  the  island  of  Paros;  and  when  he  was  not  able 
to  conquer  it  (7),  they  accused  him  and  tried  (8)  to  prove 
him  an  enemy  of  the  country.  The  judges,  indeed, 
acquitted  him  of  the  guilt  (9)  of  treason,  but  inflicted  (10) 
a  pecuniary  fine  (11)  on  him.  In  like  manner  the  Athen- 
ians often  showed  themselves  ungrateful  towards  (12 j 
their  best  citizens.  They  exiled  from  the  city  even  the 
most  innocent (13)  men,  if  they  thought  them  more 
powerful  than  the  other  citizens. 

No.  26. 

The  Art  of  Memory. 

It  is  said  that  once  the  poet  Simonides  came(l)  to 
Themistocles  and  said:  „I  will  teach  you  the  most  use- 


(2)  cognitus,  spectatus,  Gram.  §  211.  (3)  esse,  vnth  Ahl. 
Gram.  §  225.  (4)  deferre  ad  aliquem.  (5)  consilium.  (6)  om- 
nino.  (7)  ^and  —  it'',  by  qui,  Gram.  §  238.  6.  (8)  studere. 
(9)  judicare  aliquem  expertem.  (lO)multare.  (ll)pecunia.  (12)  in. 
(13)  innocens,  ianoxius,  insons. 

No.  20.    (1)  accedere,  adire,  venire. 


ful  art,  and  I  will  not  conceal  anything  from  you  about 
it,    which  will   help   you   to (2)  excel  in  it,   if  you  will 
promise  (3)  me  the  price  (4)  which  I  ask  of  you".    There- 
upon Themistocles  asked  him  the  name  of  that  art,   in 
which   he   intended  to  instruct (5)   him,   and  Simonides 
replied:    „It  is  the  art  of  memory  which  I  am  willing 
to  teach  (5)  you;    and  when   you  have  learned  (6)  it  (7), 
you  will  be  able   to  remember  (8)   everything   that   you 
wish."     „What   price,   then (9),   do  you  ask  from  me?" 
said  Themistocles.     Simonides  replied:  „Well,  1(10)  ask 
a   talent   of  you."     Whereupon (11)   Themistocles,   who 
had  (12)  so  excellent  a  memory,  that  he  distinctly  knew (13) 
the  names  of  all  his  fellow-citizens,   said:    „I  shall   not 
conceal  from  you  my  judgment  about  your  art;  I  con- 
sider it  entirely (14)  useless;   for  what  I  wish  to  retain, 
I  can  keep  without  that  art.    But  if  you  will  teach  me 
the  art  of  forgetting  (15),  you  may  ask  of  me  two  talents 
and  I  shall  willingly  give  them  to  you.    For  very  often 
I  cannot  forget  what  I  wish  (16)   to  forget."     It  is  not 
kno^vn,  what(17)  Simonides  replied;  but  it  is  probable(18), 
that   he  was  ashamed  of  his  boldness,    and   repented  of 
having  asked   such  a  thing  of  a  man,    who  was  want- 
ing (19)  neither  in  renown  for  military  skill  (20),  nor  for 
menta  1  endowments  (21). 

Xo.  2J. 

On  the  Greatness  of  the  City  of  Babylon. 
Babylon  had  already  been,  for  many  years,  one  of 
the  greatest  cities  of  Assyria,  when  king  Ninus  died  and 


(2)  ut.  (3)  //.  Fut.  (4)  merces.  (5)  docere,  Periphr.  Cmjug. 
(6)  Gram.  §  244.  3.  (7)  See  23,  7.  (8)  tenere,  with,  ar  without 
memoria.  (9)  igitur-  (10)  „ire«,  7",  equidem.  (11)  ad  quod. 
(12)  Transl.  „in  whom  there  was''.  (13)  percipere,  Plupf.  (14)  pla- 
ne, omiiino.  (15)  oblivio.  (16)  cupere.  (17)  quid,  Gram.  ,^  263. 
(18)  yeri  simile,  Gram.  ,§  270.  2.  (19)  deficere.  (20)  ars  mili- 
taris.    (21)  ingenii  dotes. 


30 


Part  i. 


Section  ii. 


31 


left  an  only  son,  who  was  not  yet  twelve  years  old. 
Therefore  Semiramis,  the  widow  (1)  of  Ninus,  held,  for  a 
long  time,  the  government (2).  To  her  especially  the 
city  owed  (3)  its  greatness  and  splendour.  Babylon  had, 
as  Herodotus  relates,  the  form  of  a  square  (4),  the  sides  (5) 
of  which  were  each  one  hundred  and  twenty  stadia  or 
nearly  fourteen  English  miles  (6)  long.  On  each  (7)  side 
were  twenty  five  gates  of  brass  (8)  which  were  nearly 
five  stadia  distant  (9)  from  one  another  (10).  The  wall, 
built  (11)  of  brick  (12),  is  said  to  have  been  two  himdred 
cubits  (13)  high,  and  fifty  cubits  broad;  on  it  six  car- 
riages were  able  to  run  (14)  abreast  (15).  At  equal  inter- 
vals two  hundred  and  fifty  towers  were  built  on  the 
wall,  each  of  which  was  ten  feet  higher,  than  the  wall 
itself.  The  Euphrates,  the  greatest  river  of  this  country, 
flowed  through  the  city.  A  trench,  many  feet  deep,  was 
dug  (16)  round  the  wall  and  could  easily  be  filled  (17) 
with  the  water  of  the  Euphrates.  The  city  had  fifty 
streets,  leading  from  each  gate  to  the  opposite  (18),  one 
hundred  and  twenty  stadia  long  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  broad.  No  other  city  of  the  world  is  said  to 
have  been  so  large  and  so  beautiful.  In  the  most  ancient 
times  it  held,  for  many  centuries,  the  supremacy  of  Asia. 
But  even  after  the  loss  (19)  of  the  supremacy  the  glory 
of  the  city  still  continued  (20)  for  a  long  time. 

No.  28. 
The  Journeys  of  Pythagoras. 
Pythagoras  was  bom  at  Samos.    The  ancients  relate 
many  and  wonderful  things  about  this  man  and  especially 

No.  27.  (1)  vidua,  (2)  praeesse  reipublicae,  gerere  or  admi- 
nistrare  rem  publicam,  imperium  tenere.  (3)  debere.  (4)  qua- 
dratum.  (5)  latus.  (6)  railliarium  Britaimicum.  (7)  singuli: 
„ow",i)rt^.  (8)aheneus.  (9)distare.  (10)  inter  se.  (11)  exstruere. 
12)  later,  AU.  Plur.  (13)  cubitum.  (14)  vehi.  (15)  simiil,  una. 
(16)  ducere.  (17)  complere,  implere.  (18)  adversus,  a,  uni. 
(19)  Transl  „after  the  lost  ^Kp-.",  amittere.    (20)  permanere. 


about  his  journeys.    He  is  said  to  have  come  from  Samos 
to  Sidon  and  also  to  have  been  at  Tyre  for  many  months. 
From  Tyre   he   travelled   to   EgyjDt   and   stayed  (1)   for 
about  twenty  two  years  at  Heliopolis,  at  Memphis,  and 
in  other  cities  of  that  country,  to  (2)  learn  the  mysteries  (8) 
of  the  Egyptians.    As  some  relate,  he  travelled  (4)  east- 
wards even  as  far  as  India,    and  westwards  as  far  as 
Gaul.     When   about   fourty   years   old   he   returned   to 
Greece  which   he   is   said   to   have   traversed  (5)   almost 
entirely.     He  visited  especially (6)  Sparta,  Sicyon,  Phlius, 
and  other  cities  of  the  Peloponnesus.    At  Sparta  he  be- 
came acquainted  (7)  with  the  laws  of  Lycurgus;  at  Sicyon 
or  at  Plilius  he  is  said  to  have  styled  himself,   the  first 
of  all,  a  philosopher,  i.  e.  a  student  (8)  of  wisdom,  whilst  (9) 
his  predecessors  (10)  had  been  called  the  wise.    At  Delphi 
he  stayed  also  for  some  months.     From  Greece  he  first 
returned  to  Samos,  his  native  country.    But  on  account 
of  the  despotism  (11)  of  Polycrates  he  betook  himself  (12) 
from  Samos  to  Lower  Italy,  which  is  also  called  Great 
Greece,  and  lived  long  at  Croton.    From  Croton  he  went 
to  Locri,  to  Sybaris  and  Metapontum;  and  it  is  said,  that 
he  had  been  seen,  at  one  and  the  same  hour,  at  Croton 
and  at  Sybaris,  which  was  ten  miles  distant  from  Croton. 
Other  wonderful  things  also  are  related  about  the  jour- 
neys and  life  of  this  man. 

No.  29. 

Who  is  to  be  considered  the  Wisest? 
Merchants  from  Miletus  had  once  bought  the  next(l) 
draught  (2)  of  their  nets  from  some  fishermen.    But  to- 


No.  28.  (1)  versari,  commorari.  (2)  ut.  (3)  mysterium,  ar- 
cana doctrina.  (4)  „fi€  travelled  —  to'',  transl.  „he  icas  —  in'',  (5)  per- 
agrare,  perlustrare.  (6)  imprimis.  (7)  discere,  cognoscere.  (8)  stu- 
diosus.  (9)  quum,  twY/i  Sjf^y.  (10)  priores,  superiores.  (11)  tyrannis, 
idis.    (12)  se  conferre. 

No.  29,    (1)  futurus.    (2)  jactus. 


32 


Pabt  I. 


Section  ii. 


33 


gether  with  the  fish  (Phir:)  a  tripod  (3)  of  gold  was 
drawn  out  of  the  sea,  which,  as  the  fable  has  it,  Helena, 
when  sailing  back  from  Troy  to  Sparta,  had  sunk (4), 
by  order (5)  of  the  oracle,  in  that  place.  At  once  the 
fishermen  said:  „The  tripod  is  ours;  for  we  have  sold 
nothing  but (6)  the  fish".  But  the  merchants  said:  „It 
is  ours;  for  we  have  bought  the  whole  draught".  Thence 
a  great  quarrel (7)  arose,  which  was  brought (8)  before 
the  judges  at  Miletus,  and  was  settled  (9)  by  a  decree 
of  the  people  (10).  The  people  of  Miletus  sent  messengers 
from  Miletus  to  Delphi,  who  should  consult (11)  Apollo 
about  this  affair.  At  Delphi  the  following  (12)  answer 
was  given  them  by  the  God:  „The  tripod  must  be  given 
to  the  wisest".  As  the  Milesians  considered  nobody  wiser 
than  Thales,  their  fellow-citizen,  they  sent,  to  obey  (13) 
the  God,  the  tripod  as  a  present  to  Thales.  But  Thales, 
who  considered  Bias  to  be  wiser  than  himself,  sent  it 
from  Miletus  to  Priene;  Bias  again  (14)  from  Priene 
to  Lesbos  to  Pittacus,  who,  at  that  time,  had (15)  the 
supreme  power  in (16)  that  island,  and  in  the  same 
manner  this  tripod  went  to  all  the  seven  wise  men,  and 
was  at  Ehodes  with  Kleobulus,  at  Lacedaemon  with 
Chilon,  at  Corinth  with  Periander,  the  tyrant  of  this 
city,  and  finally  (17)  it  came  to  Athens  to  Solon.  But 
he  considered  the  God  alone  the  wisest,  and  sent  the 
tripod  as  a  present  to  Apollo  at  Delphi  {Ace). 

No.  30. 

Cincinnatus. 

Lucius   Quinctius  Cincinnatus   had   shown   himself, 
in  peace  and  in  war,   an  excellent  (1)  citizen,    and  was 

(S)  tripus.  (4)  demergere.  (5)  jussu.  (6)  nisi.  (7j  contro- 
versia,  rixa,  lis.  (8)  deterre  ad.  (9)  componere,  dirimere.  (10)  po- 
puHscitum,  plebiscitum.  (11)  consulere.  (12)  hie.  (13)  obsequi, 
obtemperare,  parere,  oboedire  (obedire).  (14)  rursus,  contra. 
(15)  tenere,  obtinere.     (16)  Gmit.    (17)  postremo,  denique. 

No.  30.     (1)  egregius,  praestans. 


honoured   at  Rome   by   all.     But   when   his  son  Caeso, 
by  the  hatred  of  the  tribunes,  was  expelled  from  Rome, 
he  himself  also   left   the   city  and   betook   himself  into 
the  country.    Here  he  resolved  to  remain;  for  the  other 
noble  Romans   lived   also   more  (2)   in  the  country  than 
in   the   city.     The   greatest   simplicity  of  manners  pre- 
vailed (3)   in  his  house;    he  himself  dug   the  field  with 
his  own  (4)  hands;    and   when   from   thence  (5)  he  came 
home,    he  found  there  (6)  his  wife  engaged  with  house- 
hold works  (7).     But   the  Romans   soon   missed  (8)  such 
a  man  and  elected  liim  consul.    The  ambassadors  of  the 
state  found  him  ploughing  and  led  him  back  from  the 
country  to  Rome.     Leaving  home   he  said  to  his  wife: 
„Our   little   field   will   remain   untilled   this  year".     At 
Rome     he     administered  (9)     the    consulship    with    the 
greatest   prudence   and  justice.     Yet   his  heart   recalled 
him   home   and,    at   the   end   of  his  consulship (10),   he 
again  retired  (11)   at  once  into  the  country.     But  when 
two  years  afterwards  the  Romans  had  been  vanquished 
by  the  Aequi  in  a  great  battle,  the  Senate  proclaimed  (12) 
Cincinnatus    dictator    and    called   him   again    to    Rome. 
Once  more  he  was  obliged   to  return   from  the  country 
to  Rome.    Here  he  collected  with  the  greatest  swiftness 
an  army,    put   the   enemies   to  flight  (13),   resigned  the 
dictatorship  and  after  a  fortnight  returned  home  again. 
He  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life,    far  away  (14)   from 
public  affairs,  with  his  family  in  the  country.     Oh  that 
happy  man,    who  preferred  (15)   country  life  (16)  to  the 
honours  of  the  dictatorship! 


(2)  plus.  (3)  esse.  (4)  suus.  (.5)  unde  quum,  Gram.  §  256. 
II.  2.  (6)  „tJiere^^,  transl.  ,^at  honie^.  (7)  domesticis  operibus  in- 
tentus.  (8)  desiderare.  (9)  gerere.  (10)  consulatu  finite.  (11)  se 
recipere.  (12)  dicere.  (l.S)  fundere  atque  fugare.  (14)  remotus. 
(15)  „pref€rred  —  to'^,  transl  „Uked  better  —  than'^,  malle,  Perf. 
Suhj.    (16)  vita  rustica. 

HUller,  Exercises.  3 


34 


Pakt  I. 


Section  u. 


35 


I'm 


•I 
■ft 


I  r 


IP! 


No.  31. 

On  Friendship. 

Friendship  cannot  exist  (1)  but  among  good  men, 
and  we  must  always  consider  it  as  its  first  law,  that 
we  neither  ask  shameful  things  of  a  friend,  nor  do  such 
at  his  request  (2).  When  of  P.  Rutilius  Lupus  an  un- 
lawful thing  was  asked  by  one  of  his  friends,  he  refus- 
ed (3)  it.  Now  when  the  latter  veiy  indignantly  said  (4): 
„What  do  I  want  your  friendship  for,  if  you  do  not  do 
what  I  require",  Rutilius  answered  (5):  „What  do  I  want 
yours  for,  if  j-ou  ask  me  to  do  what  is  dishonest"  (6)! 
But  if  a  friend  requires  something  of  us,  which  it  is 
lawful (7)  to  do,  we  must  willingly  comply  with  his 
wish,  and  we  must  not  hesitate  to  assist  a  heli)less 
friend,  to  prefer  his  advantiige  to  our  comfort (8),  and 
to  undergo  difficulties  for  liis  sake.  J.  Caesar  used  to 
treat  liis  friends  with  such  gentleness  and  condescension, 
that  he  even  yielded  once  his  bed  in  a  lodging  to 
C.  Oppius,  who  accompanied  him  on  a  journey  through 
a  forest  and  was  suddenly  taken  sick,  while  he  himself 
lay  on  the  ground  in  the  open  air.  Cicero  had  a  faith- 
ful friend  in  Atticus,  the  younger  Scipio  Africanus  in 
Laelius.  We  must  also  mention  the  friendship,  which 
existed  (9)  between  Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas.  Once 
when  they,  jointly  with  the  Spartans,  fought  against  the 
enemies  in  the  Peloponnesus,  all  fled,  even  the  Spartans: 
the  two  youths  alone  checked  the  attack  of  the  enemies 
with  their  shields  joined  together,  until  Pelopidas  broke 
down  pierced  with  seven  wounds.  Quickly  Epaminon- 
das placed  himself  before  him  and  alone  warded  off  the 
crowd  of  enemies  from  himself  and  from  the  wounded 


No.  31.  (1)  esse.  (2)  Abl.  absol  (3)  Transl.  ^.refused  to  do 
(perficere)  t7".  Gram.  ^i^o5.  (4)  Plupf.  (5)  inquit.  Gram.  §  148. 
Note.  (6)  inhonestus.  (7)  licet.  (8)  cominodum.  (9)  intercedit 
inter  nos  {or  mihi  tecum)  amicitia. 


{Sing,\  until  his  strength  also  failed,  when  a  spear  had 
wounded  his  breast  and  a  sword  his  arm.  They  did 
not  act  against  each  other  (10),  but  mutually  (11)  tried 
to  free,  to  protect,  to  raise  their  country. 

No.  33. 

Chapter  II. 

Wlien   the   mother    of  Darius   after    the   battle   of 
Issus(l)   had  been  made   prisoner,  and  had   hailed  He- 
phaestio,    who  came  with  Alexander  to  her,    as (2) king, 
and  had  paid  homage  to  (3)  him  according  to  the  Persian 
custom,  but  afterwards,  on  perceiving  her  mistake,  had 
become   embarrassed,    Alexander  said  to  her:   „You  are 
not  mistaken,  mother,  for  he  also  is  Alexander."  Whom (4) 
shall  we  congratulate  more,  the  king,  who  had  a  friend, 
whom  he  considered  a  second  self  (5),    or  liim,  who  de- 
served  the   friendship   of  so   great   a  king?     After  the 
death   of  Hephaestio  Alexander   commanded  the   horses 
and  mules   to  be  shorn   and  the  pinnacles  of  the  walls 
to  be  pulled  down,  that  the  cities,  too,  might  appear  to 
mourn    the   deceased.     Why   should   I    mention  (6)    the 
two  Pythagoreans,    Damon  and  Phintias,   who  are  said 
to  have  had   such  feelings  (7)   towards  each  other,    that 
when  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  wanted  to  kill  the  one,  and 
the  latter   asked   for  .time   to  go  home   and  arrange  his 
affairs  (8),    the  former    pledged    himself   to   present   his 
friend  (9).     When  the  latter  came  back  (10)    on  the  ap- 
pointed day,  the  tyrant  admired  their  fidelity  so  much, 
that  he  asked  them  to  receive  him  as  the  third  (11)  into 


(10)  obtrectare  inter  se.    (11)  Partk.  of  cousentire. 

No.  32.  (1)  Transl.  ,,after  the  battle  of  I.  Jiad  been  fought 
(facere)".  (2)  tanquam.  (3)  adorare.  (4)  Gram.  §  67.  3.  (5)  tan- 
quam  alteram  se  habebat;  or  tanquam  alteram  exemplar  sai  in- 
tuebatur.  (6)  Gram.  §  24:8.  3.  b,  (?)  animatum  esse.  (8)  rem 
familiarem  constitaere.  (9)  vas  fio  tai  sistendi  („/  j^fej^e  mi/self 
to  premit  you^).    (10)  See  31y  4.    (11)  adscribere  aliquem  tertiam  ad. 

3* 


36 


Part  i. 


Section  n. 


37 


i  ** 

i 


vt 


their  friendship.  Who  would  not  admire  the  friendship 
of  the  Cjmic  philosopher  Demetrius  and  the  physician 
Antiphilus,  who  lived  at  the  time  (Phir.)  of  Caligula, 
Claudius  and  Nero!  Demetrius  once  travelled  to  Egypt 
to  see  the  pyi-amids  and  the  pillar  of  Memnon.  Anti- 
philus accompanied  him,  but  soon  stopped  in  a  city  for 
fear  of  the  road  and  the  heat.  His  slave,  a  Syrian  by 
birth,  had  broken  into  a  tem2)le  of  Anubis  together 
with  other  robbers,  had  stolen  from  it  two  gold  vessels, 
a  herakVs  staff  of  gold,  and  other  similar  things,  and 
had  concealed  them  in  (12)  the  house  of  his  master.  As 
these  things  were  discovered  soon  after,  Antiphilus  was 
also  thrown  into  prison,  where  nobody  seemed  to  have 
pity  on  him. 

\o.  33- 

Chapter  III. 

But  scarcely  had  Demetrius,  after  his  return,  heard 
of  the  misfortune  of  liis  friend,  when  (1)  he  hastened  to 
the  prison,  where  he  finally  found  him  changed  by 
misery.  From  that  time  he  gained  a  considerable  sum  (2) 
by  carrying  burdens,  one  part  of  which  he  gave  to  the 
jailer  to  rouse  his  pity,  but  the  other  he  used  (8)  for 
his  and  his  friend's  food  and  maintenance.  He  remain- 
ed as  much  as  possible  (4)  with  liis  friend,  and  consoled 
him,  even  during  the  night  he  slept  near (5)  the  door 
of  liis  prison  on  a  bed  of  straw.  When  he  finally  was 
prevented  (6)  by  the  guards  from  visiting  his  unhapi^y 
friend,  he  falsely  declared  himself  an  accomplice (7)  in 
robbing  the  temple,  and  obtained,  by  many  entreaties, 
that  he  was  brought  to  Antiphilus.  He  forgot  his  own 
sufferings  and  showed  sympathy  only  with  those  of  his 

(12)  condere  in,  icith  Ace. 

Xo.  33.  (1)  quum,  Gram.  §  256.  II.  S.  (2)  nonnuUa  merces. 
(3)  impendere  in.  (4)  quoad  fieri  poterat.  (5)  Transl.  ,^not  far 
from^.    (6)  Gram.  §  2oS.     (7)  me  imum  ex  iis  facio,  qui  .  .  . 


friend  (8).    When  at  last  the  prisoners  had  succeeded  in 
breaking (9)  the  chains,   with  which  they  were  fettered, 
and    all    escaped   from   the   prison  (10),    the   two  friends 
alone   remained    and   caused  (11)    the  judge    to   inquire 
more  strictly  (12)   into  the  affair.     When  he  had  found 
both  of  them  free  from  guilt  (13),   he  praised,  admired, 
and  dismissed  them  both,  and  presented  Antiphilus  with 
10,000  drachms,  and  Demetrius  with  double  that  amount 
(14).  —  David  (15)  had  formed  the  most  intimate  friend- 
ship with  Jonathan  (16),  the  son  of  king  Saul  (17),  and 
he   loved   him   like   his   own  soul.     Jonathan  protected 
him   against   the   snares   of  the    king,    and  David  said, 
when   he   heard,    that  Jonathan   had    been   killed   in   a 
struggle  against   the  Philistines  (18),    that  he  had  loved 
him  as  a  mother   loves  her  only  son.     Intimate  friend- 
ship existed  also  between  Basil  (19)  the  Great,  bishop  of 
Caesarea    in   Cappadocia,    and   Gregory  (20),    bishop   of 
Nazianzus   in   the    same   province.     „A   faithful   friend, 
snys  Holy  Scripture,    is   a   strong   defence (21),    and  he 
thtit  has  found  him,  has  found  a  treasure  (22).    Nothing 
can  be  compared  to  a  faithful  friend;    and  if  you  place 
his   value   in   the   one  scale,    gold    and   silver   are   not 
worthy  to  be  put  (23)  in  the  other.    They  that  fear  the 
Lord  will  find  Him." 


(8)  Transl.  ,,Jie  shmved  only,  hmc  much  he  pitied  his  friend"^. 
(9)  rumpere.  (10)  e  custodia  se  eripere.  (11)  commovere,  ut. 
(12)  subtilius  quaerere  rem,  or  de  re.  (13)  aliquem  culpa  vacuum 
probare.  (14)  Transl.  ^with  the  double  sum''.  (15)  Davides,  is. 
(16)  Jonathas,  ae.  (17)  Saulus.  (18)  Philistaei,  or  Philisthini. 
(19)  Basilius.  (20)  Gregorius.  (21)  propuguaculum.  (22)  thesau- 
rus.   (23)  Gram.  ^  258. 


il 


!-i 


S8  Part  i. 

SECTION  III. 

Use  of  the  Dative. 

(Grammar  §  203—209.) 
No.  34. 

The  Most  Ancient  Physicians. 

Nothing  is  dearer  to  men,  than  good  health,  without 
which  they  cannot  become  useful  either  to  the  country,  or  to 
themselves,  or  to  their  friends.  Just  as  agriculture  furnishes 
food(l)  for  sound  bodies,  in  the  same  way  medecine(2) 
has  discovered  remedies  (3)  for  sick  ones.  But  in  the 
most  ancient  times  medical  science  was  unknown  to 
men;  it  is  said  to  have  been  discovered  by  Aesculapius^ 
the  son  of  Apollo.  He  made  known  (4)  his  art  to  many 
persons,  especially  to  his  sons  Podalirius  and  Machaon^ 
who  proved  themselves  very  useful  to  the  army  of  the 
Greeks  near  Troy.  —  However  the  most  ancient  phy- 
sicians healed  only  wounds;  also  in  Homer  Podalirius 
andMachaon  bring  help  only  to  the  wounded,  putting  (5) 
wholesome  (6)  herbs  on  the  wounds,  and  thus  alleviat- 
ing (7)  their  pains.  No  remedies  were  used  (8)  against 
other  diseases  of  the  body,  which  are  often  more  danger- 
ous to  the  life  of  men,  than  wounds.  For  all  these 
came  (9),  as  the  Greeks  believed,  from  the  wrath  of  the 
Gods,  so  that  no  human  art  was  able  to  heal  them. 
Wherefore  Calchas,  the  seer,  persuaded  the  princes^ 
to  (10)  supplicate  the  Gods,  and  to  seek  from  (11)  them 
help  against (12)  the  plague;  whereupon (1.3)  the  malady 
spared  the  army  at  once.  Afterwards  the  philosophers^ 
especially  Pythagoras,  Empedocles  and  Democritus  applied 

No.  34.  (1)  alimentum,  Ftur.  (2)  medicina.  (3)  remedium, 
medicamentum.  (4)  tradere.  (5)  imponere.  (6)  saluber.  (7)  le- 
nire,  levare.  (8)  adhibere.  (9)  proficisci.  (10)  ut.  (11)  apud. 
(12)  adversus,  or  Genit.    (13)  quo  facto. 


Section  ni. 


39 


themselves  (14)  to  medical  science.  Hippocrates  was  the 
first,  who  cultivated  this  art  alone  and  brought  it  to 
higher  perfection (15)  than  any  one  else,  so  that  he 
rightly  has  been  styled  the  father  of  medicine.  He 
lived  in  the  beginning  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  at 
Athens,  where  at  that  time  so  violent  a  plague  raged  (16), 
that  it  sj^ared  but  very  few  people. 

No.  35. 

Curius  Dentatus. 

From  the  example  of  Curius  Dentatus  you  will  be  able 
to  convince  yourself,  that(l)  an  honest  man,  however (2) 
poor  he  may  be,  neither  blames (3)  fate,  nor  envies 
others  their  riches.  Wlien  consul  he  vanquished  the 
Samnites  and  Sabines  in  the  year  294  B.  Chr.  The 
Sabines  asked  for  peace  at  once;  therefore  he  spared 
them  and  persuaded  his  fellow-citizens  to  (4)  give  the 
citizenship  (5)  to  the  Sabines.  But  the  Samnites  sent 
ambassadors,  that  they  might  treat (6)  with  him  about 
peace.  They  found  Curius  sitting  on  a  wooden  bench  (7) 
near  the  fire-side.  When  they  saw  (8)  his  poverty,  they 
believed,  that  he  could  best  be  persuaded  by  presents 
to  (4)  be  useful  to  them.  Therefore  they  offered  him  a 
large  sum  (9)  of  gold.  But  Curius  refused  it  saying: 
„I  prefer  (10)  to  reign  (11)  over  kingdoms  to  being  rich 
myself."  Thus  it  happened,  that  the  ambassadors  return- 
ed without  accomplishing  anything  (12).  Soon  after(13) 
the  war  was  renewed,  and  the  Samnites  were  routed  by 
Curius.  Thus  this  man  followed  the  precept  of  the 
ancient  Eomans:  „To  spare  the  subdued  (14)  and  to  fight 


(14)  vacare.     (15)  excolere  („to  bring  to  perfection'').    (16)  esse. 

Xo.  35.  (1)  Ace.  with  Inf.  (2)  quamvis.  (3)  maledicere. 
(4)  ut.  (.5)  civitas.  (6)  agere  de,  Imperf  SttbJ.  (7)  scamnum. 
(8)  animadvertere.  (9)  vis.  (10)  malle.  (11)  imperare.  (12)  re 
infecta.     (13)  haud  ita  miilto  post,  non  multo  post.    (14)  subjicere. 


40 


Part  i. 


Section  in. 


V 


;fei 


li  i 


down (15)  the  proud."  Nevertheless  the  same  Dentatus 
was  envied  by  many.  The  Patricians  belittled  him,  and 
tried  to  convince  the  people  (16)  that(l)  he  had  em- 
bezzled (17)  much  of  the  booty.  But  the  people  could 
not  be  convinced  of  this  (18),  but  they  easily  saw,  that 
the  patricians,  moved  by  envy,  had  calumniated  (19)  the 
best  citizen.  Curius  afterwards  administered  (20)  the 
highest  offices.  But  he  never  persecuted  liis  adversaries, 
but  he  spared  all  and  made  most  of  his  adversaries  his 
friends. 

No.  36. 

Alexander  and  Hannibal. 

Alexander  the  Great  must  be  numbered  among  the 
most  renowned  generals  of  antiquity,  and  it  will  not  be 
improper  (1)  to  compare  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Carthaginians  with  the  king  of  the  Macedonians.  Al- 
though neither  of  them  spared  his  own  life,  yet  both 
spared  the  lives  of  the  captives;  both  possessed  (2)  all 
the  virtues  of  a  great  general,  prudence (3),  bravery, 
knowledge  of  military  affairs  (Sing.) ,  more  than  (4)  can 
be  explained  here.  In  battle  and  on  the  march  (5)  they 
went  at  the  head  (6)  of  the  soldiers,  never  yielding  to 
hardships  (7).  But  while  fortune  accompanied  (8)  the  ex- 
peditions (9)  of  Alexander,  it  opi)osed(lO)  Hannibal;  it 
surrounded  Alexander  with  divine  majesty,  it  stained (11) 
Hannibal  with  the  poison  of  envy;  it  gave  Alexander, 
when  a  youth,  a  great  kingdom,  it  deprived  (12)  Hanni- 
bal, when  a  man,  of  all  goods.  Both  were  present  (13) 
in  very  many  battles,  and  added  in  the  beginning (14) 


41 


(15)  debellare.  (16)  plebs.  (17)  avertere.  (18)  id,  illud. 
(19)  maledicere. 

No.  36.  (1)  iniquus.  (2)  inesse.  (3)  consilium.  (4)  supra 
quod.  (5)  iter.  (6)  anteire.  (7)  labor.  (8)  adesse.  (9)  expeditio, 
inceptum.  (10)  obsistere,  obstare.  (11)  adspergere.  (12)  privare, 
orbare,  Gram.  ^  229.    (13)  interesse.     (14)  primo,  initio. 


one  victory  to  the  other  (15).  Although  the  one  is  not 
like  the  other  in  eveiy  respect  (16),  since  there  are  not 
two  men  perfectly  (17)  alike  in  all  things,  yet  fortune, 
which  remained  faithful  to  Alexander  up  to(18)  his  death 
delivered  (19)  Hannibal,  who  had  been  forsaken  by  his 
(own)  fellow-citizens,  to  the  hatred  of  his  enemies.  Both 
fill(20)  us  with  the  highest  admiration;  but  whilst  Alexan- 
der's fate  IS  envied  by  many,  that  of  Hannibal  inspires(21) 
us  with  compassion. 

No.  37. 

A  Stratagem  (1)  of  Solon. 

The  Athenians   had   quarrels  (2)   with    the  state  of 
the  Megarenses   about   the   island   of  Salamis,    since  (3) 
both  claimed  (4)  the  possession  of  it   for  themselves  (4) 
A  war  broke  out,    and   the  Megarenses   conquered   the 
island,  before  the  Athenians  were  able  to  come  to  the 
assistance  of  their  friends.     The  loss  (5)  of  Salamis  was 
for  the  Athenians  a  great  disadvantage.     Besides  they 
considered  it  a  disgrace  to  themselves,  that  (6)  they  had 
been  conquered  by  so  small  a  state.    But  the  Athenians 
themselves  had,  at  that  time,  only  a  few  ships.     Not- 
withstanding  (7)  they  several  times  renewed  the  war  but 
were   driven  back  with  {Abl)  such   great   slaughter  (8), 
that  they  gave  up  (9)  the  island,  and  even  decreed  capi- 
tal punishment  (10),  if  any  one  (11)  should  ever  give  ad- 
vice  (12)  to  (13)  renew  the  war.    Thus  it  happened,  that 
the  Athenians  were  an  object  of  derision  to  the  other 


(15)  Transl  ^victo^^  to  victory'^,  (16)  omni  ex  parte.  (17)  plane 
omnmo.  (18)  usque  ad.  (19)  objicere.  (20)  afficere  aliquem 
aliqua  re.    (21)  alicui  aliquid  injicere. 

Xo.  37.  (1)  dolus,  artificium.  (2)  controversia.  Cmstr.  ace. 
to  Gram  §  207.  L  (3)  quum.  (4)  sibi  vindicare.  (.5)  amissio. 
W  quod.  (7)  attamen,  sed  tamen.  (8)  clades.  (9)  omittere. 
(10)  poena  capitis  sancire.  (11)  ne  quis.  (12)  suadere.  (13)  Transl. 
pthat  (ut)  the  war  might  be  reneived''^. 


42 


Pabt  I. 


Section  hi. 


43 


Greeks.  Then  Solon  appeared  in  (14)  the  assembly  of 
the  people  (15),  feigning  madness  (16),  that  (17)  he  might 
be  more  secure,  and  read  (18)  a  poem,  in  which  he  show- 
ed (19)  to  the  Athenians,  in  the  sharpest  words,  their 
cowardice  and  disgrace.  This  cunning  device  succeeded 
excellently.  The  people  were  inflamed,  and  by  the  as- 
sistance of  Pisistratus,  with  whom  Solon  kept  (esse)  friend- 
ship (20),  was  again  (21)  roused  (22)  to  war.  The  chief 
command  was  entrusted  (23)  to  Solon  liimself;  and  he 
showed  himself  in  it  so  good  a  general,  that  the  Athe- 
nians recovered  the  island  in  a  short  time.  Tlie  same 
Solon  is  said  to  have  inserted  two  verses  in  (24)  the 
Iliad  of  Homer,  from  which  it  appeared  (25),  that  Sala- 
mis  belonged  (26)  already  to  the  Athenians  at  that  time. 

No.  38. 

On  the  Love(l)  towards  Parents. 

Obey  your  parents,  because  they  take  care  of  you; 
show  obedience  to  their  commands,  for  they  have  your 
welfare  at  heart  (2);  cherish  love  and  gratitude  to  them 
during  your  whole  life,  for  great  are  the  benefits,  which 
they  have  bestowed  on  you.  To  whom  of  all  mankind 
do  we  owe  more  than  to  them?  For  that  reason  children 
are  often  admonished  in  Holy  Scripture,  to  honour  and 
love  their  parents,  to  obey  them,  and  to  be  obliging  (3) 
to  them.  God  often  threatens  (4)  ungrateful  and  arrogant 
children  with  punishment  and  misfortune.  ^Gratitude 
towards  parents  has  no  limits  (5),  says  (6)  king  Frederic; 

(14)  prodire  in,  with  Ace.  (15)  contio,  imth,  or  tcithout  populi. 
(16)  simulata  insania,  Abl  (17)  quo,  Gram.  §231.  (18)  recitare. 
(19)  Gram.  §  20S.  2.  (20)  necessitudo.  (21)  denuo,  de  integro. 
(22)  excitare.  (23)  deferre.  (24)  „fo  inmt  in'^,  subjicere,  or  sup- 
ponere  alicui.    (25)  elucere,  apparere.    (26)  Gram.  §  207.  2. 

No.  38.  (1)  pietas.  (2)  cordi,  curae  est.  (3)  officiosus  in 
aliquem.  (4)  minari  alicui  aliquid.  (5)  terminis  circumscribere. 
(6)  inquit,  or,  ut  ait;  Fredericus. 


it  would  be  an  object  of  reproach  to  us,  to  show  them 
too  little,  but  never  to  show  them  too  much  love".  Al- 
phonsus  IV.,  king  of  Leon (7)  in  Spain,  gives  us  an 
example  of  filial  love.  It  is  known,  that  the  Arabians, 
after  they  had  given  themselves  up  to  the  errors  of 
Mahomet  (8),  spread  themselves  also  into  Africa.  From 
thence,  under  the  command  (9)  of  Musa,  they  carried  war 
into  Spain,  defeated  the  Spaniards,  under  the  command  (10) 
of  Taric,  with  terrible  loss  (11)  in  the  year  711,  and 
reigned  (12)  now  over  a  larger,  now  over  a  smaller  por- 
tion of  the  country,  until  the  year  1492.  The  Christians 
had  withdrawn  into  the  mountains,  but  they  tried  to 
take  away  from  the  enemy  larger  and  larger  (13)  por- 
tions of  the  land.  Ferdinand  11.,  king  of  Leon,  a  small 
Christian  kingdom  of  Spain,  resigned  (14)  the  government, 
and  Alphonsus  IV.,  his  son,  succeeded  liim. 

No.  39. 

Chapter  II. 
When  Ferdinand,  being  much  advanced  in  years, 
succumbed  to  the  weaknesses  of  age,  Alphons  fulfilled 
not  only  the  duties,  which  he  had  as  king,  but  also 
those  of  a  son(l),  and  he  never  left  the  side  of  (2)  his 
father,  unless  he  had  to  attend  (3)  to  the  welfare  of  the 
kingdom.  One  day  he  returned  victorious  (4)  from  a 
battle,  which  he  had  fought  with  the  Mahometans (5). 
At  once  the  old  man  ordered  his  servants  to  carry  him 
to  meet  (6)  the  victor,  that  the  victor  might  rejoice  not 

(7)  Leon,  Leontis.  (8)  Muhamedes,  is.  (9)  imperator,  Gram. 
§284.2,  (10)  dux  Taricus.  See  9.  (11)  alicui  ingentem  cladem 
afferre.  (12)  dominari  in  loco  (re),  in  rem  (aliquem).  (13)  in 
dies  major,  or,  magna  et  magna  magis.  (14)  eitJier  abdicare  alone 
(=  ^to  resign  the  gov.""),  or,  regno  (imperio)  se  abdicare. 

No.  39.  (1)  officio  satisfacio,  quo  filius  {or,  ut  filius)  fungi 
debeo.  (2)  only  deesse  alicui.  (3)  consulere,  prospicere,  provi- 
dere,.  Gram.  §  204.  2.  (4)  victor.  (5)  Muhamedani.  (6)  obviam 
ferre  (=  ^to  carry  to  meet'')  alicui;  Pass.  Constr. 


44 


Part  i. 


only  in  the  pleasure  of  the  victory,  but  also  in  the  good 

health  of  his  father.    As  soon  as  Alphons  saw  his  father, 

he  leaped  down  from  his  horse,  hastened  to  meet  (7)  him, 

and  sufficiently  showed  by  his  words,    how   highly  he 

esteemed (8)   his   father,   how  eagerl}'  he   took   care    of 

him,  how  much  he  was  attached (9)  to  him,  what  great 

thanks  he  owed  to  him  (10).     In  vain  did  the  old  man 

tell (11)  him,  that  it  was   not  becoming  to  him  to  go 

on  foot,  whilst  the  othei^s  were  on  horseback (12).    His 

son  answered:    „The  others  are  not  your  sons".    Scarcely 

had  they  approached  the  royal  castle,  when  he  took  him 

in  his  arms (13),   brought  him  to  his  room,  and  said  to 

him  with  the  most  heartfelt  love :  „My  father,  you  know, 

how  much  you  love  me  and  how  many  benefits  you  have 

bestowed  on  me  by  your  kindness  and  love,    but  you 

cannot  know,  with  how  great  love  I  am  attached  (14)  to 

you.     It  is  not  enough  for   me   to  accompany  you   on 

foot,  I  envied  your  servants  the  happiness  of  carrying 

you.     More  than  once  I  was  willing  to  command  them 

to  stand  still  and  to  take  you  upon  my  shoulders'^  (15). 

Ferdinand  could  only  answer  these   words  with   many 

tears,  and  the  grateful  son  had  still  for  some  time  the 

pleasure  (16)  of  seeing  his  father  alive  (17).   He  emulated, 

in  an  excellent  manner,  Him  who  not  only  when  a  boy 

obeyed  his  parents,  but  still  when  he  was  fastened  to 

the  cross  (18),    tenderly   cared  for  his   afflicted   mother, 

and  recommended  her  to  the  care  of  saint  John. 


(7)  obviam  procedere,  prodire  alicui.  (8)  Gram.  §  HIS.  1. 
(9)  deditus,  obstrictus.  (10)  gratiam  alicui  habere  et  referre. 
(11)  admonere.  (12)  in  equo  vehi,  sedere.  (13)  in  manus  acci- 
pere;  Fartic.  Constr.  (14)  addictum  esse  alicui.  (15)  aliquem  in 
humeros  suos  efferre.  (16)  mihi  contingit,  ut  (=  „/  fuive  tJie 
pleasure  of^^,  etc.).  (17)  habere  aliquem  secum.  (18)  cruci  affigere, 
suffigere. 


Section  hi. 


45 


No.  40. 

Chapter  III. 
Filial   love   is   a   law   naturally  inherent  (1)   in  us, 
therefore  the  ancient  nations,  who  did  not  know  the  true 
God,  also  had  it.     Who  does  not  remember  (Siibj.)  the 
two  brothers  Cleobis  and  Biton,  whom  antiquity  highly 
praised,  because  they  had  (2)  such  a  love  for  their  mother! 
Another  noble  pair  of  brothers,  too,  has  been  immor- 
talized (3)  on  account  of  their  fUial  love,  Amphinomus 
and  Anopus  are  their  names  (4),   Catana  is  the  name  of 
their   birth-place.     When   the   eruption   of  Aetna   took 
place  (5),    they   carried  (6)   father   and   mother   on   their 
shoulders  (All  without  B-ep.)  and  rescued  (7)  them  from 
the  fires  of  the  mountain.     The  poet  Claudianus,    who 
lived  at  the   time   of  Honorius  and  Arcadius,    has   de- 
scribed to  us  the  memorial,   which  had  been  erected  to 
them.     Virgil  has  glorified  Aeneas,  because  he  carried 
(Suhj.)  his  father  Anchises   out  of  the  conflagration  of 
Troy,  and  -the  poet  has  given  to  him,  for  that  reason, 
the  surname  of  „the  Pious^  Socrates  admonishes  his  son 
most  earnestly  (8),  to  love  his  mother  Xanthippe  and  to 
obey  her.    He  reminds  him  of  the  many  benefits,  which 
he  has  received  (Suhj.)  from  his  mother,  of  the  love  and 
of  the  care,  with  which  she  provided  (9)  for  the  welfare 
both  of  soul  and  body,  and  says,  that  she,  though  (10)  she 
scolded(ll)  him  and  was  angry(12)  with  him,   yet  was 
very  anxious  (13)  for  liim  and  always   wished  (13)   him 
well.     Epaminondas,   who   may  serve  (14)   us   in   many 
things  as  a  pattern,  said,  of  all  good  things  which  he 


No.  40.  (1)  mnatus  (=  ..naturally  inh.^^).  (2)  inesse  in. 
(3)  memoriae  prodere.  (4)  Gram.  ^^  ^07.  3.  (5)  ignes  ex  Aetnae 
vertice  erumpunt.  (6)  sustinere.  (7)  eripere  ex.  (8)  summo 
studio.  (9)  See  S9,  3.  SubJ.  Pres.  (10)  quamvis.  (11)  maledicere 
alicuj,  convicia  alicui  facere;  SuhJ.  Pres.  (12)  SubJ.  Pres.  (13)  Gram. 
§  ^04.  2.    (14)  Gram.  §  208.  L 


46 


Past  i. 


•I 


had  met  with  (15),  the  most  pleasing  was,  that  he  had 
conquered  the  Lacedaemonians,  wliilst  his  father  and 
mother  were  still  alive  (16). 

No.  41. 

Chapter  IV. 
The  love   of  Alexander   the  Great   for   his   mother 
Olympias  was  so  great,  that  it  must  be  made  to  him 
an  object  of  reproach.    For  although  she  seems  to  have 
taken  part  (1)  in  the  murder  of  Philip,  Alexander's  father, 
yet  he  said,  when  Antipater  afterwards  complained  about 
her:    „ Antipater  does  not  know,    that  one  tear   of  my 
mother  has   blotted  out  innumerable  complaints  against 
her".     How  great  a  love  Pliny  the  Younger  had  (2)  for 
his  mother,  has  been  related  in  another  place.     Solon, 
who  his  reckoned  (B)  among  the  seven  wise  men,  would 
not  assign  any  punishment  to (4)  him,  who  had  killed 
his  fiither,  because  he  thought  that  this  crime  was  against 
human  nature.     As  Diogenes  of  Li\erte  (5)  in  Cilicia  (6), 
who,   under  Septimius  Severus,  collected  many  remark- 
able things  about  renowned  philosophers  (7),  relates,  So- 
lon gave  also  the  law,  if  one  did  not  support  his  parents, 
he  should  be  declared  infamous.    Aescliines  has  recorded, 
that  he,  who  had  beaten  his  fiither  or  mother,  or  did  not 
support  them,  or  did  not  give  them  a  lodging,  was  not 
allowed  to  commence  orator  (8)  at  Athens.     K  a  public 
office  was  about  to  be  confen-ed  upon  any  one,  inquiries 
were  first  made,  whether  he  had  shown  his  parents  due  (9) 
love.     The  Komans  ordered  the  parricide  to  be  sowed 
up  alive  in  a  sack  and  so  thrown  into  the  river. 

(15)  Transl  „which  had  happened  (Snbj.)  to  him"^.  (16)  Ahl 
absol.  tcith  vivus;  Gram.  §  284.  3. 

Xo.  41.  (1)  socium  esse  alicujus  rei.  (2)  esse.  (3)  annume- 
rare,  or,  qui  fuit  unus  ex  septem  ...  (4)  supplicium  constituere 
in.  (5)  Laertius.  (6)  Ciliciensis.  (7)  multa  dicta  factaque  iio- 
bilium  philosophorum.  (8)  aggredi  ad  dicendum.  (9)  Transl. 
y^slmcn  his  parents  love,  as  he  meed  (debere)'^ 


Section  iv.  47 

SECTION  IV. 
Use  of  the  Genitiye. 

(Grammar  §  210—219.) 
No.  43. 

Socrates  and  the  Sophists  (1). 
Socrates  is  doubtless  (2)  one  of  the  greatest  men  of 
ancient  Greece.    His  memory  is  very  dear  to  us  for  this 
reason  also ,  because  the  love  of  truth  and  virtue  alone, 
and  not  the  love  of  money  and  glory,   led  him  to  the 
pursuit   of  wisdom.     Other   philosophers,    like  Hi^jpias, 
and  Gorgias,  and  Prodicus,  the  sophists,  whom  the  multi- 
tude's) believed  to  be  men  of  talent  and  exceUent  teachers 
of  wisdom,  were  led  more  by  the  desire  of  gold,  than 
by   the  love  of  wisdom,   and  acquired  (4)  great  riches. 
And  these  riches,  of  which  they  were  so  desirous,  were 
to  them  rather  incentives  (5)  to  vice  than  to  virtue.    But 
Socrates  was  a  great  lover (6)  of  poverty,    and  he  re- 
mained very  poor  throughout  his  life,  although  he  was 
a  man  of  acknowledged  \artue  and  gi^eat  wisdom,  and 
had  many  rich  pupils  and  friends,  who  were  ever  ready 
to  present  him  with  whatsoever  he  might  desire.     For 
Plato,  Kriton,  and  Alcibiades  were  men  of  the  greatest 
liberality  and  of  a  wonderful  generosity  (7) ;  but  Socrates 
despised  aU  their  gifts,  however  (8)  great  and  precious 
they  were,  and  preferred  poverty  to  riches.    But  of  those 
sophists  only  the  names  are  left  (9);  for  men  of  this  kind, 
who  have  Uved  only  for  themselves,  and  have  been  as 
Ignorant  of  true  wisdom  as  (10)  of  virtue,  are  unworthy 
of  the  remembrance  of  posterity  (11).    But  the  doctrines 

No.  42.  (1)  sophista.  (2)  sine  dubio.  (3)  vulgus.  (4)  sibi 
acquirere,  sibi  comparare.  (5)  incitamentum;  „fo",  Genit.  (6)  Sm- 
perlat.  of  Am&ns.  (7)  benignitas.  {8)  quRmvis,  with  Suhj.  (9)  super- 
esse.    (10)  „ew_rra«,  tain  — quam.    (11)  posteri. 


48 


Part  i. 


Section  iv. 


49 


j 


of  Socrates,  which  are  so  full  of  wisdom  and  so  fertile 
in  virtue,  remain  and  will  remain,  and  the  admiration 
paid  to  him  will  never  be  diminished. 

No.  48. 

Aeneas  Leaves  Troy. 

When  Troy  had  been  conquered  by  the  Greeks,  a 
large  multitude  of  Trojans  were  killed  within  (1)  the  city 
itself,  and  but  few  of  the  princes  with  their  relatives 
escaped  death.  Of  these  Aeneas,  the  son  of  Anchises, 
is  the  most  illustrious.  Aeneas  had  always  been,  after  (2) 
Hector,  the  bravest  of  the  Trojan  heroes;  he  was  like- 
wise (3)  skilled  in  warfare,  full  of  prudence (4) ,  and  in 
all  things  ever  mindful  of  the  Gods.  He  therefore  most 
bravely  defended  the  citadel,  as  long  as (5)  it  could  be 
done.  But  when  it  had  fallen,  and  the  Greeks,  greedy 
for  slaughter  and  booty,  had  broken  into  it,  he  resolved, 
with  a  small  body  (6)  of  brave  men,  to  leave  the  city. 
He  therefore  collected  the  scattered  (7) ,  and  set  out  (8) 
on  a  voyage,  full  of  hardships  and  perils.  With  his 
old  (9)  father  whom  he  carried  (10)  on  his  shoulders,  with 
the  penates  and  the  tutelary  Gods  (11)  of  Troy,  with  his 
wife  Creusa  and  his  son  Ascanius,  he  himself  and  his 
brave  friends  proceeded  (12)  through  the  streets  of  the 
city  and  thi'ough  many  dangers,  and  reached  (13)  Mount 
Ida.  Not  till  (14)  then  he  missed  (15)  his  wife.  Unac- 
quainted with  the  roads,  she  had  wandered  away,  in 
^e  city,  from  her  relatives.  Aeneas,  fearing  no  (16) 
danger,  at  once  returned  to  seek  her.  But  he  did  not 
find  her,  still  he  brought  back  some  consolation.     For 


No.  43.  (1)  in.  (2)  secundum.  (3)  „he  —  lilceicise'^,  idem. 
(4)  consilium,  (5)  quamdiu.  (6)  manus.  (7)  dispergere.  (8)  in- 
gredi.  (9)  senex.  (10)  sustulisse;  „(m''j  Abl  (11)  dii  tutelares. 
(12)  transgredi.  (13)  pervenire.  (14)  demum,  to  be  placed  after 
the  emphatic  word,     (15)   desideraie.     (16)   Transl.   „7wthing  o/"". 


the  shade  (17)  of  Creusa  appeared  (18)  to  him,  which  said, 
that  (19)  she  had  been  taken  up  (20),  by  the  Gods,  into 
heaven,  and  been  made  partaker  of  divine  honours.  Then 
Aeneas  went,  with  his  friends,  on  board (21)  the  ships, 
and  set  siiil(22)  to  acquire  for  himself  a  new  home  in 
another  part  of  the  earth. 

No.  44. 

Arehytas  of  Taront. 
Archytas  of  Tarent  lived  about  (1)  the  year  400  be- 
fore the  birth  of  Christ.     He  was  very  fond  (2)  of,  and 
very  eager  for  wisdom,  and  had  not  only  a  very  great 
and  extensive  (3)  knowledge  (4)  of  philosophy  and  mathe- 
matics (5),    but  was  also  much  skilled  in  public  affairs 
(Sing.)  and  warfare.    For  that  reason  he  was  seven  times 
elected  general  by  his  fellow-citizens.    Once  he  conducted 
the  army  in  a  war  against  the  Messanians,  and  accom- 
plished everything  that  is  the  duty  of  a  good  general. 
At  last  (6),  after  several  years,  he  returned  from  war, 
as  conqueror,  to  Tarent.     After  he  had  laid  down  his 
office (7),   he  betook  himself,   desirous  of  leisure,   to  his 
country-house.    There  he  easily  saw,  that  the  steward  (8) 
had  been  very  negligent  in (9)  all   his   affairs,   and   he 
was  excited  with  indignation  and  anger.    But  not  even 
in  his  anger(lO)  did  he  prove  himself  unable  to  control(ll) 
reason;  he  considered  it  the  characteristic  of  the  unwise 
(Sing,)  to  punish  in  anger  (12),  and  said  to  the  steward: 
„You  must  thank  (13)  the  Gods,  that  (14)  I  am  angry; 


(17)  umbra,  imago.  (18)  videri.  (19)  Ace.  with  Inf.  (20)  tol- 
lere.  (21)  „to  go-on  board'',  conscendere.  (22)  solvere,  proficisci, 
also  vela  dare. 

No.  44.  (1)  circa.  (2)  „rery  fond",  Superlat  of  amans.  (3)  am- 
pins. (4)  notitia.  (5)  artes  mathematicae.  (6)  See  43,  14.  (7)  ira- 
perio  se  abdicare.  (8)  villicus.  (9)  Genit.  (10)  iratus.  (11)  ini- 
potens  (=  ^unable  to  control'').  (12)  Ace.  of  iratus,  (13)  gratias 
agere.     (14)  quod. 

Mttller,  Exercises.  4 


50 


Part  i. 


Section  iv. 


II 


51 


It 


else  (15)  I  would  kill  you  with  my  own  hand".  Such 
a  control  (16)  of  anger  (17)  is  the  sign  of  a  perfect  man, 
whom  people  justly  admire.  For  nothing  is  more  diffi- 
cult than  to  remain  mindful  (18)  of  justice  even  in  a 
passion  (19),  and  never  to  forget  what  is  the  duty  of  a 
good  man. 

No.  4-5. 

Hippias  and  Darius. 

Hippias,  expelled  frOm  Athens,  could  not  forget  his 
period  of  dominion  (1).  Tlierefore  he  betook  liimself  first 
to  the  Spartans  and  Corinthians  to  be  restored,  by  their 
help,  to  liis  sovereignty.  The  Spartans,  at  least,  were 
ready  to  do,  what  he  wished  (2);  but  Sosicles  of  Corinth 
reminded  them  of  the  disgi'ace  and  infamy,  wliich  they 
would  have (3)  with  the  other  Greeks,  if  they  came  to 
the  aid  of  a  tyrant  against  a  free  people.  „Eemember 
the  common  country",  he  said,  „and(4)  you  will  not  be 
able  to  restore  him,  who.  altogether  forgetting  his  duty, 
has  oppressed  his  country."  All  assented  to  Sosicles, 
and  Hippias,  repudiated  by  the  Greeks,  went,  full  of 
rage,  to  Asia,  to  ask  aid  of  the  enemies  of  Greece 
against  the  Athenians.  There  he  lived  some  years  at 
Sardes  with  the  satrap  (5)  Artaphemes,  by  whom  he 
was  sent  to  Darius,  king  of  the  Persians,  himself.  Tlie 
latter  (6)  kindly  received  him  and  promised  him  aid. 
At  the  same  time  the  news  was  brought  to  Darius,  that 
the  Greeks,  who  inhabited  Asia  Minor,  with  the  aid  of 
the  Athenians  had  raised  a  sedition  and  destroyed  Sar- 
des by  fire  (7).    Then  the  king's  wrath  burst  out  (8)  and 


(15)  aliter.  (16)  continentia.  (17)  iracundia.  (18)  Accmnt. 
(19)  perturbatio. 

No.  45.  (1)  anly^  dominatio.  (2)  concupiscere,  petere.  (3)  Pe- 
Hphr.  Cmjiig.  (4)  „awrf"  is  to  he  left  mt,  or  to  be  replaced  by  jam, 
Gram.  §  264.  Note  3.  (5)  satrapes,  1.  Bed.  (6)  hie,  or  Bdat, 
Pron.    (7)  incendium.    (8)  exardescere. 


was  daily  more  strengthened  by  Hippias.  Darius  threaten- 
ed (9)  the  Athenians  with  ruin;  and  that  he  might  not 
forget  his  wrath,  a  slave  was  to  exclaim (10)  to  him 
three  times  daily  during (11)  his  meal:  „Sire,  remember 
the  Athenians!"  Thus  it  happened,  that  Darius  soon  sent 
an  army  to  Greece.  But  it  was  repulsed  with  {Ahl.) 
such  great  slaughter,  that  he  never  afterwards,  through 
his  whole  life,  could  forget  it,  although  he  was  by  no 
one  reminded  of  that  war. 

No.  46. 

Ungratefulness  (1)  of  the  Athenians. 

The  Athenians   have   often   shown  themselves  very 
ungrateful   towards   their   best   citizens.     Miltiades   and 
Themistocles,   who  had  freed  the  state  from  the  danger 
of  the  Persians  and  had  always  been  much  attached  (2) 
to  the  countiy,  were,  without  a  just  reason,  accused  of 
treason,    and   found   guilty  (3);    the  one  was  fined  in  a 
sum  of  money  (4)   and,    as   he  was   not  able   to  pay  it, 
thrown   into   prison  (5).     The   other   was   condemned  to 
death   and   saved,    at   that   time   indeed,   his  life   by  a 
liasty  flight,  but  perished  afterwards  in  exile  in  a  miser- 
able manner.     And  what,  after  all (6),  was  it,  that  was 
imputed    as   a   crime    to   Aristides?     He  (7)   was   found 
guilty,  as  it  were,  of  justice,  and  sent  into  exile,  because 
he  was  just  above  (8)   the  rest.     The  same  was  the  lot 
of  Cimon,    who  was  accused  (9)    of  friendship  with  the 
Spartans,  and  had  to  leave  his  country.    Alcibiades  was 
accused  of  the  violation  of  religious  rites  (10)  and  con- 
demned to  death,  which  punishment  he  escaped  only  by 


(9)  minitari  alicui  aliquid.    (10)  acclamare,  succlamare. 

No.  46.  (1)  ingratus  animus.  (2)  amans,  Superlat  (3)  con- 
demnare.  (4)  pecunia  (=  „a  mm  of  m.").  (5)  in  vincula,  or  in 
carcerem  conjicere.  (6)  tandem.  (7)  hie.  (8)  praeter.  (9)  in- 
simulare.    (10)  violata  religio  (=  „the  viol,  of  rel.  rites'"). 

4* 


m 


52 


Part  i. 


Section  iv. 


53 


prudence  and  determination  (11).  Nevertheless  he  never 
entirely  swerved  (12)  from  the  love  of  his  country.  Pho- 
cion,  too,  when  he  was  already  a  very  old  man (13), 
was  summoned  to  court  on  account  of  treason.  Though 
many,  mindful  of  the  merits  of  the  man,  pitied  him, 
yet  he  was,  without  a  hearing  (14),  condemned  to  death. 
Socrates,  though  he  was  distinguished  no  less  by  his 
love  of  piety,  than  by  his  zeal  for  wisdom,  was  never- 
theless not  acquitted  of  impiety,  but  punished  with  death. 

No.  4?. 

Virtue  is  the  Highest  Good. 

The  best  men  have  always  esteemed  virtue  and  wis- 
dom more  highly  than  all  other  things,  which  men  are 
accustomed  (1)  highly  to  esteem.  Epicurus,  indeed,  valued 
pleasure  more  than  virtue,  though  he  siiid,  that  even 
virtue  ought  not  to  be  undervalued.  But  if  we  wish 
to  fix  (2)  the  value  of  each  thing,  we  must  consider  (3) 
what  each  one  effects,  and  for  how  much  it  can  be  ac- 
quired. What,  then,  does  virtue  effect?  It  makes  man 
happy;  it  gives  him  that  peace  of  soul,  which  one  will 
be  able  to  buy  nowhere  else  either  for  a  low  or  high 
price.  Wliat  does  pleasure  effect?  An  honest  and  mo- 
derate (4)  pleasure  no  doubt  can  be  useful;  but  it  easily 
oversteps  the  limit  (5)  and  causes  weariness  (6)  and  re- 
gret. No  one  has  ever  regretted  virtue,  but  very  many 
pleasure.  But  what  does  virtue  cost?  Very  much  no 
doubt (7);  for  he  who  wishes  to  possess  it,  must  apply 
himself  (8)  to  it  alone  throughout  his  whole  life.  He 
must  devote  (9)  liimself  entirely  to  virtue,   and  only  for 

(11)  consilium.  (12)  discedere.  (13)  admodum  senex.  (14)  in- 
dicta  causa. 

No.  47.  (1)  solere.  (2)  statuere,  Future,  (3)  id  spectare, 
Fut  of  Periphr.  Conjug.  (4)  raodicus.  (5)  modum  excedere  (=  „to 
step  over  the  /.").  (6)  lassitude.  (7)  sine  dubio.  (8)  studere.  (9)  de- 
dere,  dare. 


this  price  he  can  buy  it.  And  how  dearly  does  one  buy 
pleasure?  Mostly  for  a  very  low  price,  if  at  least (10) 
we  look  at  the  money  or  labour,  by  which  it  is  acquired. 
For  most  pleasures  can  be  acquired  for  little  (11)  money 
and  without  any  labour;  and  all  the  money  of  a  man 
is  still  by  far  less  worth  than  man  himself.  But  if  the 
loss  (12)  of  health,  peace  and  honesty  is  taken  into  con- 
sideration (13),  which  very  often  follows  pleasure,  it 
often  costs,  in  fiict(14),  very  much.  Virtue,  therefore, 
is  justly  always  to  be  esteemed  highest,  since  it  not 
only  costs  more  than  pleasure  and  other  things,  but 
also  effects  better  ones. 

No.  18. 
Shortness  of  Human  Life. 

The  pliilosoplier  Theophrastus  had(l)  first  Plato, 
and  afterwards  Aristotle  for  his  teacher.  To  the  latter 
especially  he  was  so  acceptable,  that  he  gave  him  the 
name  of  Theophrastus,  which  means  (2)  a  „ Divine 
Speaker".  He  was  also  highly  esteemed  by  several 
kings,  but  especially  by  the  Athenians,  as  could  be  seen, 
when  he  was  impeached  of  impiety;  for  he  was  not 
only  acquitted  of  that  crime,  but  he  defended  also  his 
accuser  successfully  (3)  against  (4)  the  threats  of  the 
Athenians.  His  books  contain  many  wise  words  (5),  but 
what  he  is  said  to  have  spoken  on  liis  death-bed  (6) 
about  the  shortness  of  life,  is  not  worthy  (7)  of  so  great 
a  man.  For  he  accused  nature,  because  it  had  given  to 
the  deer  (Pliir.)  and  crows  (8)  a  long  life ,  but  to  men  a 
short  one.  He  believed,  tliat  it  could  be  of  no  interest  to 
beasts  how  long  they  lived,  but  that  it  was  of  very  gi^eat 
interest  to  us.  Similar  complaints (9)  are  often  heard;  but 

(10)  siquidem.  (11)  exiguus,  parvus.  (12)  amissio.  (13)  spec- 
tare  (=  „to  take  into  cons.''^).     (14)  re  vera. 

Ko.  48.  (1)  uti,  Gram.  §  231,  end,  (2)  valere.  (3)  feliciter. 
(4)  a.  (5)  3apienter  dicta.  (6)  moriens.  (7)  Gram.  §  223.  (8)  cor- 
nix.    (9)  querela,  querimonia. 


54 


Part  i. 


J^ECTION    IV. 


55 


they  are  in  no  way  (10)  jiist.  For  of  what  importance 
is  it  to  us,  how  long  beasts  live,  when  men's  life  is  in 
question  (11)?  This  (12)  can  as  little  (13)  be  compared 
to  the  life  of  beasts,  as  to  that  of  oaks  and  beeches. 
But  if  we  consider  the  life  of  man  alone,  it  matters 
little,  how  long  he  lives;  but  it  matters  very  much^ 
how  well  he  lives.  If  you  always  take  pains  (14)  to 
become  wiser  and  better,  even  in  this  short  life,  time 
will  not  be  wanting  (15)  to  you;  but  if  you  believe^ 
that  it  concerns  you  notliing,  of  what  kind  your  life 
be,  even  the  longest  life  will  be  of  no  value  to  you. 
But  which  (16)  is  more  desirable  (17),  to  have  been  a 
good  man  (18),  or  (19)  to  have  become  an  old  man  (18)? 

Xo.  49. 

What  Great  Honour  has  been  Paid  (Suhj.)  to 

Learned  Men. 

Men,  who  distinguished  themselves  by  talent,  learn- 
ing, and  wisdom,  have  been  highly  esteemed  in  all 
times,  either  (sive)  diu-ing  their  lifetime,  or  (sire)  after 
their  death.  Alexander  the  Great  was  very  fond  of 
Grecian  sciences,  but  especially  esteemed  most  of  all  (1) 
the  poems  of  Homer,  wliich  he  always  carried  about 
him,  and  which  at  night,  when  he  went  to  sleep,  he 
put  under  liis  pillow  together  with  his  sword,  calling 
them  an  instruction  (2)  in  warlike  bravery.  To  his 
father,  who  once  asked  him,  why  he  esteemed  this  poet 
higher  than  all  the  others,  he  answered:  ,,As  not  every 
dress  is  becoming  to  a  king,  neither  is  every  poem". 
When  he  found  among  the  booty  of  Darius  a  precious 


(10)  neqnaquam.  (11)  agi  {=  to  he  in  qu.^).  (12)  Relaf, 
(13)  „a«  little  —  a«",  non  magis  —  quam.  (14)  operam  dare,  ut. 
(15)  deficere.  (16)  quis,  or  uter?  (17)  expetendus.  (18)  Accusat. 
(19)  an,  Gram.  §  176.  2. 

No.  49.    (1)  Transl.  „very  highly^.    (2)  praeceptio. 


box  (8),  adorned  with  gold,  diamonds  and  pearls,  destin- 
ed (4)  to  keep  ointments,  he  ordered  that  it  should  be 
used  (5)  to  keep  the  poems  of  Homer,  that  the  most 
magnificent  product  (6)  of  the  human  mind  might  be 
enclosed  (7)  in  a  precious  work  of  art.  Alexander  said 
to  a  messenger  (8)  who  came  up  at  full  s^eed(9),  with 
the  news  of  the  happy  issue  of  an  important  affair: 
„What  is  the  information,  that  causes  you  to  come  at 
such  a  speed  (10)?  has  (11)  Homer  risen  from  the  dead 
(12)?"  Hence  it  clearly  follows,  that  the  king  of  Ma- 
cedonia esteemed  Homer  as  highly  as  (13)  any  one  ever 
has  esteemed  him.  The  same  Alexander  gave  the  order, 
when  the  Thebans,  having  been  oppressed  by  a  Mace- 
donian garrison,  had  tried  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of 
servitude  (14),  to  destroy  their  city  and  to  sell  the  pri- 
soners; yet  poetry  was  with  him  of  so  great  value,  that 
he  spared,  besides  the  temples  of  the  Gods,  the  house 
and  the  descendants  of  the  celebrated  poet  Pindar. 

No.  50. 

Chapter  II. 

Dionysius,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  asked  Plato,  a  philo- 
sopher of  acknowledged  superiority  and  excellence,  by 
many  letters,  to  come  to  him.  When  the  latter  had 
complied  with  his  wish(l),  Dionysius  sent  a  guarlanded 
ship  to  meet  him,  he  himself  welcomed  him,  when  he 
landed (2),  placed  him  (3)  in  a  carriage,  and  drove  it (4) 


(3)  theca,  or  scrinium.    (4)  factus.    (5)  adhibere  ad.    (6)  opus. 

(7)  concludere,  or  includere;  tJie  former  with  in  aiid  Ace.,  or  AM. 
instrum.,  the  latter  with  in  and  Ace.,  or  in  amlAhl.,  or  Ahl.  instrum, 

(8)  eques.  (9)  citato  equo,  admisso  equo.  (10)  Transl.  „which  is 
(Subj.)  ioorthy  of  such  a  speed^.  (11)  Begin  with  nisi  forte,  foil,  by 
Indie.  (12)  reviviscere  (=  „fo  rise  from  the  (f.").  (13)  Correlat, 
(14)  jugum  servile  dejicere. 

No.  aO.     (1)  vohintas.    (2)  escendere.     (3)  Ablat.   absol.    Part. 
Perf.  Pass.    4)  jumenta  agere. 


56 


Part  i. 


Section  v. 


57 


I 


himself.  Such  great  respect  Dionysius  paid  to  Plato, 
although  he  knew,  that  he  was  a  friend  of  Dion.  Zeno, 
bom  at  Cittium  in  the  island  of  C^^rus  in  the  year 
362  before  Chr.,  starved  liimself,  being  98  years  old, 
because  he  was  troubled  with  a  great  pain  of  liis  finger, 
which  he  had  broken.  And  yet  Zeno  and  his  disciples 
say,  that  it  is  not  the  characteristic  of  a  wise  man,  to 
be  moved  by  anything (5);  he  is  a  king,  although  he 
may  serve  in  slavery  (6),  happy,  although  he  were  cast 
into  the  redhot  bull  of  Phalaris.  In  the  beginning  Zeno 
was  a  tradesman  (7) ;  but  he  gave  up  his  business  (8), 
when  he  had  lost  (9)  his  whole  property  through  ship- 
wreck, and  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  philosophy. 
Yet  others  say,  that  he  possessed  property  sufficient  to 
live  upon.  After  having  prepared  his  mind  for  20  years 
for  the  knowledge  of  wisdom,  he  commenced  to  expound 
his  tenets  (10)  in  the  Stoa,  a  most  celebrated  hall  at 
Athens,  wliich  Polygnotus,  Panaenus.  and  Mycon  had 
adorned  with  paintings;  therefore  his  philosophy  was 
called  the  stoic,  and  his  followers  were  called  Stoics. 
Zeno  was  esteemed  very  liighly  at  Athens  by  the  rich 
and  by  the  poor.  Antigonus  Gonatas,  king  of  Mace- 
donia, heard  him  as  often  as  he  came  to  Athens,  and 
he  was  so  full  of  sincere  veneration  for  him,  that  he 
very  often  followed  the  opinion  of  the  philosopher,  and 
wished  to  draw  him  to  his  court.  Zeno  himself  did 
not,  indeed,  comply  with  his  wish (11),  but  sent  him 
two  of  his  disciples.  With  the  people  of  Athens  the 
philosopher  had  such  authority,  that  they  not  only 
honoured  him  with  a  golden  crown,  but  also  entrusted 
him   with   the   keys   of  the  castle  (12).     A  certain  man 

(5)  uUa  res.  (6)  servitatein  servire.  (7)  mercaturani  facere. 
(8)  a  negotiis  recedere.  (9)  detrimentum  facere  alicujus  rei; 
Abl,  absol.  (10)  praecepta  tradere.  (11)  See  1.  (12)  TransL  „gave 
him  the  keys  of  the  castle  to  keep  {themy^.  Gram.  §  28L  3.  (Fut, 
I*art.  Pass.) 


of  Gades  came,  as  Pliny  tells  us  in  the  second  book  of 
his  letters,  attracted  by  the  name  and  glory  of  Titus 
Livy,  that  celebrated  historian,  from  the  extreme  limits 
of  Europe  to  Italy,  in  order  to  see  him,  and  after  see- 
ing him  immediately  returned  home. 


SECTION  V. 
Use  of  the  Ablative. 

(Grammar  §  220—235.) 
Xo.  51. 

The  Oldest  SibyUine  Books. 

To  king  Tarquin  the  Proud  nine  books  were  brought 
by  an  unknown  old  woman  that  he  might  buy  them.  But 
as  she  asked  an  immoderate  price,  the  king  declined (1) 
to  buy  them  at  that  price.  The  woman  at  once  left  (2), 
and  burned  three  of  her  books;  then  she  returned  and 
offered  to  the  king  the  remaining  six.  „At  what  price 
will  you  sell  them?"  asked  the  king.  „At  the  same  price, 
for  which  I  offered  you  the  nine".  Tarquin,  offended 
at  this  folly,  refused (3)  the  woman  a  second  time,  and 
she,  having  gone  away,  again  burned  three  other  books, 
but  returned  even  a  tliird  time,  and  asked  Tarquin,  whe- 
ther he  was  ready  to  buy  the  three  remaining  books  for 
the  same  money.  The  king,  then,  astonished  at  the  no- 
velty of  the  thing,  ordered  (4)  the  Augurs  to  be  called 
to  him,  that  the  books  might  be  examined  by  them. 
They  (5)  obej^ed  the  command  (6)  of  the  king,  and  soon 
l)erceived,  that  in  those  books  were  contained  the  oracles 
of  the  Sibyl  of  Cumae.  Much  delighted  at  this  disco- 
very (7)  they  brought  (8)  the  affair  before  Tarquin.    The 

No.  51.  (1)  nolle.  (2)  abire.  (3)  repudiare.  (4)  jubere,  with 
Ace.  and  Inf.  (5)  hie,  or  Belat.  (6)  Gram.  ^  203.  1.  (7)  inven- 
tum.    (8)  deferre  ad  {,^before^^). 


58 


Part  i. 


Section  v. 


59 


king,  therefore,  at  the  advice  of  the  Augurs,  bought 
those  three  books  at  the  same  price,  which  the  old  wo- 
man had  asked  for  the  nine;  and  at  once  the  woman 
disappeared  and  was  not  seen  any  more  (9).  By  order 
of  the  king  the  books  were  deposited  in  a  sacred  place  (10), 
and  guarded  (11)  by  two  men  (12)  with  great  care  (13). 
In  this  manner  the  oldest  Sibylline  books  came  to  Rome. 
Later  on  other  oracles,  too,  of  the  Sibyl  were  discovered; 
but  these  were  of  less  authority  with  the  Roman  people 
than  those,  wliich  were  contained  in  the  books  bought 
by  Tarquin. 

No.  52. 

Socrstes*s  Frankness  of  Speech. 
Though  Socrates  had  been  accused  of  a  capital  crime, 
yet  before  (1)  the  judges  he  spoke  with  such  frankness, 
that  he,  trusting  in  his  innocence,  seemed  to  despise  (2) 
their  kindness  and  commiseration.     So  it  happened,  that 
the  judges,  rather  led  by  hatred  than  by  proofs,  first 
declared   him   convicted   of   impiety.     Then,    after   the 
manner  of  the  Athenians,  they  asked  him,   of  what  pu- 
nishment he  deemed  himself  (3)  worthy.    Whereupon  (4) 
Socrates  answered:    „You  have  condemned  me  imjustly; 
for (5)  I  have  not  committed  any (6)  crime,  but  always, 
with  fidelity,  discharged  (7)  the  duties  of  a  good  citizen. 
Therefore  I  deem  myself  worthy,  not  of  a  punislmient, 
but  of  the  liighest  reward,  which  is  wont  to  be  granted 
to  the  best  old  men.    Not  from  a  love  of  life,  but  from 
a  consciousness  of  my  innocence  have  I  said  this;  not 
that  I  might  free  myself  from  the  danger  of  death,  but 
for  your  sake,  that  you  might  not  pass  a  judgment (8) 

(9)  non  amplius  (=  „mt  —  any  more'').  (10)  sacrarium. 
(11)  servare.     (12)  duumviri.     (13)  diligentia. 

yo.  52.  (1)  apud.  (2)  repudiare,  aspernari,  contemnere. 
(3)  Gram.  ^  237.  2.  (4)  ad  quod.  (5)  neque  enim.  (6)  hy  quid- 
quam,  Gram.  §  212,  2.     (7)  persequi.     (8)  judicium  facere. 


unworthy  of  such  men'^.  Socrates  had  trusted  too  much 
to  his  innocence.  Many,  indeed,  of  the  judges  acknow- 
ledged, that  he  was  free  from  all  guilt,  and  they  endea- 
voured (9)  to  save  (10)  him  from  punishment.  Some,  too, 
were  moved  with  pity  for  the  old  man.  But  most  of 
them,  partly  from  disgust(ll)  at  the  great  haughtiness (12) 
of  Socrates,  partly  from  fear  of  the  multitude,  which 
seemed  to  demand  the  death  of  the  accused,  condemned 
him  to  death.  Socrates  was  content  with  this  judgment. 
He  thanked  (13)  those  of  the  judges,  who  out  of  love 
for  justice,  had  acquitted  him,  and  the  others  he  forgave 
the  injury  (14).  Then,  trusting  in  the  consciousness  of  liis 
virtue,  he  returned  to  prison.  Afterwards,  when  his  friends 
took  pains(15)  to  free  him  by  bribing  the  guards  (16),  he, 
induced  by  his  reverence  for  the  laws  of  the  country, 
refused  (17)  to  quit  the  prison.  Some  days  afterwards 
he  cheerfully (18)  drank (19)  the  poison,  and  died (20) 
with  a  firmness  (21)  worthy  of  so  great  a  man. 

No.  53. 

Anacharsis. 

Anacliarsis,  by  nation  a  Scytliian,  was  a  descendant 
of  renowned  ancestors,  and  even,  as  many  believe,  of 
the  royal  family.  He  is  said  to  have  lived  nearly  600 
years  before  the  birth  ef  Christ.  The  Scythians  were, 
indeed,  at  that  time,  justly  considered  to  be  uncivi- 
lized (1)  and  wanting  in  every  kind  of  culture,  though 
they  far  surpassed  the  Greeks  in  purity  of  morals  (2). 


(9)  studere,  cupere.  (10  liberare.  (11)  taedium,  ^at\  Genit 
(12)  fastus,  superbia.  (13)  gratias  agere.  (14)  injuriam  condo- 
nare  alicui.  (15)  See  48, 14.  (16)  Transl.  „thrmgh  bribed  (pecunia 
corrumpere)  guards''.  (17)  recusare,  Gram.  ^  253.  (18)  hilaris, 
or  laetus,  or  both,  conneded  hy  et.  (19)  haurire.  (20)  obire  mor- 
tem.    (21)  Traml.  y,wifh  that  firmness,  which  ivas  worthy'-'  etc. 

No.  53.     (1)  rudis,  indoctus.     (2)  integritas  vitae. 


60 


Part  i. 


Section  v. 


61 


But  of  Anarcharsis  ancient   wiiters  report,    that (3)   he 
was  endowed  not  only  with  a  good  disposition  (4) ,  but 
also  with  great  mental  (5)  powers  and  an  insatiable  desire 
for  knowledge.    Out  of  a  great  zeal  for  wisdom  he  left 
his  country,  and  travelled  to  Greece,  which  was  reputed 
to  abound  with  wise  men.     At  Athens  he  met  Solon, 
and  it  is  recorded  that  he  said  to  him:    „ Solon,  I  need 
a  helper  and  teacher  in  wisdom,   and  I  am  willing  to 
make  (6)    friendship   with   you".     But  Solon,    who   was 
then  occupied   with  the  drawing  up  of  laws  (7),  replied 
to  him:     „If  you   are   destitute  of  friends,   seek   them 
among  your  countrymen  (8) ;   for  in  my  judgment  it  is 
better  to  establish  friendships  at  home  than  with  foreign- 
ers (9)".     „Well  then  (10),  said  Anacharsis,  you  yourself 
are  now  at   home,  and  therefore  make  friendship  with 
me  here".     Solon,  delighted  with  the  man's  ingenuity, 
received  Anacharsis  into  his  house,   and  recognized  him 
as  one,  who  was  (Suhj.)  endowed  with  many  virtues  and 
most  worthy  of  the  friendsliip  of  the  best  men.     There 
he  excited  (11),  by  his  talents  and  liis  wisdom,  in  a  short 
time,  such  a  general (12)  admiration  that,   by  some,  he 
was  even  reckoned  among  (13)  the  seven  sages.     Satisfied 
with  a  short  stay  (14)  at  Athens,  he  returned  home  to  (15) 
instruct  (16)  his  countrymen,  at  whose  ignorance  he  was 
grieved  (17),  in  tlie  knowledge,  he  had  acquired  at  Athens. 
But  soon  (18)  after  his  return  into  liis  native  country  he 
is  said  to  have  been  killed  by  his  own  brother  Saulius. 


(3)  Gram.  §  268.  3.  (4)  indoles.  (5)  animus.  (6)  facere, 
inire.  (7)  in  scribendis  legibus  occupatum  esse.  (8)  tuus,  also 
popularis.  (9)  exteri.  (10)  age  vero.  (11)  movere.  (12)  by  the 
Genit.  JPltir.  omnium.  (13)  in  numero  —  haberi.  (14)  commoratio. 
(15)  ut.  (16)  docere.  (17)  dolere,  Gram.  ,<?  194.  4.  (18)  paulo, 
hand  ita  multo,  non  multo. 


No.  54. 

Some  Remarks  (1)    on   the  War,   which  was  waged   by 

the  Romans  with  Pyrrhus. 

i.  BatUe  (it  Heradea. 
In  the  Tarentine  war  the  Romans  not  only  dis- 
played (2)  remarkable  bravery,  but  also  acquired  for 
themselves  the  greatest  renown  by  their  magnanimity  (3) 
and  perseverance  (4).  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  who  had 
come  to  the  assistance  of  the  Tarentines,  was  himself 
both  personally  brave  (5)  and  well  skilled  in  the  art  of 
war.  He  also  (6)  had  the  bravest  soldiers,  whose  valour 
had  already  been  tested  in  many  battles.  Besides  his 
liopes  rested  on  the  elephants,  which  he  had  brought  (7) 
with  liim,  wliich  animals  the  Eomans  had  never  seen 
before.  At  Heraclea  in  Lucania  the  first  battle  was 
fought.  Tlie  Romans  displayed  the  greatest  bravery, 
and  they  would,  no  doubt,  have  gained (8)  the  victory, 
if  they  had  not  been  frightened  by  the  impetuosity  (9) 
and  fierceness  of  the  elephants,  and,  in  this  manner,  been 
deprived  of  the  hope  of  victory.  Thus  the  Romans  suf- 
fered (10)  a  great  defeat.  But  Pyi-rhus,  too,  had  bought 
the  victory  dearly.  The  best  leaders  and  many  very 
brave  soldiers  had  fallen  in  the  battle.  The  army  seemed 
to  have  lost  (11)  courage  (12)  and  the  hope  of  future 
victories.  He  liimself,  admiring  the  bravery  of  the  Ro- 
mans, is  said  to  have  exclaimed:  „How  easy  would  it 
be,  if  I  had (13)  these  soldiers,  or  if  the  Romans  had 
me  as  leader,  to  obtain  the  dominion  of  the  world  (14)!^ 
Some  days  after  the  battle  at  Heraclea  the  Romans  sent 
C.  Fabricius  Luscinus,  a  senator  of  great  courage  and 
singular  self-possession  (15)  with  two  others  as  ambas- 


No.  54.  (1)  quidam.  (2)  uti.  (3)  animi  magnitude.  (4)  con- 
stantia.  (5)  manu  fortis.  (6)  idem.  (7)  ducere.  (8)  potiri.  (9)  im- 
petus. (10)  afiici,  Gram.  §  229.  (11)  orbatum  esse,  Gram.  §  229. 
(12)  bonus  animus.    (13)  uti.    (14)  orbis  terrarum.    (15)  constantia. 


62 


Part  i. 


Section  v. 


63 


i 


sadors  to  Pyrrhus  to  (16)  arrange  with  him  about  ex- 
changing the  captives  (17).  The  king  who  wished  to 
have  such  brave  men  as  friends,  had  hoped,  that (18), 
after  the  defeat  at  Heraclea,  the  Romans  would  wish 
rather  to  enjoy  peace  than  to  continue  (19)  the  war. 
Therefore  he  believed,  that (18)  the  ambassadors  would 
sue  for  peace. 

No.  55. 

2,   Fahricius, 
When  Pyrrhus  had  admitted  the  ambassadors  to  Ids 
presence  (ad  se),  he  was,  by  the  speech  of  Fabricius,  at 
once  deprived  of  all  hope  of  peace.  But  as  he  had  heard, 
that  Fabricius  was  very  poor,  he  endeavoured,  by  pre- 
sents and  promises,  to  win  liim  over  to  liimself(l);  but 
Fabricius   rejected   everything.     On   the   following   day 
Pyrrhus  tried  (2)  to  shake  (3)  the  courage  of  the  man  by 
a  sudden  (4)  fright  and  used   the  following   artifice  (5). 
He  placed  an  elephant  of  enormous  size  behind  a  cur- 
tain (6).    At  a  given  sign  (7)  the  beast  uttered  (8)  a  ter- 
rible roar (9),   and  at  the  same  time,  put  its  trunk (10) 
around  the  head  of  Fabricius.    But  the  courageous  man 
said,  quietly  smiling (11),  to  the  king:    ^Neither  could 
you  yesterday  by  your  gold,  nor  will  you  to-day  by  this 
elephant   effect,   that  I   faithlessly  discharge  the  office, 
laid  (12)  upon  me  by  the  state".     Pyrrhus  admired  the 
magnanimity  of  the  man    and    returned   many   of  the 
captives  to  him  without  ransom  (13).     So  much  did  he 
deem  virtue  worthy  of  honour  even  in  an  enemy.     To 


(16)  qui,  with  Siihj.  (17)  agere  de  redimendis  captivis. 
(18)  Ace.  with  Inf.     (19)  persequi. 

No.  55.    (1)  sibi  conciliare.    (2)  tentare,  icith  ut,   w  conari, 

vrith    Inf.     (3)  concutere,    perturbare.     (4)  repentinus.  (5)  ars. 

(6)  aulaeum.    (7)  signo  dato.     (8)  edere.     (9)  mugitus.  (10)  pro- 

boscis,  idis.  (11)  subridere.  (12)  deferre,  „tijxwi",  Dat.  (13)  pre- 
tium. 


this  an  illustrious  example  of  integrity  (14)  may  be  ad- 
ded, which  was  given  by  the  same  Fabricius  two  years 
afterwards.  When  he  (15)  was  elected  consul  after  the 
battle  at  Asculum  in  Apulia,  and  sent,  with  an  army, 
against  Pyrrhus,  to  keep  him  ofF(16)  from  the  Eoman 
territory,  he  pitched  his  camp  (17),  in  a  fiivourable  place, 
not  far  from  the  enemy.  There  a  messenger  came  to  him 
from  Nicias,  the  physician  of  the  king,  and  handed  (18) 
him  a  letter,  in  which  the  physician  promised  to  (19) 
kill  Pyrrhus  by  poison,  if  a  reward  were  given  to  him. 
Fabricius  shrunk  from  so  great  a  crime  (20),  and  at  once 
sent  Nicias's  letter  to  the  king.  Astonished  (21)  at  liis 
integrity  the  king  exclaimed:  „This  is  that  Fabricius 
who  can  no  more  be  turned  from  the  path  of  integrity 
than  the  sun  from  its  course". 

No.  56. 

^.  Cineas  goes  to  Borne, 
Not  long  after  the  battle  at  Heraclea  Pyrrhus  sent 
Cineas,  a  man  of  remarkable  prudence  and  great  elo- 
quence, to  Rome  to  conclude  (1)  peace  with  the  Romans. 
Cineas  tried  first  to  bribe  the  noblest  Romans  with  gold; 
but  he  soon  desisted  from  this  plan;  for  he  found  no 
one,  whose  house  was  open (2)  for  presents.  Then  he 
delivered  a  brilliant  speech  in  the  Senate,  in  which  he 
recommended,  with  admirable  eloquence,  the  peace  pro- 
posed by  Pyrrhus.  Some  of  the  Senators  had  already 
been  won  over (3)  by  Cineas,  when  Appius  Claudius 
Caecus  was  carried  (4)  in  a  litter  (5)  into  the  Senate  and 
thus  spoke:    „Not  without  sadness  (6)  have  I  long  been 


(14)  honestas.  (15)  qui  quum.  (16)  arcere,  prohibere.  (17)  cas- 
tra  ponere.  (18)  reddere  (=  „to  hand'').  (19)  Ace.  with  Inf., 
Gram.  §  268.  2.    (20)  scelus.    (21)  obstupefieri. 

No.  56.  (1)  componere.  (2)  patere,  apertum  esse,  Imperf. 
SttbJ.  (3)  capere.  (4)  portare,  deferre,  Perf.  Indie.  (5)  lectica. 
(6)  luctus,  maeror. 


64 


Pakt  I. 


Section  v. 


65 


destitute  of  the  light (7)  of  my  eyes;  but  now  I  wish 
also  to  be  deaf  of  my  ears  in  order  that  I  may  not  hear 
what  is  unworthy  of  the  Koman  Senate".  With  such 
dignity  did  blind  Appius,  in  his  old  age,  discharge  the 
Senatorial  office  (8).  At  liis  advice  the  Senate  rejected 
the  conditions  of  the  king  and  replied  to  Cineas:  „Be- 
fore  Pyrrhus  will  have  left (9)  Italy,  there  can  be  no 
negotiation  (10)  about  peace  with  him^.  Cineas  perceived, 
that  the  Eoman  Senate  could  be  moved  by  no  artifices, 
and  he,  therefore,  desisted  from  all  other  attempts (11). 
Thus,  without  bringing  the  affair  to  a  close (12),  he 
returned  to  Pyrrhus.  But  he  faithfully  and  conscien- 
tiously (13)  told  the  king  all  that  he  had  seen  and  heard. 
He  could  not  abstain  from  praising  (14)  the  Romans,  but 
with  much  frankness  he  said  that  the  city  had  appeared 
to  liim,  as  it  were  (15),  a  temple,  and  the  Roman  Senate 
an  assembly  (16)  of  kings.  With  such  great  admiration 
had  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  people  impressed  (17)  him. 

No.  57. 

4.  End  of  the  Tarentine  War. 
After  Pyrrhus  (1)  had  punished  the  physician,  whose 
proposals  (2)  Fabricius  had  so  generously  (3)  rejected  (4), 
with  a  (is)  death,  of  wliich  he  had  rendered  himself 
worthy,  he,  out  of  gratitude (5),  sent  back  to  the  Ro- 
mans all  the  captives  without  ransom.  But  they  did 
not  wish  to  be  sui-passed  by  liim  in  magnanimity,  and 
returned  to  him  an  equal  number  of  their  captives.  From 

^^  II  — ^ 

(7)  lumen.  (8)  munus  senatorium.  (9)  discedere  ex.  (10)  agi- 
tur  de  (=  ^there  in  a  negotiatim  of*).  (11)  desistere  a  tentatio- 
nibus.  (12)  infecta  re.  (13)  by  the  Suhst.  fides,  and  religio. 
(14)  Transl  Jrmu  the  praises  of.  (15)  tanquam.  (IB)  consilium, 
consessus,  with  quidam.     (17)  afficere. 

No.  57.  (1)  Pyrrhus  postquam,  Gram.  §  245.  2.  (2)  con- 
ditio. (3)  tanta  (cum)  animi  magnitudine.  (4)  repudiare,  respuere. 
(5)  gratus  animus. 


this  time  Pyrrhus  tried,  in  an  honourable  manner,  to 
depart  from  Italy.    By  those  two  victories,  too,  he  had 
been  so   much  weakened  (6),   that   he   did   not   dare  to 
fight  (7)  with  the  Romans  in  a  third  battle.     Therefore, 
invited  by  the  Siculi,  he  went  to  Sicily  to  free  that  is- 
land from  the  dominion  of  the  Carthaginians,  who  had, 
at  that  time,  taken  possession  of  a  large  part  of  the  is- 
land.   But  though  Pyrrhus  (8)  obtained  several  victories 
in  Sicily  also,  yet  two  years  afterwards,  induced  by  the 
entreaties  of  the  Tarentines,  he  returned  to  Italy  by  the 
same  way.     The  Consul  Manius  Curius  Dentatus,  a  man 
who  (9)  was  equal  to  Fabricius  in  moderation  (10)  and 
integrity,  marched  against  him  with  an  army.     In  the 
year  275  B.  Chr.  he  attacked  (11)  the  king  near  Bene- 
ventum,    and  defeated  liim  in  so  great   a   battle,    that 
Pyrrhus  at  once  resolved  to  desist  from  war  and  to  de- 
part (12)  from  Italy.     He  fled  with  a  small  portion  of 
his  army  in  ships  to  Greece,  where,  soon  after,   whilst 
besieging  (13)  Argos,  he  was  killed  by  the  blow  (14)  of 
a  stone.    Three  years  after  the  departure  (15)  of  Pyrrhus 
the  Romans  conquered   the  city  of  Tarentum,   and,  by 
this  victory,  gained  (16),  at  the  same  time,  the  dominion 
of  the  whole  of  Lower  Italy.    This  happened  in  the  year 
272  B.  Chr.,  ten  years  after  the  war  with  the  Tarentines 
had  been  begun  (17). 

No.  58. 

In  what  Manner  Pisistratus  obtained  (1)  absolute 

Power  (2). 
A  few  years  after  the  death  of  Solon  violent  dis- 
sensions arose  among  the  citizens  at  Athens.     In*  these 

(6)  debilitare,  frangere.  (7)  confligere.  (8)  Sed  Pyrrhus 
quamvis.  (9)  Gram.  §  238.  .5.  (10)  temperantia,  continentia. 
(11)  aggredi.  (12)  decedere.  (13)  bi/  a  clause  ,,when  he  hesieged"", 
Gram.  §  256.  I.  4.  (14)  ictus.  (15)  decessus,  profectio.  (16)  Transl. 
y,hy  which  v.  they  gaitied^^.     (17)  coepisse. 

No.  58.    {1)  Perf.  SubJ.    (2)  tyrannis,  dominatio(=  „afcs.poM?er"). 
Mttller,  Exercises.  5 


1^ 


/ 


66 


Part  i. 


Section  v. 


67 


r 


I 


« 


SF 


quarrels  Pisistratus,  who  was  far  more  in  favour  (3)  with 
the  people  than  with  the  nobles,  again  obtained  abso- 
lute power.    He  used  his  power  with  great  moderation; 
but  yet  the  Athenians  could  not  endure  the  loss  (4)  of 
Hberty.    The  leaders  (5)  of  the  nobles,  Megacles  and  Ly- 
curgiis,  who  had  been  at  variance,  made  an  alliance  be- 
tween themselves  and  expelled  Pisistratus  from  the  city. 
But  as  Lycurgus  seemed  to  become  more  powerful  than 
Megacles,  the  latter (6)  secretly  informed (7)  Pisistratus, 
that  (8)  he  was  wilHng  to  lead  (9)   him   back   into   the 
city,  upon  condition,  that  he (10)  should  marry (11)  his 
daughter.     The  condition  was  accepted.     Megacles  pre- 
pared in  the  city,  what  was  necessary.    But  Pisistratus, 
in  order  to  be  able  without  danger  to  get  (12)  into  the 
city,  used  a  stratagem,   which  Herodotus  not  unjustly 
considers  very  strange  (13).    There  was,  then  (14),  a  wo- 
man of  enormous  size,  Phya  by  name,  who  was  taller 
nearly  by  a  third  part  than  Pisistratus  himself.     This 
woman  he  dressed  in  a  cuirass  (15),  and  put  a  spear  in 
her  hand,  and  a  helmet  on  her  head,  so  that,  as  to  the 
whole  equipment (16),  she  equalled  Minerva.  When,  there- 
fore, Pisistratus  had  accoutred  the  woman  in  this  manner, 
he  placed  her  by  liis  side  on  a  magnificent  chariot,  which 
was  drawn  (17)  by  the  handsomest  horses.     Heralds  (18) 
were  sent  beforehand  into  the  city,  who,   in  all  places, 
with  great  clamour,  thus  exliorted(19)  the  people:    „Ee- 
ceive  (ye)  with  a  good  heart  (20)  Pisistratus,  whom  our 
Goddess  Minerva  holds  dearer  than  the  rest  of  men,  and 
herself  leads  back  into  her  castle".     This  rumour  was 
heard  throughout  the  city  and  believed  by  many.     The 

(3)  gratiosus.  (4)  hi/  non  posse  carere,  Ivtjfcrf.  (5)  princeps. 
(6)  hie.  (7)  renuntiare  alicui.  (8)  Ace.  with  Inf.  (9)  Peripfir. 
Conjng.  (10)  ille.  (11)  uxorem  ducere,  in  matrimonium  ducere. 
(12)  pervenire.  (13)  minis,  mirabilis.  (14)  igitur,  enim.  (15)  lo- 
rica.  (16)  apparatus.  (17)  vehere.  (18)  praeco.  (19>  adhortari, 
Suhjimd.    (20)  animus,  voluntas. 


woman  enjoyed  the  honours  of  the  true  Goddess  on  that 
day,  imtil(21)  Pisistratus  had  again  taken  possession  of 
the  sovereignty.  What  happened  (22)  to  her  later,  has 
not  been  recorded. 

No.  59. 

Chapter  II. 

Herodotus   himself,    to   whom   we   owe   this   story, 
holds  so  stupid  (1)  a  folly  (2)  unworthy  of  the  Athenian 
people.     For  he  adds:    „The  Greeks  are  wiser  than  all 
nations;   but  more  prudent  than  the  rest  of  the  Greeks 
are  the  Athenians.    But  the  more  prudent  men  are,  the 
more  unworthy  of  them  must  it  be  deemed,  if  they  suffer 
themselves  to  be  deceived  in  such  a  manner".    Pisistratus 
married,  indeed,   as  he  had  promised,   the   daughter  of 
Megacles,   but  treated  her  with  so  great  contempt,  that 
Megacles,  inilamed  with  anger,  tried  again  to  deprive 
him  of  the  sovereignty.    When  Pisistratus  perceived  this 
and  believed  (3)  himself  weaker  than  liis  adversaries,  he, 
of  his  own  accord ,   left  (4)  the  city  and  established  his 
abode  at  Eretria.    In  this  city  also  his  sons  and  friends 
assembled.     Pisistratus,  using  their  advice,  resolved  to 
prepare  an  army  and  recover  the   lost   sovereignty  by 
force.    But  it  was  not  until  eleven  years  later,  when  he 
seemed  to  have  forces  enough,  that  Pisistratus  marched 
into  Atticii   and  pitched  his   camp  in  the  Marathonian 
plain.     When    tliis   was   announced  (Plupf.)   at  Athens, 
many  citizens,  to  whom  the  tyrannis  was  more  agreeable, 
than  the  sovereignty  of  the   people,    left  the  city  and 
went   over   to  Pisistratus.     In   this   manner   liis   troops 
were  greatly  increased,  so  that  he  defeated  in  a  battle 
the  army,  which  had  been  gathered  by  the  nobles  against 
liim.     This  victory  he  used   very   prudently.     He  sent 

(21)  dum,  with  Perf.    (22)  Perf.  Subj, 

No.  ;>»,    (1)  stolidus.     (2)  simplicitas.     (3)  habere.    (4)  dece- 
dere  ex. 

5* 


68 


Part  i. 


Section  v. 


69 


horsemen  to  announce  in  all  parts  of  Attica,  that  no 
one  should  be  punished,  who  would  lay  down  his  arms 
and  return  to  his  business  (5).  Most  then  did  this,  since 
they  wished  rather  to  enjoy  peace  than  to  continue  the 
war.  Thus  Pisistratus  obtained  the  tyrannis  a  third  time 
and  kept  it  until  his  death.  He  died  in  the  year  528 
B.  Chr.  and  left  the  sovereignty  to  his  sons  Hippias  and 
Hipparehus. 

No.  60. 

God's  Nature  cannot  be  comprehended  (1)  by  Men. 
Wlien  Hiero,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  with  whom  the 
celebrated  poets  Pindar   of  Thebes,    Simonides   of  Cea, 
Aeschylus,  bom  at  Eleusis  in  Attica  in  the  year  525, 
Epicharmus,  born  in  the  island  of  Cos,  and  Bacchilides, 
the  son  of  Simonides's  sister,  were  staying  for  some  time, 
one  day  asked  Simonides,  what,  or  of  what  nature  Gk)d 
was,  he  demanded  one  day  for  deliberation  (2).     When 
Hiero,  on  the  following  day,  asked  him  about  the  same 
thing,    he    demanded   two   days.     When   he    had   often 
doubled  the  number  of  days,  and  the  king,  astonished, 
asked,  why  he  did  so,  he  said:    ^Because  the  more  I 
think  over  the  matter,  the  more  obscure  it  seems  to  me 
to  be^.  —  When  St.  Augustine  at  Hippo  wrote  liis  book 
on  the  Most  Holy  Trinity  (3),   and   exerted   himself  in 
vain,  to  comprehend  a  doctrine,  which  exceeds  (4)  human 
reason,   and  to  adapt  it  to  the  human  intellect (5) ,  he 
used  to  walk  for  some  time  on  the  sea-coast  in  order  to 
give  some  relaxation  to  his   mind,    fatigued  (6)   by  the 
difficult  study.     One  day,  so  it  is  recorded,   he  saw  a 
lovely  little  boy  sitting  on  the  beach,  who  had  dug  a 


{b)  negotium,  opus;  Phtr. 

No.  60.  (1)  perspicere;  Ace.  icith  Inf.  (2)  deliberare;  ,,for^, 
causa  {Genii,  of  Gerund)  (3)  Trinitas.  (4)  progredi  ultra,  or  su- 
perare.  (5)  accomodare  ad  humanain  intelligentiam.  (6)  de- 
fatigatus. 


small  hole (7)  in  the  sand,  and  was  busying  liimself(8), 
with  great  eagerness,  in  drawing  water  from  the  sea 
with  a  spoon  and  pouring  it  into  the  small  hole.  Augu- 
stine, who,  for  some  time,  had  been  looking  with  pleasure 
at  the  childish  play,  finally  asked  the  boy,  why  he  exerted 
himself  so  much,  to  fill  that  small  hole  with  sea-water. 
„I  wish,  answered  the  boy,  to  enclose (9)  the  whole  sea 
in  tins  small  space".  —  „You  will  never  succeed,  replied 
the  bishop,  with  whatever  eagerness  you  labour".  — 
„Yet  I  shall,  I  believe  (10),  more  easily  accomplish  this, 
said  the  boy  with  gravity,  than  you  will  succeed  in 
comprehending  the  doctrine  on  the  Most  Hol^^  Trinity". 
Then  he  disappeared.  —  „He  who  investigates  the  Ma- 
jesty of  God,  will  be  overwhelmed  by  its  splendour", 
says  Holy  Scripture.  „How  will  man,  says  St.  Basil, 
who  cannot  even  folly  explain  the  nature  of  an  ant,  be 
able  entirely  to  comprehend  the  nature  of  God!"  Yet, 
though  we  are  not  able  to  comprehend  it,  we  are  bound 
to  use  our  reason,  more  and  more  to  learn  and  admire 
the  perfections (11)  of  God.  But  what  surpasses (4)  reason, 
is  not  yet  against  reason. 

No.  61, 

Marcus  Porcius  Gate  the  Eider. 

We  may  rightly  (1)  count  (2)  M.  Porcius  Cato  among 
the  most  remarkable  men  of  Rome.  He  was  bom  (Hupf. 
of  nascor)  in  the  country  of  the  Sabines,  distinguished 
for  its  ancient  severity  of  life  and  manners,  and  was 
educated  in  the  neighbourhood  of  that  villa,  which  Ma- 
nius  Curius  Dentatus,  noted  for  liis  great  moderation 
and  illustrious  as  conqueror  both  of  the  Samnites  and 


(7)  scrobiculum  (=  „a  small  hde^)  facere,  or  fodere.  (8)  ope- 
ram  ponere,  stadium  collocare  in.  (9)  See  49,  7,  (10)  opinor,  or 
ut  opinor.    (11)  vires  divinae  virtutesque. 

No.  61.  (1)  jure  optimo.  (2)  in  numero  habere,  ducere, 
reponere. 


70 


Part  i. 


Section  v. 


71 


l» 


1^ 


of  Pyrrhiis,  liad  once  inhabited.     This  M'.  C.  Dentatus 
and  Fabius  Maximus  Cunctator,  the  latter  being  espe- 
cially favourable  to  the  ancient  Roman  fashion,  Cato  had 
taken,  as  it  seems,  as  models  for  imitation  (H).     He  was 
possessed  of  all  the  moderation,  industry,  and  ability  of 
the  early  Roman  times,  as  also  of  their  severity  (4);  yet 
he  was  not  always   consistent   with  himself  (5).     When 
Scipio,  in  the  year  203,  prepared  himself,  in  Sicily,  for 
the  war  against  Carthage,  Cato,  his  quaestor,  was  one 
of  his  principal  accusers.    People  said,  that  he  was  going 
about  (6),  in  the  gymnasia,   in  Grecian  attire,  and  was 
employing  himself (7)  with  Greek   books  and  exercises; 
that  his  army  also  was  becoming  effeminate  by  luxury, 
and  was  enjoying  the  attractions  of  Syracuse;  that  Han- 
nibal  and  Carthage   were   forgotten.     Two  tribunes   of 
the  people,  together  with  a  praetor  and  ten  legates  were 
sent  to  Sicily,  in  order  to  inquire  into  the  accusations 
on  the  spot (8),  and,  should (9)  it  be  necessary,  to  de- 
pose (10)  Scipio  from  his  office,  and  bring  him  to  Rome. 
But  Scipio  was  found  innocent.     The  hatred,  by  which 
Cato  was  animated  against  the  Scipios,  has  been  touched 
upon  in  another  place.     When   the  Athenians,   in   the 
year  155,  had  sent  as  deputies  the  three  most  illustrious 
philosophers  of  that  time,  the  Academician  Cameades, 
the  Peripatetic  Critolaus,  and  Diogenes  of  Babylon,  to 
Rome,   and   all   the  young  men,    desirous   of  learnings 
wished  to  enjoy  their   company   and   their    instruction, 
Cato  made  a  motion  in  the  senate  (11),  to  dismiss  those 
Greeks  a  soon  as  possible,   that  the  youths  might  not 
be  corrupted  (12)  by  them.     As  Cameades  had  a  parti- 


(3)  aliquem  sibi  proponere  ad  imitandum ,  or  aliquem  sibi 
exemplum  proponere  ad  imitandum.  (4)  acerbitas.  (5)  sibi  con- 
stare.  (6)  circumire;  „intheg.''jAcc.  (7)  operam  ponere,  studium 
coUocare  in  (,,ir*7A").  (8)  in  re  praesenti.  (9)  Transl.  „if  it  were 
n."  (10)  abrogare  imperium  alicui.  (11)  referre  ad  senatum. 
(12)  depravare. 


eular  habit  of  speaking  in  the  same  way  for  and  against 
a  thing  (13)  with  an  astonishing  copiousness  and  power 
of  thought  {Phir,\  Cato  feared,  that  the  love  of  probity 
would  disappear;  if  that  man  spoke,  it  was  not  easy  to 
distinguish  (14),  what  amount  (15)  of  truth  there  actually 
was.  „Believe,  he  wrote  (16)  to  his  son,  that  a  prophet 
has  said,  if  that  nation  brings (17)  us  its  sciences,  it 
will  ruin  everything;  but  still  more,  if  it  sends (17)  us 
its  physicians." 

Xo.  62. 


Chapter  II. 

Yet  when  he  was  serving  under  Fabius  Maximus, 
and,  after  the  taking  of  Tarent  in  the  year  209,  became 
acquainted  with  the  Pythagorean  Nearchus,  he  had  fre- 
quent intercourse  with  that  learned  man,  and  did  not 
deny,  that  he  owed  much  to  him.  Towards  the  end  of 
his  life  he  learned  the  Greek  language  (1) .  read  the 
books  composed  in  it  (2),  and  made  use  of  the  know- 
ledge acquired  from  them,  in  his  own  works.  When,  in 
the  year  195,  he  was  sent  as  consul  to  Spain,  where  he 
conquered  the  nations  on  tliis  side  of  the  Ebro,  that 
had  fallen  off,  he  slept  on  goatskins,  and  was  content 
with  the  same  food  and  wine  as  (3)  the  sailors;  he  also 
used  to  say,  that  that  state  was  in  a  bad  condition  (4), 
in  which  a  fish  was  as  dear  as  (5)  an  ox.  Nevertheless, 
when,  by  the  administration  of  public  offices,  he  had 
become  rich,  he  himself  gave  sumptuous  banquets.  He 
showed  himself  kind  towards  his  slaves.  He  worked  (6) 
and  dined  with  them,  and  did  not  punish  them,  though 


(13)  de  omni  re  in  utramque  partem,  or  in  contrarias  partes 
disputare;  ordisputare  pro  omnibus  et  contra  omnia.  (14)inter- 
noscere.     (15)  Transl  ^,Mo  much  of  tr.^'    (16)  inquit.     (17)  //.  Fut 

No.  62.  (1)  linguam  discere.  (2)  sermone  aliquo  librum 
componere.  (3)  Gram.  §  170,  2.,  and  §  238.  2.  a.  (4)  male  se 
habere,  or  male  agi  cum.    (5)  See  5.     (6)  Opus  facere. 


72 


Pakt  I. 


they  were  negligent  in  some  things  (7).    Yet  he  advises 
his  son,  to  buy  slaves  cheaply,  when  still  very  young, 
to  let  them  learn  something  from  other  slaves,  and  then 
to  sell  them  dearly,   in  order  to  increase  the  pro^ierty. 
Nay,  in  his  later  life-time,  he  whipped  those,  who  made 
some  mistake,  whilst  serving  at  table,  drove  away  those 
weakened  by  age,  or  sold  them,  when  he  found  a  pur- 
chaser.   Though  Plutarch  extols  Cato  ^ath  gi*eat  praises, 
yet  lie  cannot  help  bhiming  this.     „As  if  there  was  no 
longer  room  for  kind  feeling,  says  he,  when  there  was 
no   more   advantage    to    be   derived    from    them;    as   if 
equity    was    not    more    comprehensive  (8)    than   justice. 
Even  dogs  and  other  animals  are  still  fed,  though  one 
cannot    use   them    any   longer.     The  Athenians   fed  the 
mules,    which    they    had   used   for   the   building  of  the 
temple   of  Athene,    though    they   were   freed   from   all 
laboiu'  afterwards."     Cato  was  accused,    during  his  life, 
forty   four   times,    at    one   time   of  this,    at  another  of 
that (9)  crime,  but  always  acquitted.     He  finally  placed 
such  great  confidence  in  his  innocence,  that  once,  when 
he  was  publicly  examined  (10),  he  demanded  for  himself 
Tib.  Gracchus  as  judge,  with  whom  he  was  at  variance  (11) 
on  account  of  the  administration  of  the  commonwealth. 
We  have  said,  that  Cato  served  in  the  Punic  war,  and 
that  he  successfuU}'  fought    against    the  Spaniards;    but 
he  marched  also  to (12)   the  East,    to  fight    the  enemies 
of  his  countrj'.     For  when  Antiochus  the  Great  had  in- 
vaded Greece,  and  the  consul  Acilius  Glabrio  was  will- 
ing  to   attack   him   at  Thermopylae,    in   the  year  191, 
Cato,    who  was  as  legate  with  the  army,    ascended   the 
mountains   by  unknoA^^ai   and  badly  guarded  paths,   and 

(7)  Transl  ^neglected  smiething'',  (8)  amplus.  (9)  alias  alius 
(==  „ai  one  this,  at  another  that^%  Gram.  §  238.  7.  3.  (10)  publi- 
cam  quaestionem  habere  de  aliquo,  or  in  aliquem.  (11)  dissi- 
dere  ab,  or  cum  aliquo.  (12)  in,  or  ad,  icith  versus.  Gram. 
§  164.    15.  2. 


Section  vi. 


73 


attacked  the  king  in  the  rear  (13),  who  then  fled  to 
Asia,  where,  in  the  following  year,  L.  Cornelius  Scipio, 
the  brother  of  Africanus,  defeated  him  at  Magnesia  on 
the  Sipylus,  whence  he  acquired  the  surname  (14)  of 
Asiaticus. 


SECTION  VI. 

Miscellaneous  Examples  on  the  Cases. 
Use  of  Prepositions. 

(Grammar   §   161  —  164.) 
No.  63. 

Description  of  the  City  of  Home. 

The  city  of  Rome  is,  without  doubt,  the  most 
famous  of  the  cities  of  antiquity,  of  which  at  least  we 
have  a  sufficient  knowledge  (1),  and,  therefore,  it  is,  be- 
fore the  other  cities  of  the  world,  most  worthy  of  a 
more  accurate  description.  Eomulus  had  built  the  city 
on  the  Palatine  liill,  and  had  called  it  after  his  name. 
This  is  siiid  to  have  happened  in  the  year  754  B.  Clir. 
on  the  2P*  of  A^jril,  on  wliicli  day,  in  (2)  honour  of 
Pales,  the  Goddess  of  shei^herds,  the  Palilia  were  ce- 
lebrated. Afterwards  the  same  day,  too,  was  always 
considered  the  birthday  (3)  of  Rome.  The  city,  theii- 
fore,  comprised,  in  the  beginning,  only  that  moimtain. 
But  already  before  the  death  of  Romulus  the  Capitoline, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  the  valley,  wliich  is  situated 
between  the  Palatine  and  Capitoline,  were  added  to  the 
city.  To  this  valley  the  name  of  the  Roman  Forum 
was  given.     Thus  the  city  had  already  become  a  great 


(13)  a  tergo  aliquem  adoriri.     (14)  cognomen  trahere. 
No.  63.     (1)  satis  cognovisse  de  (—  Jo  have  a  suff.  hiowl.  of). 
(2)  in,  ivith  Ace.    (3)  dies  natalis. 


74 


Part  i. 


Section  vi. 


75 


deal  more  spacious  under  Romulus.  By  Numa  Pom- 
pilius  nothing  was  added  to  the  city.  The  third  king 
of  the  Eomans,  Tullus  Hostilius,  connected  Mount  Coe- 
lius,  and  the  fourth,  Ancus  Marcius,  Mount  Aventine, 
with  the  city.  Finally  (4)  by  Servius  Tullius,  the  sixth 
king,  the  city  was  much  enlarged  by  the  addition  of 
three  hills  (5),  the  Quirinal,  the  Viminal,  and  the  Esqui- 
line,  which  are  said  to  have  already  been  cultivated 
before.  At  this  time,  therefore,  the  whole  city  em- 
braced seven  hills,  and  this  extent  (6)  it  has  kept  many 
centuries.  This  is  the  reason,  why  Rome,  in  our  time 
also,  is  called,  by  many  writers  (7),  the  city  of  the  seven 
hills  (8),  although  later,  especially  under  the  emperors, 
it  received  (9)  a  far  greater  extent,  and  comprised  still 
several  other  hills.  Among  (10)  these  the  Vatican  is 
most  worthy  of  mention,  of  (11)  which  in  another  place 
more  will  be  said. 

Xo.  64. 

Chapter  II. 

The  whole  city  had,  in  the  time  of  king  Tarquin 
the  Proud,  the  shape  of  a  semicircle (1),  nearly  in  the 
midst  of  which  Mount  Capitoline  was  situated.  Towards 
the  West  and  North  the  Tiber  enclosed (2;  the  city;  on 
the  other  sides  (3)  were  those  six  hills,  which  we  have 
named  above,  distant  from  the  Capitoline  at  almost 
equal  intervals:  towards  the  North  on  the  Tiber  was 
the  Quirfiial;  next  to  this  was  the  Yiminal,  then  the 
Esquiline,  the  Coelius,  the  Palatine,  and  lastly  the 
Aventine,  which  touched  the  Tiber  towards  the  South. 
Romulus  had  already  surrounded  the  city  with  a  wall. 


(4)  denique  {after  the  emphatic  icord).  (5)  Transl  Jfy  three 
hills  added'',  (6)  amplitudo,  ambitus.  (7)  auctor.  (8)  by  the  Adj. 
septicollis.     (9)  nancisci,  adipisci.    (10)  ex.    (11)  de. 

No.  64.  (1)  orbis  dimidiatus.  (2)  claudere.  (3)  pars,  AH. 
without  JVep. 


But   this  seems   to  have  been  neither  strong,    nor  liigh, 
if  indeed  (4)  Remus  was  able  to  leap  over  (5)  it.     King 
Servius  Tullius  built  the  first  walls  (6),  which  are  worthy 
of  this   name.     They   comprised   all  (7)   the  seven  hills, 
and  had  a  circuit  of  nearly  10,000  Roman  paces,  which 
equal  ten  English  miles  (8).    But  outside  the  walls,  too, 
the    city   was   enlarged.     In   the   year    73  A.  D.  (9)    its 
circuit  is  said  to  have  been  13,500  paces,  as  is  record- 
ed (10)   by  ancient  writers.     Rome  received  its  greatest 
extension   under  the  emperor  Aurelian,  who,  about  the 
year   270  A.  D.,    surrounded    the   city   with   new   and 
strong  walls.     Aurelian  seems  to  have  fortified  the  city 
from  fear  of  the  barbarians,  who  already,  at  that  time, 
often  invaded  the  Roman  territory  (11).    But  Rome  be- 
came,   by  the  new  walls,    not  only  much  stronger (12), 
but  was  also,  for  a  considerable  (13)  part,  enlarged.    For 
these  walls  of  Aurelian   embraced,    besides  those  seven 
liills,  also  the  Mounts  Pincius,  Vatican,  and  Janiculum, 
and  together  with  these  the  Campus  Martins.     At  that 
time,  therefore,  the  city  seems  to  have  had  a  circuit  of 
22  or  23  miles  (14).    However  by  some  writers  it  is  re- 
lated (15),  that  it  was  much  larger,  and  the  matter  will 
remain  doubtful. 

No.  65. 

Chapter  III. 
The  city,  founded  by  Romulus,  had  three,  or,  as 
some  relate,  four  gates.  Of  these,  when  the  Servian 
wall  was  built,  but  one  was  left,  the  porta  Carmen- 
talis,  and  this  is,  therefore,  the  oldest  gate  of  Rome. 
Besides    this    several    others    are    often     mentioned  (1) 

(4)  si  quidem.  (5)  transilire.  (6)  moenia.  (7)  universus. 
(8)  milliarium  Britannicum.  (9)  A.  D.  =  after  tlie  birth  of  Christ, 
post  Christum  natum.  (10)  memoriae  prodere,  tradere  (Perf.). 
ill)  fines.  (12)  munitus.  (1.3)  magnus,  insignis.  (14)  mille  pas- 
sus  (=  mile).    (15)  perhibere. 

No.  65.    (1)  commemorare,  nominare. 


76 


Part  i. 


in  the  writings  of  the  ancients.     Pliny  says,   that  the 
gates,    in   his   time,    were  37  in  number,    besides  7  old 
gates,    wliich   had   ceased (2)  to  be.     Of  the  number  of 
houses  and  inhabitants,  in  earlier  times,  nothing  certain 
is  known.     Not  until  (3)   the    time  (Ahl)   of  Theodosius 
a  description  of  the  city  was  made  (4),   from  which  it 
appears (5),    that    it  had,    at  that  time,    48,382  edifices. 
Of  these  1780  were  very-  large  buildings  (6),  46,602  com- 
mon (7)    houses.     But    what    the   number  of  inhabitants 
was,    is    not    mentioned  (8)    in    that    description.      The 
greatest  number  of  citizens,  who  have  ever  been  count- 
ed (9)   by   the  censors,    is  about  300,000;    as,    however, 
the  women,  the  boys,  and  the  slaves  were  not  counted, 
the   whole  (10)    number   of  the   inhabitants   of  the  city 
seems   to  have  been   two  or  three  millions.     Across  (11) 
the  river  Tiber  there  were  several  bridges,  of  wliich  the 
lowest  and  oldest,  which  Ancus  Marcius  had  built (12), 
was   a   wooden   one;    it  was   called   pons  Sublicius.     A 
little   further  up (13)    was  the  senatorial  bridge,    which 
the    senators   were    accustomed    to    use    in   solemn   pro- 
cessions (14).    Then  followed  five  others.     Outside  of  the 
walls,  farthest  distant  (15)  from  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber, 
was   pons  Mihius.     The   streets   of  the  city   were  alto- 
getlier   destitute    of  regulanty  (16).     Eacli  street    had  a 
name,  as,  the  sacred  road,  the  broad  street,  the  Subura, 
and  others.     That  famous  Apj^ian  road,  which  the  cen- 
sor Appius  Claudius   had   constructed  (17)   in    the   year 
312  B.  Chr.,   was   not   in  the  city  itself,    but  led  from 
the  porta  Capena  to  Brimdusium.     Of  public  places  the 
most   famous   were  the  Plain  of  Mars,    and  the  Roman 


(2)  desinere.  (3)  demum  {=  „Not  until'');  see  43,14.  (4)  con- 
ficere.  (5)  Pass,  of  cognoscere,  (w  intelligere.  (6)  domus.  (7)  vul- 
garis, communis.  (8)  tradere.  (9)  censere.  (10)  universus.  (11)  in, 
icifh  Abl  (12)  facere.  (13)  superior,  Gram.  ,^  ^36. 2.  (14)  pompa 
(=  ,,sdemn  proc.'').  (15)  longissime  remotus.  (16)  certus  ordo. 
(17)  struere. 


Section  vi. 


77 


Forum.  In  the  latter  especially  the  assemblies  (18)  of 
the  peojjle  were  held.  In  the  very  same  place  had 
also  been  erected  that  famous  columna  rostrata,  adorned 
with  the  beaks  of  those  ships,  which  Duilius  had  taken  (19) 
from  the  Carthaginians  in  the  first  naval  victory. 

Xo.  66. 

Chapter  IV. 

Rome  offered,  in  the  remotest  times,  a  very(l) 
miserable  aspect.  The  city  consisted  of  wretched  (2) 
huts  (3)  rather  than  of  liouses,  which,  until  the  war  of 
Pyrrhus,  were  covered  either  with  straw  or  with 
sliingles  (4).  However  already  by  the  kings  temples  and 
other  public  buildings  were  erected  (5),  which  were  an 
ornament  to  the  city.  Among  these  (6)  must  be  counted 
especially  the  Capitol  with  the  temple  of  Juppiter, 
which,  being  built  by  Tarquin  the  Proud,  has,  indeed, 
often  been  destroyed  by  fire  (7),  but  has  always  been 
rebuilt  (8)  with  the  greatest  splendour.  The  Circus 
Maximus,  where  the  public  games  were  held  (9),  the 
sewers  (10),  large  underground  (11)  canals,  in  which  the 
filth  (12)  was  carried  (13)  out  of  the  city  into  the  Tiber, 
and  the  oldest  walls,  which  have  been  spoken  of  above, 
had  (Petf.)  likewise  been  built  by  the  kings.  While  (14) 
thus  in  the  most  ancient  times  already  the  public  edi- 
fices were  more  and  more  adorned,  the  private  houses 
of  the  Romans  remained  very  miserable  until  the  second 
century  B.  Chr.  Two  reasons  can  be  given  (15)  for 
this  (16).  First,  the  ancient  Romans  had  so  great  a  sim- 
plicity of  manners,    that   they  easily    got   along   with- 

(18)  Sec  37,  15.    (19)  capere. 

No.  66.  (1)  admodum.  (2)  vilis.  (3)  casa,  tugurium.  (4)  scan- 
dula,  with  Adj.  ligneus.  (5)  exstruere.  (6)  Transl  .,in  this  num- 
ber''. (7)  incendium.  (8)  restituere.  (9)  dare,  edere,  (10)  cloaca. 
(11)  subterraneus.  (12)  sordes.  (13)  educere,  deducere.  (14)  quum. 
Gram.  ^  256.   I.  3.    (15)  afferre.     (16)  Transl.  .,of  this  thing". 


»l 


78 


Part  i. 


Section  vi. 


79 


out  (17)  the  splendoiir  and  beauty  of  the  houses.  Second- 
ly, in  the  first  times  of  the  republic,  the  noble  Romans 
generaUy  did  not  live (18)  in  the  city,  but  in  their 
country-houses (19) ,  so  that  the  houses  of  the  city,  for 
the  gi-eatest  part,  were  inhabited (20)  by  citizens  of 
lower  rank (21).  In  the  city  itself,  therefore,  only  the 
temples  of  the  Gods,  and  the  other  buildings,  which 
were  for  public  use,  were  erected  with  great  splendour, 
wliilst  the  single  citizens  were,  for  a  long  time,  content 
with  their  huts. 

No.  65. 

Chapter  V. 
In  the  last  century  B.  Chr.  the  Romans  were  seized (1) 
with  a  strong  (2)  desire  (3)  of  building.  But  above  (4) 
others,  who  erected  public  buildings  in  honour  of  the 
Gods,  or  for  the  benefit  of  the  commonwealth,  and  for 
the  pleasure  of  the  people,  Pompey  and  Caesar  are  di- 
stinguished. By  Pompey  the  first  theatre  was  built  of  (5) 
stone  (P7«r.),  which  afforded  seats  to  40,000  spectators  (6), 
whereas  formerly  they  had  had  but  a  wooden  theatre. 
Caesar,  at  an  immense  outlay  (7),  founded  that  gorgeous 
Caesarian  Forum,  and  in  it  a  temple  of  Venus  Genitrix, 
which,  by  its  splendour,  ftir  surpassed  all  the  others. 
The  private  houses,  too,  of  the  rich  were  then  already 
built  with  great  extravagance  (8).  On  Mount  Coelius 
the  first  house  is  said  to  have  been  entirely  covered  (9) 
with  marble  by  a  certain  Mamun-a,  which  example  most 
of  the  Romans  soon  followed.  How  costly  many  private 
dwellings    were,    may    be  learned  from   the  example  of 


(17)  carere  (=  „fo  get  along  ivithmtf').  (18)  habitare.  (19)  prae- 
dium.     (20)  tenere;   or  habitare  in,   with  Ahl    (21)  tenuis  (=  „o/* 

?Ofr  rank^^). 

No.  67.  (1)  capere.  (2)  ingens.  (3)  cupiditas.  (4)  ante. 
(5)  ex.  (6)  Transl  Jo  40,000  people  to  look  at  (spectare)".  (7)  pre- 
tium.     (8)  luxuria,  luxus.    (9)  vestire. 


Clodius,  who  is  said  to  have  bought  his  house  for 
700,000  Dollars  (10).  But  most  of  the  houses  of  private 
people,  till  the  last  periods  of  the  republic,  were  built 
of  wood  or  brick  (11).  Wlien  Augustus  got  possession 
of  the  supreme  power,  Rome  had,  indeed,  already  been 
adorned  with  many  and  splendid  buildings,  which,  how- 
ever, belonged  (12)  either  to  the  state,  or  some  (13)  very 
rich  people.  By  far  the  greatest  part  of  the  private  houses 
were  still  (14)  of  the  primitive  (15)  simplicity,  constructed 
of  wood  or  brick.  But  Augustus,  in  whose  hands  alone 
was  all  power,  deemed  it  to  be  his  duty  (16),  to  give  (17) 
the  whole  city  a  new  appeiirance(18).  He  easily  under- 
stood, that  for  this  purpose  (19)  he  needed  (20)  a  man 
skilled  in  the  art  of  building.  And  such  a  one  was  not 
wanting  to  him;  for,  at  that  time,  there  was  at  Rome 
M.  Vitruvius  Pollio,  who  in  the  opinion  of  all  was  deem- 
ed (21)  the  most  skilled  architect  (22).  Augustus,  there- 
fore, employed  this  man  to  carry  out  (23)  his  plans. 
Whole  districts  (24)  of  wretched  houses  were  pulled 
down  (25),  and  in  their  place  not  only  many  public 
edifices,  but  also  a  gi-eat  number  of  private  houses,  were 
built  of  marble.  The  city  was,  in  this  manner,  so  much 
embellished,  that  Augustus,  towards  the  end  of  his  life, 
was  able  to  boast,  and  not  unjustly,  that (26),  though 
he  had  found  a  city  of  brick (27),  he  left  one  of  marble(28). 

No.  68. 

Chapter  VX 
The  next  emperors  imitated  Augustus  in  embellish- 
ing (I)  the  city.     But  Rome   received  an  entirely  new 

(10)  thalerus.  (11)  later,  Hur.  (12)  Gram.  §  207.  2.  (13)  sin- 
guli.  (14)  etiamtum.  (15)  prisons,  pristinus.  (16)  Gram.  §  215.  2. 
(17)  dare,  or  induere.  (18)  species.  (19)  ad  hanc  rem,  or  ad  hoc 
perficiendum.  (20)  opus  est.  (21)  habere.  (22)  architectus. 
(23)  exsequi,  Gram.  §  288.  1.  (24)  vicus.  (25)  destruere,  or  de- 
moliri.     (26)  Atv.  with  Inf.     (27)  latericius.     (28)  marmoreus. 

Xo.  68.    (1)  Gram.  §  289.  2. 


80 


Part  i. 


Section  vi. 


81 


II 


'M 


appearance  through  the  emperor  Nero.    For  this  emperor, 
in  July  of  the  year  64  A.  D.,  set  the  city  on  fire  in 
many  places  at  the  same  time  (2)  and  rejoiced  greatly  (3) 
at  the  flames,  which,  for  eight  days,  filled  all  the  citizens 
with  terror.    But  then  he  was  not  ashamed  to  impute  (4) 
this  deed  of  his  as  a  crime  to  the  Christians,  that  he  might 
seem  justly  to  exercise  (5)   the  greatest   cnielty  against 
them.     This  was  the  first  persecution  of  the  Christians, 
from    which   at  Rome  few    of  them  escaped;    the   holy 
Apostles  Peter  and  Paul  were  likewise  put  to  death  dur- 
ing (6)  it.     Those  who  escaped  the  hands  of  the  tyrant, 
partly  concealed  themselves  at  Rome,   partly  migrated 
to  other  countries,    and  carried  the  doctrine  of  Christ 
there.     But  at  Rome  almost  two  tliirds  of  the  city  was 
destroyed  by  that  vast  conflagration.     Soon  after,  how- 
ever, Nero  caused  (7)  it  to  be  restored  with  gi^eat  care 
and  liberality,  so  that  it  became  far  more  splendid  and 
magnificent,  than  it  had  been  before  the  fire.  For  this  (8) 
Nero  needed  much  money.  But  since  he  himself,  through 
luxury,  had  squandered  (9)  the  public  treasure  (10),  people 
in  most  of  the  provinces  were  most  cruelly  robbed  of 
almost  all  their  property  (U).   No  one  was  spared,  neither 
rich  nor  poor.     But  the  streets  of  the  city  were  made 
wider,  many  houses  were  built  of  Gabinian  stones (12), 
which  were  believed  to  be  the  best,  and  adorned  with 
the  most  beautiful  porticos.     For  himself,   too,  he  built 
a  house  of  so  great  splendour,  that  it  was  called,  by  a 
great  many,  the  golden  house  of  Nero.    This  house  was 
in  fact  most  worthy  of  its  name.     For  it  was  not  only 
most   splendidly   adorned   with   gold   and   precious   sto- 
nes (13),  but  embraced  also  ponds  (14)  and  lakes,  plains 

(2)  simul.  (3)  mirifice,  exiraie.  (4)  dare,  Gram.  §  208.  2, 
(5)  uti.  (6)  in.  (7)  Gram,  §  281.  H.  Note.  (8)  by  finis,  or  Utter, 
ad  hoc  perficiendum.  Gram.  §  288.  1.  (9)  perfundere.  (10)  pe- 
cunia  (Plur.).  (11)  boniim  {Plur.).  (12)  saxum.  (13)  gemma 
(=  „a  p-.  stone^').     (14)  stagnum. 


and  woods,  so  that,  in  extent,  it  fully  (15)  equaUed  a 
small  town.  Not  only  at  that  time,  but  for  many  years 
afterwards  no  building  of  so  great  splendour  was  seen 
at  Rome. 

No.  69. 

Chapter  VTC. 

After  Nero  the  emperors  Vespasian  and  Titus  also, 
but  especially  Trajan  and  Hadrian,  endeavoured  to  make 
the  city  more  beautiful  and  magnificent.    Caesar  had  al- 
ready built  a  Forum,  which  seemed  not  so  much  for  its 
own  sake,  as  for  the  sake  of  the  splendid  houses,  by 
which  it  was  (Plupf.)  surrounded  (1),  worthy  of  admira- 
tion.     Some  other  emperors  had   followed   him   in  this 
pursuit.    But  by  far  the  most  magnificent  and  splendid 
Imperial  (2)  Forum  was  the  Forum  Trajanum,  which  the 
emperor  Trajan  caused  to  be  built  by  (3)  ApoUodorus  of 
Damascus  (4),   the   most  famous  architect  of  that  time. 
In  the  same  Forum  was  erected   the  columna  Trajani 
entirely  of  marble,   120  feet  high,  on  which  the  statue 
of  the  emperor  was  placed.    The  emperor  AeHus  Hadria- 
nu8,  who  was  Trajan's  successor  (5) ,   built  many  other 
edifices  as  also  for  himself  that  famous  Mausoleum,  i.  e. 
a  most  splendid  tomb,  which,  because  of  its  immense 
magnitude,  is  usuaUy  (6)  called  moles  Hadriani.    On  the 
foundations  of  that  building,  long  after,   the  so-called 
Castle  of  S.  Angelo  (7)  was  erected.     But  there  stiU  re- 
mained (8)  such  extensive  parts  of  the  old  building,  that 
Hadrian  himself  is  not  unjustly  considered  the  builder 
of  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo.     The  Aelian  bridge,  which 
leads  (9)  from  the  city  to  the  moles  Hadriani,  was  like- 
wise built   by   the   same   emperor  and  caUed  after   his 


(15)  prorsus,  omnino. 

No.  69.     (1)  cingere,  circumdare.    (2)  imperatorius. 
(4)  Damascenus.    (5)  succedere  alicui  (=  „to  be  succ.  of''). 
lere.    (7)  Castellum  Angeli.     (8)  superesse.    (9)  ducere. 
M tiller,  Exercises.  g 


(3)  per. 
(6)  so- 


82 


Part  i. 


I 


h\ 


name.    Besides  the  columna  Trajani  there  were,  at  Korne, 
still  many  other  magnificent  pillars,  of  which  especially 
one  must   here   be   mentioned  (10) ,   wHch   the   emperor 
M.  Aurelius  Antoninus  erected.    On  the  columna  Trajani 
to-day  the  statue  of  S.  Paul,  on  the  pillar  of  Antoninus 
the  statue  of  S.  Peter  is  seen  (11).    Of  other  piUars  the 
Egyi)tian  ObeUsks,  which  were  {Plupf-)  erected  in  many 
places  of  the  city,  are  most  desei-ving  of  mention.     Al- 
ready had  Augustus  transferred  the  first  Obelisk  to  Rome, 
and  placed  it  in  the  Campus  Martins.    Later  on,  by  the 
same  as  weU  as  by  other  emperors,  still  more  Obelisks 
were  brought  from  Egypt  to  Italy  and  Rome,  where  they 
were  greatly  admired. 

>o.  70. 

Chapter  VIH. 
T7ie  Declining  (l)  Splendour  of  Rome  and  Its  Downfall  (13). 
Soon  after  the  death  of  M.  AureUus  the  whole  Ro- 
man empire,  and  with  it  also  Rome  itself  began  to  de- 
cay.    Very  sad  and  turbulent  times  followed,  in  which 
the  emperors  thought  (2)  only  of  their  own  welfare,  but 
entirely  neglected  (3)  the  embellishment  of  the  city.     It 
was  also  a  great  disadvantage  for  the  city,  that (4),  by 
the  emperor  Constantine  the  Great,  the  old  city  of  By- 
zantium, to  which,  at  that  time,  the  name  Constanti- 
nople was  given,   was  made  the  second  capital  of  the 
empire.     Many   works   of  art,   which  could  be  moved, 
were   transferred   from   Rome   to   Constantinople.      The 
emperors   oftener   stayed  (5)   at   Constantinople   than   at 
Rome.    After  the  death  of  Theodosius  the  Great,  in  the 
year  395  A.  D.,  the  Roman  empire  was  divided  into  the 


(10)  Periphr.  Cmjiig.,  or  debere.    (11)  conspicere. 
No.  70.    (1)  labi,  occidere.    (2)  cogitare  de  („oD. 
tere.      (4)  quod.     (5)  versari,  commorari,  degere. 


(3)  omit- 


SeCTION    VI. 


83 


Eastern  (6)  and  Western  (7)  empire,  each  of  which  had  (8) 
its  emperor.     The  Romans  hoped,    that  their  emperors 
would  again  live  at  Rome.     But  Honorius  was  already 
tired (9)  of  Rome,  so  that  he  far  oftener  stayed  at  Ra- 
venna.    In  tliis  manner  Rome  decayed  more  and  more. 
Moreover  (10)  the  barbarians  soon  rushed  (11)  into  Italy, 
filled  everything  (Neut  Pliir.)  with  terror,  and  spared 
neither  the  city  nor  the  inhabitants.    From  (12)  the  times 
of  Romulus  up  to  the  downfall  (13)  of  the  Western  em- 
pire Rome  has  been  three  times  conquered  by  barbarian 
nations.     The  first  of  these  were  the  Gauls,  who,  under 
the  leadership  (14)  of  Brennus,  in  the  year  390  B.  Chr., 
took  possession  of  the  city,    and  are  said  to  have  de- 
stroyed a  great  part  of  it  by  fire.     But  at  that  time 
only  wi^etched  edifices  were  burnt,  and  soon  better  ones 
were  erected  in  their  place.     From  that  time,  for  800 
years,    the  Romans  saw  no  enemy   within  their   walls. 
But  towards  the  beginning  (15)  of  the  fifth  century  A.  D. 
barbarian  nations  penetrated  into  Italy,  and  brought  (16) 
sufferings  (17)  on  the  city,    which  nobody  was  able    to 
heal.     Alaric,  king  of  the  Visigoths,  was  the  first,  who 
marched  up  (18)  to  the  city  with  an  army  and  besieged 
it.    But  for  a  long  time  past  (19)  the  Romans  had  lost 
all  sense  of  shame  (20)  of  their  cowardice,  and,  therefore, 
they  promised  Alaric  a  large  sum  (21)  of  gold  and  silver 
to  free  themselves  from  the  siege.    But  as  they  did  not 
pay (22),  what  they  had  promised,  Alaric  returned  two 
years  afterwards,  and  conquered  Rome  in  the  year  410 
after  Christ. 


(6)  orientalis.  7)  occidentalis  {thmigh  very  rare,  as  likewise 
orientalis).  (8)  Transl  ^received''  (accipere).  (9)  taedere  (=  „to 
be  tired'').  (10)  insuper,  praeterea.  (11)  invadere,  irrumpere. 
(12)  jam  inde  a.  (13)  interitus,  excidium.  (14)  Gram.  §  284.  h 
(15)  eitlier  sub,  %cith  Ace.  (Gram.  ^  164.  13.),  or  Abl.  absol, 
ineunte  fere,  etc.  (16)  inferre.  (17)  malum.  (18)  accedere. 
(19)  jam  pridem  (=  „for  a  Img  t.  past'').  (20)  Transl.  ,,were  not 
ashamed"  (non  pudet).    (21)  vis,  pondus.    (22)  solvere. 

6* 


M 


lit 


t 


1 


84 


Pabt  I. 


No.  31. 


Chapter  IX. 
A  time  full  of  terror  and  cruelty  came  (1)  then  upon 
Rome.    The  soldiers  of  Alaric  ravaged  (2)  and  sacked  (3) 
the  city  with  fire  and  sword  (4)  for  three  days,  and  many 
of  its  magnificent  ornaments  perished.     After  six  days 
Alaric  left  Rome  and  died,  in  the  same  year,  in  Lower 
Italy.     But  the  city  suffered  far  greater  damage,  when, 
some  years  after,  it  was  conquered  a  third  time.     This 
came  about  (5)  through  Genseric,  king  of  the  Vandals. 
Following  the  example  of  Alaric,  he  came,  in  the  year 
455,  from  Africa  to  Italy,  and  took  Rome  without  diffi- 
culty (6).    The  Vandals  sacked  the  city  for  14  days  with 
the  greatest   cruelty  (7)   and   ferocity  (8).     Temples   and 
houses  were  burnt,  works  of  art  either  destroyed (9)  or 
carried  away  (10),  and  all  this  was  accomplished  (11)  with 
so  great  barbarity  (12),   that  VandaUsm  is   stUl  in  our 
days  the  name  for  the  most  frightful  (13)  devastation  (14). 
When  the  Vandals  had  plundered (15)  everything,  they 
left  Rome  and  returned  to  Africa.     Genseric  led  with 
him  the  emperess(16)  Eudoxia  and  her  two  daughters, 
one  of  whom  married  Hunneric,    Genseric's   son.     Not 
long  after,  in  the  year  476  after  Christ,  the  Western 
empire  was  dissolved  by  Odoacer,  leader  of  the  Heruli. 
The  city,  which  had  formerly  been  the  terror  of  nations, 
had  already  been  weakened  to  such  a  degree,   that  it 
voluntarily  (17)  surrendered  to  the  enemy.     From   this 
time  the  sovereignty  of  Rome  was  oftener  in  the  hands 
of  (18)  the  barbarians,    than   of  the  citizens.     The  city 

No  71.  (1)  opprimere,  occupare  (=  „to  conie  upon'%  (2)  va- 
stare.  (3)  diripere.  (4)  igni  ferroque,  but  more  commonly^  ferro 
ignique,  or  ferro  atque  igni.  (5)  fieri.  (6)  sine  (alio)  labore, 
nullo  negotio.  (7)  saevitia.  (8)  feritas,  ferocia.  (9)  diruere. 
(10)  abripere.  (11)  peragere.  (12)  inhumanitas.  (13)  immams. 
(14)  vastatio.  (ib)  vacuum  facere,  vacuefacere.  (16)  imperatnx. 
(17)  sua  sponte.    (18)  penes. 


Section  vi. 


85 


was  altogether  destitute  of  a  defender.  It  lay  open  (19) 
to  every  enemy,  and  it  was  easy  to  take  possession  of 
it.  Therefore  it  was  some  times  taken  and  ravaged  by 
hostile  armies  in  the  following  centuries,  whereby  it 
was  more  and  more  stripped  of  its  old  splendour  and 
most  magnificent  ornaments.  Later  on  there  were  in 
the  city  itself  vast  and  deserted  districts,  devoid  (20)  of 
men  and  houses,  filled  with  ruins.  That  famous  Forum 
Romanum  had  been  changed  into  a  field,  in  which  herds 
of  cows  pastured.  But  nevertheless  so  many  and  so 
great  monuments  of  ancient  art  still (21)  remain,  that 
the  former  greatness  of  the  city  can  be  recognized  from 
them. 

No.  n. 

On  the  Love  of  Enemies  (1). 
The  sublime  and  noble  virtue,  whose  name  is  „Love 
of  enemies",  is  only  known  among  Christians;   to  those 
who  are  not  Christians,  it  is  and  always  was  unknown, 
and  though  there  seem  to  be  some  examples  of  it  among 
them,  still  those  examples  have  only  the  appearance  of 
virtue.    Cyrus  wished  to  live  so  long,  that  he  might  be 
able  to  outdo  his  benefactors  (2)  by  benefits,  his  ofiend- 
ers(2)   by   punishments.     We  read  in  Plato,    that  most 
of  the  Greeks  believed  it,    indeed,  a  virtue,    to  bestow 
benefits   on   friends   as   well   as   to   take   revenge   upon 
enemies.     But  the  heroes  and  kings   of  the  Greeks  also 
have  the  same  opinion;  nay,  Minerva  herself  says,  that 
it  is  sweet  to  laugh  at  an  enemy.     Dionysius  of  Syra- 
cuse said  to  Plato,  that  not  only  the  deeds  of  enemies, 
but  also  their  intentions  ought  to  be  hated  and  punished. 


(19)  patere  (=  Jo  lie  open''),  (20)  inanis,  vacuus.  (21)  hodie, 
hodie  etiam,  etiam  nunc. 

No.  72.  (1)  inimicus  =  „a  personal  foe'';  hostis  =  „a  puMic 
enemy'',  „a«  e.  of  the  state".  (2)  Transl  by  clauses  with  Jhose 
who""  etc. 


M 


-I 


li^ 


86 


Part  i. 


Still  worse  is,   what  Aristotle  teaches  in  the  first  book 
of  his  Ehetoric ,  where ,  enumerating  what  (3)  is  beauti- 
ful and  honest,  he  deems  it  also  good  and  right,  not  to 
be  reconciled   to  one's   enemies,    but   rather  to  revenge 
oneself  on   them.     „For  it  is  just,   says  he,  to  return 
what  one  has  received,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  a  man  of 
character  (4) ,  not  to  yield,  nor  allow  himself  to  appear 
as  the  weaker".     Cicero  considers  (5)  it  the  first  precept 
of  justice,  to  harm  nobody,  unless  one  be  stimulated  to 
it  by  offences.     Of  Scipio  Africanus   it  is  related,    that 
he  thought  it  an  honour  to  himself  to  be  surpassed  by 
no  one,    whether  he  had  done  liim  good  or  evil.     Nay, 
it   seems   that   this  was  considered   to  be  so  important, 
that  it  was  inscribed  on  his  tomb,   on  wliich  there  was 
the   following:    „Here   lies   he    whom   neither  a  fellow- 
citizen  nor  an  enemy  was  able  to  repay (6)  for  his  deeds.'* 
It   is   said,   that   to   revenge   oneself  is  agreeable  to (7) 
nature.     But  we  say,    that   revenge   is   agreeable   to(7> 
the  corrupted  (8)   nature   of  man.     Yet  many  are  found 
even   among   the  Greeks   and   Eomans,   who   controlled 
their  anger,  pardoned  their  enemies,  and  did  them  good. 
To  set   forth  only  a  few  examples,   Lycurgus  had  one 
eye  knocked   out  (9)   by   one  (10)    of  his  fellow-citizens. 
The  people  seized  the  young  malefactor,    and  delivered 
him  up  to  Lycurgus,   to  be  punished  by  him  in  what- 
soever  manner   he  wished.     But  he  kept  him  for  some 
time  in  his  house,  instructed  him  in  the  institutions  of 
the  forefiithers   and   the  discipline  of  the  state  (11),  and 
made  him  a  good  man.    Then  he  conducted  him  to  the 
place,   where  the  people  used  to  assemble  (12)   and  said 


(3)  ,,whaf'  =  that  whkh  (Plur.),  (4)  vir  constans.  (5)  judi- 
care.  (6)  gratiam  alicui  referre  pro.  (7)  secundum.  (8)  cor- 
ruptus  ac  depravatus.  (9)  Transl  either  „L.  was  deprived  of' 
(privare),  or  Jo  L.  one  eye  was  k.  out''  (elidere,  excutere).  (10)  qui- 
dam.  (11)  aliquem  instituere  atque  erudire  ad  majorum  insti- 
tuta  atque  civitatis  disciplinam.     (12)  congregari  in  locum. 


Section  vi. 


87 


to  the  astonished  multitude:  „This  man  I  received  from 
you  as  a  youth  of  great  insolence,  I  return  him  to  you 
as  a  man  of  great  gentleness  and  a  citizen  of  many 
virtues." 

No.  73. 

Chapter  II. 

The  Macedonian  kings,  too,  knew  how(l)  to  mo- 
derate themselves  and  to  control  their  mind  and  words. 
Wlien,  one  day,  Alexander,  Philip's  son,  heard  that  he 
was  reviled  (2)  by  one  of  his  soldiers,  he  being  called 
upon  to  revenge  himself  said:  „It  is  beautiful  to  forget 
the  injuries  inflicted  on  us  by  others."  Among  the 
Romans  we  find  also  many  who  sometimes  did  not 
suffer  themselves  to  be  overcome  (3)  by  the  desire  of 
revenge.  To  pass  over  other  examples  which  are  most 
worthy  of  mention,  Cicero  defended  Gabinius,  who  had 
been  accused  of  extortions,  with  the  greatest  energy, 
though  that  man,  when  Consul,  had  expelled  him  from 
the  city.  The  meekness  and  gentleness  of  Caesar  are 
justly  praised.  When  he  had  crossed  the  Eubico,  Labie- 
nus,  his  most  confidential  Legate,  deserted  him  at  the 
most  momentous  time,  and  went  over  to  Pompey;  but 
Caesar  sent  (4)  him  all  his  baggage  (5),  and  spared  all 
his  rich  and  productive  estates.  In  the  battle  at  Phar- 
salus  Caesar  said  (6)  to  his  soldiers:  „ Spare  the  citizens". 
After  the  battle  he  generously  (7)  pardoned  those,  who 
survived,  and  granted  them  freedom  and  property.  All 
the  letters  of  Pompey,  that  had  fallen  into  his  hands, 
he  burnt,  without  reading (8)  them,  that  they  might 
not  be  a  cause  of  suspicion  and  revenge  to  him.    It  was 


No.  73.  (1)  Infinit.  (2)  maledicere,  Gram,  g  204.  1.  Also 
conviciis  aliquem  insectari,  lacerare  aliquem  verborum  contu- 
meliis.  (3)  vinci  (=  „fo  suffer  oneself  to  he  overcome").  (4)  sub- 
mittere  alicui  aliquid.  (5)  sarcina  (Plur.).  (6)  inquit,  Gram. 
,^148.  Note.    (7)  clementer.     (8)  Part.  Perf.  {,,mt  having  been  read"). 


i 


88 


Part  i. 


m 


Caesar's  greatest  praise,  that  Cicero  was  able  to  say  of 
him,  that  he  was  wont  to  forget  nothing  (9)  except 
injuries. 

We  find,  then,  many  examples  of  moderation  among 
the  Greeks  and  Romans  worthy  of  imitation.  But  they 
checked  their  anger  and  pardoned  the  enemy  rather 
from  prudence,  or  on  account  of  advantages  and  glory, 
or  from  the  love  of  their  country,  not  from  the  love  of 
God,  not  because  they  acknowledged  themselves  in  need 
of  pardon  (10),  not  because  they  had  a  high  esteem  of 
every  man  as  a  child  of  the  heavenly  father.  Higher 
and  nobler  must  the  love  of  ennmies  be  considered 
among  the  Jews.  They  were  commanded  by  God  him- 
self, to  consider  all  men  as  brethren  rather  than  as 
strangers.  Therefore  all  foreigners,  who  lived  in  Ju- 
daea, enjoyed  the  same  rights,  had  the  same  laws  as  the 
natives.  But  highest  of  all  stands  the  love  of  men  and 
especially  of  enemies  among  Christians.  How  many 
have  there  been  at  all  times,  who  imitating  the  example 
of  Christ,  who  besought  his  heavenly  father  to  forgive 
those  who  had  nailed  him  to  the  cross  (11),  have  par- 
doned their  enemies,  prayed  for  their  welfare,  and  often 
made  most  intimate  friends  of  (ex)  their  former  most 
bitter  adversaries. 

(9)  nulla  res.     (10)  venia,   or  veniae   indigere    (=  „to  be  in 
Tieed  of  p.'').    (11)  See  39,  18. 


Section  vii. 


89 


SECTION  vn. 

Use  of  Adjectives  and  Pronouns,  together  with 

Numerals. 

(Grammar  §  236—238,  and  §  55—61.) 

No.  74. 

King  Darius  and  the  Philosopher  Democritus. 
Darius,    the   renowned   king   of  the  Persians,    had 
loved  truly  (1)  his  wife  daring  her  life-time,  and  mourn- 
ed (2)   her  so  much  after  her  death,    that  he  seemed  to 
give    himself   up    entirely    to    grief.     Wlien    the    wise 
Democritus  of  Abdera  came  to  Persia  and  saw  the  sor- 
rowing Darius,  he  addressed  him  in  the  following  man- 
ner: „With  regret  I  see  you  sad,  o  king.    If  j^ou  give  (3) 
me  all  that  is  necessary,  I  shall  call  the  dead  back  into 
life   and   restore   her   to   you."     Darius  gladly  accepted 
this  condition  and  recommended  the  philosopher  to  spare 
no  expense  (Phir.)   and   to  fulfil  (4)    the  promise  (Plur.), 
After  the  wise  man  had  spent  some  days  assiduously  in 
his   task (5),    the   king   at   length   asked   him,    whether 
anything (6),   which   he  needed   for  his  work,    was  still 
wanting   to   him.     Whereupon  the  philosopher,    hesitat- 
ing a  little,    answered:    „A11  things  are,    indeed,    abun- 
dantly  at   hand  (7);    one   thing    only   is   wanting;    you 
alone,  the  king  of  all  Asia,  will  perhaps  be  able  to  ob- 
tain that  one  thing,  and  thus  yourself  call  back  to  life 
the    dead    queen.     This   consists    in   inscribing    on   the 
tomb   of  the   dead   the  names  of  three   men,    to  whom 
nothing  evil  has  ever  happened  in  life.     Since  the  king 
of  the  Persians  is  able  to  do  all  things,    tliis  will  also 
be  easy  to  him."     Darius  was  startled  (8).     He  believed 

No.  74.  (1)  verissime.  (2)  lugere.  (3)  suppeditare  {11.  Fut). 
(4)  praestare,  solvere.  (5)  negotium.  (6)  num  quid.  (7)  sup- 
petere  (=  „fo  be  ab.  at  hand'-^).    (8)  perturbari,  obstupescere. 


^1 


90 


Past  i. 


Sectiok  vn. 


91 


I 

Ifi 


.H 


that  in  all  Asia  not  even  one  could  be  found,  who, 
during  his  whole  life,  had  been  free  from  all  pain. 
Then  Democritus  said  smiling  —  for  this  was  his  custom—: 
„And  you,  most  foolish  of  all  mortals,  you  believe  to 
be  allowed  to  mourn  immoderately,  as  if  a  calamity  (9) 
had  befallen  you  alone?"  Darius  understood  that  what 
Democritus  had  said,  was  true;  and  from  this  time  he 
deemed  it  the  duty  of  a  wise  man  to  endeavour  (10)  to 
bear  nothing  reluctantly,  that  might  be  inflicted  upon 
him  either  by  nature  or  by  God  himself.  But  he  re- 
warded (11)  Democritus  with  the  greatest  honours  and 
considered  him  the  wisest  among  men. 

No.  ?5. 

Something  about  the  Military  System  (1)  of  the  Romans. 

The  Eomans  were,  from  the  very  (2)  origin  of  their 
state,  a  very  warlike  people.  Each  citizen  had  to  bear 
arms  (3)  from  the  17^^  until  the  46^^  year  of  his  age, 
when  the  welfare  of  the  coimtry  required  it,  and  in  the 
beginning  no  one  could  discharge  any  public  office, 
who  had  not  served  in  ten  campaigns  (4).  Horsemen 
were  accustomed  to  serve  in  ten,  footsoldiers  in  twenty 
campaigns  each.  In  the  best  times  of  the  commonwealth 
slaves  and  freedmen(5)  were  not  admitted  to  military  ser- 
vice (6).  As  long  as  the  commonwealth  existed,  the  Eomans 
were  engaged (7)  in  almost  continual  wars,  first,  about  500 
years,  with  the  nations  of  Italy,  then,  nearly  200  years, 
before  they  brought  under  their  dominion  (8)  those  many 


„a"   hy   aliquid). 


(9)   mahim,    calamitas    {the   indefinite   Art. 
(10)  eniti  ut.    (11)  prnare. 

No.  75.  (1)  res.  (2)  primus,  or  ipse.  (3)  Traml.  ,,)uid 
(debere)  to  be  in  arms^^,  (4)  decern  stipendia  merere  (=  „fo  serve 
in  ten  c.'*).  (o)  libertus,  libertinus.  (6)  militia  (=  „mil.  service''). 
(7)  implicare  aliqua  re.  (8)  sub  suam  potestatem  redigere,  suae 
dicionis  facere. 


countries,  of  which  the  Roman  empire  afterwards  con- 
sisted. In  the  early  times  of  the  republic  four  legions 
were  levied  (9)  every  year  (10),  which  formed  two  con- 
sular armies;  for  two  legions  were  given  to  each  of  the 
two  consuls.  But  not  seldom  still  more  legions  were 
levied;  it  is  said,  that  in  the  Punic  war  there  were 
twenty  or  more.  The  consuls  themselves  directed  the 
levy  (11);  the  citizens  gave  their  names  on  the  appoint- 
ed (12)  day,  and  were  inscrfbed  in  the  registers (13). 
When  the  levy  was  finished  (14),  the  soldiers  took  the 
oath  (15).  After  the  soldiers  had  bound  themselves  (16) 
by  oath,  they  were  divided  into  legions.  The  number 
of  soldiers  of  a  legion  was  difierent  at  different  times. 
At  the  end  of  the  second  Punic  war  there  were  4200 
men  (17),  later  there  were  usually  (18)  6000.  They  were 
all  footsoldiers.  The  single  legions  were  divided  into 
ten  cohorts,  the  cohorts  into  three  maniples  each,  the 
maniples  into  two  centuries  each.  A  legion,  therefore, 
consisted  of  60  centuries;  and  when  these,  according  to 
their  name,  liad  also  in  reality  100  soldiers  each,  the 
whole  legion  contained  6000  men.  But  in  the  more 
ancient  times  tliis  number  was  more  correspondent  (19) 
to  the  name,  than  to  the  reality;  for  it  was  often  less. 
To  each  legion  was  added  a  body  (20)  of  horsemen,  the 
so-called  regular (21)  cavalry,  which  consisted  of  300 
horsemen.  But  this  body  was  divided  into  ten  squad- 
rons (22),  a  squadron  into  three  decuriae. 

(9)  conscribere.  (10)  qiiotannis.  (11)  delectum  habere.  (12)  di- 
cere.  (13)  in  tabulas  referre.  (14)  Ablat  absol.  (15)  sacramentum 
dicere.  (16)  obligari  (=  „fo  bittd  oneself^  (17)  caput.  (18)  &y 
solere.    (19)  conveniens.    (20)  ala.    (21)  Justus.    (22)  turma. 


92 


*i| 


ii 


m 


Part  i. 


No.  76. 


Section  vu. 


93 


Chapter  II. 

With  each  legion  of  Roman  soldiers  an  almost 
equal  number  of  allies  was  usually (1)  combined,  who 
were  divided  in  the  same  manner  as  the  legion.  The 
allies  had,  like (2)  the  cavalry,  their  place  on  both 
sides  (3)  of  the  army;  and  for  that  reason  these  troops 
were  called  by  the  same  name  as  the  cavalry,  wings  (4) 
of  the  allies.  A  whole  consular  army  of  two  legions, 
therefore,  generally  consisted  of  20,000  or  24,000  men. 
There  were  three  orders  of  heavy-armed  footsoldiers  (5), 
hastati,  principes  and  triarii.  The  hastati  received  their 
name  from  the  spears,  which  they  were,  at  first,  ac- 
customed to  use;  which  custom,  since  it  seemed  to  be 
more  troublesome  than  useful,  was  afterwards  abandon- 
ed (6).  They  formed  (esse)  the  first  line  (7)  and  con- 
sisted of  young  imen,  who  were  in  the  very  (8)  bloom 
of  their  youth.  They  were  followed,  in  the  second  Hne, 
by  the  principes,  men  of  maturer(9)  age,  whose  name 
arose  from  the  circumstance  (10) ,  that  (11)  in  the  most 
ancient  times  they  seem  to  have  stood  in  the  first  line. 
The  triarii,  soldiers  of  tried  bravery  and  well  skilled  in 
warfare,  occupied (12)  the  third  line.  They  were  also 
called  pilani,  from  the  pilum,  which,  in  the  beginning, 
they  had  used.  First  of  all,  therefore,  the  hastati  be- 
gan (13)  the  battle.  If  they  were  unable  to  beat  (14) 
the  enemy,  they  retired  and  were  received  (15),  by  the 
principes,  into  the  openings  (16)  of  their  ranks.  Then 
the  fight  was  begun  by  the  principes,  and  the  hastati 
followed.    If,  however,  the  principes  fought  less  luckily, 


No.  76.  (1)  See  73,  18.  (2)  ut.  (3)  pars.  (4)  ala.  (5)  gravis 
armaturae  pedites.  (6)  abolere.  (7)  acies.  (8)  ipse.  (9)  ro- 
bustus.  (10)  ex  eo  (=  ,/row  that  circ").  (H)  quod.  (12)  obti- 
nere.  (13)  inire.  (14)  profligare.  (15)  excipere.  (16)  inter- 
vallum. 


they  themselves,  with  the  hastati,  withdrew  in  a  similar 
manner,  to  be  received  into  the  openings  of  the  triarii. 
Hence  the  proverb  originated:  „The  affair  has  come (17) 
to  the  triarii",  i.  e.  the  affair  is  in  the  greatest 
danger  (18). 

No.  77. 

Chapter  HI. 

The   above   mentioned   heavy-armed   troops   formed 
the  old  legion.     To  these,  later  on,  a  fourth  order  was 
still  added,  which,  on  account  of  its  swiftness,  had  the 
name  of  velites.     The  velites   were  without  baggage  (1), 
and  used  a  light  armament.  They  were  first  introduced  (2) 
in  the  second  Punic  war.    They  were  distributed  neither 
in  cohorts  nor  in  maniples,  nor  had  they  a  certain  place 
assigned  (3)    them;    but  they  fought  dispersed,    the  one 
in  this,  the  other  in  another  place,  when  and  where  it 
was    necessary.     With    them   were    the   archers  (4)   and 
slingers(5).     The   archers   were   taken   by   the  Romans, 
according  to  their  usual  prudence  (6),  chiefly  from  Crete, 
the  slingers   from   the  Balearic  islands;    for   those  were 
both  considered  the  best  of  their  kind.     It  is  said  that 
amongst  the  number  of  the  velites  there  were  also  other 
troops,    who   had   the   name   of  accensi.     These   stayed 
with   the   army   in   order   to  take  (7)   the  places   of  the 
legionary  soldiers,  who  had  fallen.     Often (8),  especiaUy 
under  the  emperors,    the   soldiers    were    named  after  (9) 
the  number  of  the  legion,    to  which  they  belonged (10), 
so  that  the  soldiers  of  the  first  legion   were  called  pri- 
mani ,  those  of  the  second  secundani ,  those  of  the  third 
tertiani.     In    the    same    way    were    styled    the    tertia- 


(17)  redire.    (18)  discrimen. 

No.  77.  (1)  sarcinae,  impedimenta;  also  by  expeditus.  (2)  in- 
stituere.  (3)  attribuere.  (4)  Sagittarius.  (5)  funditor.  (6)  Gram. 
§  238.  2.  c.  (7)  succedere  in,  with  Ace.  (8)  non  raro.  (9)  ex. 
(10)  esse,  with  Gen.,  or  with  in  and  AM. 


Ii 


94 


Part  i. 


decimani,  the  duodevicesimani ,  the  vicesimani.  —  Tlie 
Roman  soldiei-s  used  their  amis  with  the  same  facility 
as  their  limbs.  The  velites,  however,  had,  for  attack- 
ing (11),  bows,  slings  (12),  and  seven  javelins  (13)  each; 
besides  a  short  sword,  by  which  they  attacked  with  the 
edge  and  point  (14).  A  helmet,  made  of  leather (15), 
guarded  the  head,  and  a  round  light  shield (16),  which 
was  made  of  wood  and  covered (17)  with  leather,  the 
rest  of  the  body.  The  heavy-armed  soldiers  had,  for 
attacking,  only  a  sword  and  two  long  spears,  from 
which  the  hastati  were  named;  but  the  triarii  used,  in 
the  beginning,  a  shorter  and  heavier  spear,  which  was 
called  pilum.  Tliis  was  afterwards  changed,  and  the 
pilum  was  given  to  the  hastati  and  principes,  but  the 
hasta  to  the  triarii;  nevertheless  the  soldiers  of  the  first 
line  were  called  by  the  same  name  as  before,  hastati, 
and  the  triarii,  pilani.  All  of  them  had  an  oblong 
shield  (18),  made  of  wood  and  covered  with  an  ox- 
hide (19);  in  the  midst  of  the  shield  an  iron  boss  (20) 
projected  (21).  Sometimes  they  also  used  a  round  shield 
(22),  which  was  a  little  smaller.  Moreover,  the  heavy- 
armed  soldiers  were  covered  with  a  cuirass  (23)  and 
generally  also  with  greaves  (24).  Hardly  any  but  (25) 
the  common  (26)  soldiers  used  boots  (27). 

No.  78. 

Chapter  IV. 

In  the  earliest  times  of  the  Eoman  republic  the 
chief  command  (1)  over  the  army  was  with  the  consul. 
When  afterwards  armies  were  required  in  many  and 
that,  indeed,  remote  places,  praetors  and  proconsuls  and 


(11)  petere.  (12)  funda.  (13)  jaculum.  (14)  caesim  et  punc- 
tim,  caesim  punctimque,  Gram.  §159.  2.  (15)  corium.  (16)  par- 
ma  (=  „rt  r,  I.  sh.'^).  (23)  lorica.  (24)  ocrea.  (25)  by  fere  and 
solus  {^almost  only^^).     (26)  gregarius.     (27)  callga. 

^0.  78.     (1)  summum  imperiuni. 


Section  vii. 


95 


propraetors  were  also  invested  (2)  with  the  chief  com- 
mand. To  the  chief- commander,  however,  the  senate 
gave  either  one  or  more  legates,  who  under  his  gui- 
dance (3)  commanded  the  whole  army  or  a  part  of  it. 
Under  the  legate  or,  if  a  legate  had  not  been  appointed, 
under  the  consul  were  the  military  tribunes,  six  in  each 
legion,  who  commanded  about  1000  men  in  battle;  where- 
fore the  Greeks  called  a  tribune  xtliaQxoQ.  The  leaders 
of  the  centuries  were  called  centurions,  and  as  each 
maniple  had  two  centuries,  one  of  the  centurions  was 
cidled  the  first,  the  other  the  second.  The  centurion  of 
the  first  century  of  the  first  maniple  of  the  triarii,  held 
the  first  rank (4)  among  them,  wherefore  he  was  called 
primipilus,  or  the  first  centurion,  and  to  him  the  eagle, 
the  piincipal  ensign  (5)  of  the  legion  was  intrusted.  The 
commander  of  the  cavalry,  which  was  with  a  legion, 
was  named  praefectus  alae.  The  single  tui-mae  had  thi-ee 
decurions  each,  i.  e.  leaders  (6)  of  ten  horse  each.  A 
so-called  magister  equitum  was  but  rarely  nominated  (7), 
and  only  by  the  dictator.  In  time  of  peace  the  Eoman 
citizens  wore  the  toga,  but  in  war  both  the  soldiers  and 
their  leaders  used  the  military  cloak  (8).  Hence  people 
said  „saga  sumere"  instead  of  „to  go  to  war",  and  „re- 
dire  ad  togas"  instead  of  „to  return  to  peace".  When 
a  war  broke  out  in  Italy,  which  was  called  tumultus, 
all  the  citizens  put  on  the  military  cloak,  and  people  then 
said,  that  the  community  (9)  were  in  military  cloaks. 
The  nobler  leaders,  and  especially  the  commander-in-chief, 
had  usually  a  purple  cloak (10),  the  so-called  paluda- 
mentum;  but  the  commander-in-chief,  or  the  consul  in 
particular  was  distinguished  by  his  lictors,  who  accom- 
panied him  also  in  war.    The  military  tribunes,  as  they 


I 


(2)  hy  praeesse,  aho  gerere,  fungi.  (3)  auspicium,  Ahl,  Plur. 
(4)  locus.  (5)  signum.  (6)  ductor.  (7)  dicere.  (8)  sagum.  (9)  civi- 
tas.    (10)  chlamys  (=  „a  p.  d."). 


96 


Pabt  I. 


4 


mostly  belonged  (11)  to  the  equestrian  order  (12),  the 
badge  of  which  was  a  gold  ring,  sometimes  used  the 
gold  ring  also  (13)  as  (ut)  a  sign  of  their  rank.  The 
centurion^s  badge,  however,  was  a  vine;  therefore  it  was 
also  said  „he  has  been  presented  with  the  vine"  in  the 
same  sense  as  „he  has  been  appointed  centurion".  The 
cavalry  mostly  wore  light  garments  in  order  to  mount 
the  horses  the  more  easily;  for  stirrups  (14)  were  entirely 
unknown  to  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Eomans.  To  manage 
their  horses  they  used  reins  and  spurs. 

No.  79. 

Chapter  V. 

Even  on  their  greatest  marches  the  Romans  let  al- 
most no  night  pass  by  (1),  in  which  they  did  not  pitch  (2) 
a  camp  and  fortify  it  by  a  rampart  and  ditch.  In  order 
to  bring  this  about  (3),  the  soldiers  carried  on  the  march 
itself  all  the  utensils,  and  besides  three  or  four  stakes  (4) 
each.  If  the  army  stayed  longer  at  the  same  place,  the 
camp  was  called  a  stationary  (5)  camp,  and  that  accord- 
ing to  the  season  of  the  year  either  a  summer-,  or  a 
winter -camp  (6).  In  the  most  ancient  times  an  augur, 
afterwards  a  surveyor (7)  was  sent  in  advance,  to (8) 
select  (9)  a  suitable  place  and  to  measure  out  (10)  a 
camp.  The  shape  of  the  camp  was  mostly  a  square.  It 
was  surrounded  by  a  rampart,  which  was  strengthened 
by  posts  (11)  or  stakes,  set  firmly  in  the  ground (12), 
and  by  a  ditch.  First  the  place  for  (Dat)  the  prae- 
torium,   which   was   the   tent (13)   of  the   general,   was 


(11)  esse,  Gram.  §  207.  2.  (12)  ordo  equester.  (13)  hy  et 
ipse.     (14)  fulcrum  (ad  ascendendum). 

No.  79.  (1)  praetermittere.  (2)  ponere,  Subjunct  (3)  ad  id 
efficiendum.  (4)  vallus.  (5)  stativus.  (6)  by  aestivus  and  hiber- 
nus.  (7)  metator.  (8)  qui,  with  Subj.  (9)  capere,  also  eligere. 
(10)  inetari.  (11)  sudes.  (12)  immittere,  adigere  (=  „to  iet  /*.  t» 
tJie  ^r.").    (13)  tabemaculum. 


Section  vii. 


97 


chosen;    before  wliich  the  altars,    the  ensigns  (14),    and 
the  tribimal(15)  of  the  general  were  placed.     Next  to 
it  were  the  tents  of  the  legates  or  the  forum,  and  of 
the  quaestor  or  the  quaestorium;  and  in  the  same  manner 
a  certain  place  was  assigned  both  to  the  tribunes  and  all 
the  rest  of  the  soldiers,  wliich  they  always  kept,  so  that 
each  one  was  able  most  easily  to  find  his  own  at  any 
time.     The  camp  was  divided  into  the  upper  and   the 
lower  part,  by  a  straight  and  broad  road,  the  so-caUed 
via  principalis.     In  the  upper  part  there  was  the  tent 
of  the  general,  the  forum,  the  quaestorium,  the  tents  of 
the  tribunes  and  of  the   commander  (16)   of  the   allies, 
with  those  soldiers  who  seemed  necessary  for  their  pro- 
tection (17).     The  greatest  part  of  the  soldiers  together 
with  the  centurions  and   decurions   occupied  the  lower 
part  of  the  camp.     This   was   again   divided  into   two 
parts  by  the  so-called  praetorian  (18)  road.     The  camp 
had  generaUy  four  gates,  one  of  which  was  opposite  (19) 
the  general's  tent,  and  was  called  the  praetorian  gate, 
from  which  the  legions  used  to  march  out  against  the 
enemy;  over  against  (20)  this  was  the  porta  decumana, 
averted (21)  from  the  enemy.     Those  two  gates,  which 
enclosed  the  camp  on  both  sides  of  the  principia  or  via 
principaHs,  were  called  porta  principalis  dextra  and  porta 
principaHs  sinistra.     The  tents  (22)   of  the  soldiers  were 
covered  with  hides  (23),    wherefore   it   was  said  „to  be 
under  the  hides"   for   „to  be  in  the  camp".     Wlien  the 
general  wished  to  break  up  (24),  he  gave  the  signal  for 
packing  up  (25),  at  which  the  soldiers  struck  the  tents  (26). 
At  the  second  signal  the  baggage  was  put  on  the  beasts 
of  burden  (27);  at  the  tliird  each  one  had  to  occupy  (28) 

(14)  signum.  (15)  tribunal.  (16)  praefectus.  (17)  praesidium. 
(18)  praetorius.  (19)  exadversus,  tvifh  Ace.  (20)  contrarius,  ad- 
versus.  (21)  aversus.  (22)  tentorium.  (23)  pellis.  (24)  castra 
movere.  (25)  signum  vasa  colligendi.  (26)  tabernacula  de- 
tendere.    (27)  jumentum.    (28)  tenere. 

MUller,  Exercises.  7 


:j 


98 


Part  i. 


j( 


his  place,  and  the  anny  marched  off  in  a  definite  order  (29), 
which  was  always  the  same. 

No.  SO, 

Daring  (1)  Courage  of  the  Young  Caesar. 

Already  from  his  earliest  youth  Cajus  Julius  Caesar 
gave  different  proofs  (2)  of  a  great  and  daring  soul.  The 
dictator  Sulla  had  ordered  (3)  him  to  repudiate  his  wife 
Cornelia,  the  daughter  of  Cinna;  but  Caesar,  at  that 
time  about  twenty  years  old,  openly  refused  (4)  to  obey  (5) 
his  command.  Thereupon  the  wrath  of  Sulla  was  rous- 
ed (6)  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  determined  to  proscribe 
Caesar.  The  latter,  owing  to  the  determination  (7)  of 
his  mind,  was  by  no  means (8)  frightened  by  this;  yet 
he  did  not  disregard  the  danger,  which  as  he  saw 
threatened (9)  him,  but  left  Eome  and  Italy  and  went 
to  Nicomedes,  king  of  Bithynia,  with  whom  he  was  on 
terms  of  (10)  friendsliip.  In  the  mean  time  his  friends 
interceded (11)  for  him  at  Eome,  and  begged  of  Sulla, 
that  he  would  pardon (12)  Caesar.  The  dictator,  how- 
ever, having  only  been  overcome  by  many  entreaties, 
granted  (13)  them  what  they  asked  for,  using  the  follow- 
ing remarkable  words:  „You  may  have  him  for  your- 
selves; but  know,  that  there  are  many  Mariuses  liidden(14) 
in  this  Caesar ''.  How  truly  Sulla  had  judged  of  Caesar 
and  his  spirit,  was  afterwards  perceived.  After  Sulla's 
death  Caesar  returned  to  Eome;  from  thence  he  travelled 
soon  to  Ehodes  in  order  to  study  (15)  rhetoric  with  Molo, 
the   most   renowned    rhetorician   of   his   age.      On   this 


(29)  agmen. 

No.  80.  (1)  fortis.  (2)  documentum.  (3)  imperare  ut.  (4)  hy 
negare.  (5)  obtemperare,  obsequi.  (6)  exardescere.  (7)  constan- 
tia,  see  Gram.  §  238,  2,  c.  (8)  nihil,  minime.  (9)  imminere,  im- 
pendere.  (10)  hy  esse,  see  Gram,  g  207.  (11)  deprecari.  (12)  con- 
donare,  liberare.  (13)  dare.  (14)  latere,  occultum  esse.  (15)  operam 
dare. 


Section  vii. 


99 


journey  he  was  captured  by  pirates,  who  then  rendered 
all  the  seas  and  coasts  insecure  (16).     Caesar  bade  them 
say,  for  what  price  they  would  release  (17)  him.     They 
demanded  twenty  talents.    Caesar  replied  laughing,  that 
they  judged  of  him  meanly,   since  they  demanded  from 
him  so  small  a  ransom  (18),    and  he   promised  to  give 
them  fifty  talents.  Whilst  (19)  the  messengers  and  friends 
of  Caesar  collected  (20)   that  money  in  different  towns, 
he  himself  behaved  towards  the  pirates  in  such  a  way, 
as  if(21)  he  himself  was  their  master,  and  they  were 
subjected  to  him.    He  often  read  (22)  to  them  his  poems 
and  speeches,   and  if  they  did  not  praise  them  enough, 
he  threatened  (23)  them  one  day  to   crucify  (24)   all  of 
them.     The   robbers   laughed   and   when   the    promised 
ransom  had  arrived,  they  set  him  ashore  near  Miletus. 
But  no  sooner  had  he  been  dismissed  by  them  than  (25) 
he  collected  some  ships,   surprised (26)  and  defeated  the 
pirates,  and  led  many  of  them  as  captives  to  Pergamus. 
There  he  crucified   all   of  them,   as  he  had   threatened 
them  before  in  jest  (27). 

No.  81. 

The  Taking  of  Ninive. 
Ninive,  that  most  famous  city  of  Assyria,  was  situat- 
ed on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Tigris,  and  had  a  circuit  (1) 
of  480  stadia,  being,  indeed  (2),  in  length  150,  in  breadth 
90  stadia,  so  that  one  could  go  around  the  city  in  24 
hours.  Its  walls  were  not  only  100  feet  high,  fortified 
with  1500  towers,  each  200  feet  high,  but  also  so  broad, 
that  they  afforded  room  for  three  waggons.     In  recent 


(16)  infestus.  (17)  dimittere,  Periphr.  Conjug.  (18)  redemp- 
tionis  pretium.  (19)  dum,  with  Pres.  (20)  cogere.  (21)  quasi. 
(22)  recitare.  (23)  minari,  minitari.  (24)  See  39,  18.  (25)  Gram, 
§  256.   IJ.  3.    (26)  adoriri,  invadere.    (27)  per  jocum. 

No.  81.     (1)  circuitu  patere  („o/"",  Genit).     (2)  Gram.  §238.1. 

7* 


■\ 


I 


100 


Part  i. 


times  the  spot,  where  the  ruins (3)  of  Ninive  are  seen, 
has  been  searched,  and  it  was  found,  that  there  was 
only  a  large  castle,  where  the  whole  city  had  been 
hitherto  believed  to  have  stood  (4).  Strabo  maintains, 
that  Ninive  was  still  larger  than  Babylon.  According 
to  the  greatness  of  the  city  Jonas  would  have  certainly 
been  obliged  to  wander  about  (5)  it  three  daj-s  to  ex- 
hort (6)  the  inhabitants  to  amend  their  lives  (7),  as  Holy 
Scripture  points  out.  But  already  on  the  first  day,  when 
the  prophet  liad  wandered  nearly  through  the  tliird  part 
only  (8),  they  repented  of  their  debaucheries  (9).  There 
were  in  the  city,  as  we  read  in  the  book  of  Jonas, 
120,000  people,  who  were  not  yet  able  to  distinguish 
the  right  hand  from  the  left,  i.  e.  bojrs  and  girls,  who 
were  not  yet  three  years  old.  According  (10)  to  tliis 
number  of  children,  the  city  had  about  2,000,000  in- 
habitants. The  above  mentioned  (11)  castle  was  built 
on  an  elevation  of  40  feet  (12),  which  had  been  con- 
structed (13)  of  brick  (Plm\).  The  walls  of  the  royal 
palace  were  overlaid  with  marble  (14),  wliich  images, 
figures,  and  manifold  works  of  sculpture  (15)  adorned. 
The  four  fronts  of  this  magnificent  building  had  six 
entrances (16)  each,  adorned  with  bulls,  which  had  two 
wings  and  one  human  head  each;  before  the  main  (17) 
entrance  moreover  were  the  figures  of  two  colossal  (18) 
men,  choking  two  lions  with  their  arms.  All  these 
figures  which  have  been  mentioned,  are  not  statues,  but 
carved  in  stone  (19)  and  high -relief  (20),  and  they  are 


(3)  parietinae.  (4)  „to  stand''''  =  positum  esse.  (5)  circumire 
aliquid.  (6)  cohortari.  (7)  ad  bonam  frugem  se  recipere,  ad  vir- 
tutem,  or  ad  veri  dei  cultum  redire.  (8)  solus.  (9)  flagitium. 
(10)  pro.  (11)  Gram.  §  238.  2.  b.  (12)  Transl.  „in  a  place  40  f. 
high''''.  (13)  excitare  ex.  (14)  parietes  crustis  marmoris  operire. 
(15)  by  sculptor.  (16)  introitus.  (17)  primarius.  (18)  vastus. 
(19)  e  saxo  sculptus.  (20)  by  the  Adj,  caelatus,  or  ectypus.  Also 
eminentibus  figuris. 


Section  vii. 


101 


not  only  of  great  beauty,  but  also  so  well  preserved  (21), 
as  if  they  had  just  come  (22)  from  the  workshop  of  the 
artist.  In  other  places  battles,  conquests,  huntings, 
banquets  are  represented  (23).  There  it  can  be  seen  (24)' 
how  a  city,  situated  on  an  island,  is  besieged,  how  the 
sea  is  covered  (25)  with  ships,  how  people  bring  together 
timber  to  construct  a  rampart  (26),  how  fishes,  winged 
sea-horses,  and  other  animals  are  in  the  water. 

No.  82. 
Chapter  II. 

Now  this  rich  and  magnificent  Ninive  (1)  was  taken 
and  destroyed  by  the  kings  of  Babylon  and  Media  about 
the   year  604  B.  Chr.     Those   witers,   who,   following 
Ctesias  (2),  relate,  that  Ninive  had  been  destroyed  about 
the  year  820,  and  that  the  Medes  and  Babylonians  had, 
at  that  time,  fiillen  off*  from  the  Assyrians,  are  mistaken  (3). 
For  all  this  is  against  Herodotus,  Josephus  Flavins,  and 
Holy  Scripture.     Isaias,  who  prophesied  from  about  the 
year  780  to  710  B.  Clir.,  threatens  Assyria,  which,  up 
to  that  time,  had  devastated,  but  was  not  itself  devastat- 
ed, had  plundered,  but  was  not  itself  plundered,  that  it 
likewise  (4)  would  be  laid  waste  and  plundered.     Who 
does  not  know   the   mighty  Assyrian   king  Phul,    who 
made   war  (5)   upon   Syria   and   the   kingdom   of  Israel 
about  the  year  773  B.  Chr.,  and  was,  by  the  king  of 
the  latter  country,  prevailed  upon  by  money  to  return? 
To  whom  are  his  brave  and  powerful  successors  unknown? 
It  is  by  far  the  most  probable  opinion,  that  shortly  after 
the  assassination  of  Senacherib  by  his  sons,  those  two 


(21)  integer  (==  ..well  pre8.'%  (22)  asportari.  (23)  effingere. 
(24)  conspicere.  TJie  clauses  with  ,,hoiv''  by  Ace.  with  Inf.  (25)  con- 
sternere.  (26)  aggerem  apparare,  exstruere,  instruere,  facere, 
jacere. 

No.  82.  (1)  Gram.  §  237.  1.  (2)  auctore  Ctesia  usi.  (3)  falli. 
(4)  et  ipse.    (5)  bellare  (,,xipon'',  adversus,  or  cum). 


102 


Part  i. 


!i 


\H 

h  'it 


m 


nations  gained  their  independence,  about  the  year  712 
B.  Chr.  That  Ninive  would  be  destroyed,  Nahum  had 
foretold  115  years,  and  Zephaniah,  too,  some  time  before. 
Assarhaddon  had,  without  doubt,  also  the  name  of  Sar- 
danapalus,  as  the  last  king  of  Assyria  had  also  that 
name;  hence  what  has  been  related  of  the  last  king, 
has  been  ascribed  (6)  to  the  former  king  of  the  same 
name.  Hellanikos  and  Kallisthenes  bear  witness,  that 
there  have  been  two  Assyrian  kings,  who  were  called 
Sardanapalus,  the  one  active  and  brave,  the  other  effe- 
minate. Diodorus  says,  the  king  of  Assyria  had  trusted 
in  an  old  oracle,  that  Ninive  would  not  be  taken,  unless 
the  Tigris  would  arise  (7)  as  its  enemy.  Then  the  Tigris 
had  overflowed  (8) ,  had  destroyed  (9)  part  of  the  walls 
of  the  length  of  20  stadia,  and  thus  the  city  had  been 
taken.  Nahum,  too,  seems  to  say,  that  the  city  will  be 
taken  by  the  help  of  water.  Some,  indeed,  maintain, 
that  it  had  been  situated  in  so  high (10)  a  place,  that 
the  river  was  not  able  to  reach  it;  but  who  can  prove, 
that,  what  usually  cannot  happen,  cannot  come  about 
by  particular  circumstances  (11)?  Nahum  and  likewise(12) 
Zephaniah  prophesied,  that  the  desolate  city  would  not 
be  built  up  again.  And  Ninive  has  been  desolate  and 
abandoned  for  more  than  (13)  2450  years,  up  to  the 
present  day. 

(6)  transferre  in  (Ace.).   (7)  exsistere.   (8)  redundare.   (9)  ever- 
tere.    (10)  editus.    (11)  res.    (12)  See  4.    (13)  Gram.  §  227.  2. 


Section  viii.  103 

SECTION  vm. 

Use   of  the   Tenses. 

(Grammar  §  239—246.) 

No.  83. 

Secession  (1)  of  the  Plebs  to  the  Sacred  Mount. 

After  Tarquin  had  been  exj^elled  from  Rome,  the 
Romans,  for  several  years,  waged  continual  wars  with 
the   neighbouring   nations.      By   this   the   plebejans   in- 
curred (2)  great  debts  (3),  and  as  they  were  not  able  to 
pay  (4),  they  were  most  cruelly  vexed  by  the  patricians. 
For  a  long  time  these  vexations  had  irritated  the  minds 
of  the  plebejans.    Therefore  they  several  times  refused  (5) 
military  service.     But  then  the  patricians  either  chose 
a  dictator  to  inspire  the  people  with  fear,  or  they  pro- 
mised remedies  for  their  sufferings.    Thus  they  had  often 
suppressed   greater   tumults   by   cumiing   fraud.      Once, 
however,    the   people  returned   again  from  a  war  and, 
with  great  desire,  expected  the  promised  relief (6)  from 
their   debts.     But  the  patricians  endeavoured  again   to 
elude  them  and  at  once   to  lead   them  out  to  another 
war.     By  this  fraud,  however,  the  plebejans  were  quite 
exasperated (7).     Armed,  as  they  were,  they  left  Rome, 
and,  under  the  leadership (8)  of  Sicinius,   withdrew  to 
the  Sacred  Mount,  which  was  about  30(X)  paces  distant 
from  the  city.     There  they  fortified  a  camp,  and  held 
out  (9)  for  some  days,  neither  being  provoked  (10)   nor 
provoking.    The  emigration  of  the  people  had  caused  (11) 
great  anxiety  (12)  at  Rome.  The  remaining  people  feared 
the  violence  of  the  fathers,  these  the  emigration  of  the 


II 


No.  83.  (1)  secessio.  (2)  incidere  in.  (3)  aes  alienum. 
(4)  Gram.  §  287.  3.  end.  (5)  detrectare.  (6)  levatio,  ,Aow",  Genit. 
(7)  exacerbare.  (8)  Gram.  §  284.  1.  (9)  teuere  se.  (10)  lacessere. 
(11)  excitare,    (12)  pavor. 


f1 


104 


Part  i. 


whole  people  or  a  foreign  war.  Therefore  the  senate 
was  called  together  to  determine  (13),  what  was  to  be 
done.  In  the  beginning  the  opinions  (14)  of  the  senators 
disagreed  (15).  Finally,  however,  it  pleased  to  send  de- 
puties to  the  people,  who  should  persuade  them  to  re- 
turn to  the  city.  The  leaders  of  this  embassy  were  three 
popular  men,  Titus  Lartius,  Marcus  Valerius,  and  Mene- 
nius  Agrippa.  As  spokesman  (16)  they  chose  Agrippa, 
a  man  of  great  eloquence,  who  also  for  that  reason  was 
the  most  pleasing  to  the  people,  because  he  liimself  was 
descended  (17)  from  the  plebejans.  When,  therefore,  the 
dej)uties  had  come  to  the  Sacred  Mount,  Agrippa  was 
at  once  admitted  (18)  into  the  camp.  He  easily  induced 
the  people  readily  to  listen  to  him.  Then  it  is  said, 
that  he  told  them  that  celebrated  fable,  which  appeas- 
ed (19)  their  minds,  and  induced  (20)  them  to  return  to 
the  city  under  certain  conditions  (21). 

No.  84. 
Chapter  II. 

„The  members  of  the  body,  said  he,  once  plotted  (1) 
against  the  stomach  (2).  For  they  believed,  that  it  alone 
quietly  enjoyed  the  pleasures,  which  they  themselves 
prepared  for  it  by  their  labour.  For  that  reason  they 
refused  (3)  their  services  (4).  The  hands  were  not  willing 
to  bring  food  to  the  mouth,  nor  the  mouth  to  receive 
it,  nor  the  teeth  to  masticate  (5)  it.  By  this  anger, 
whilst  (6)  they  wished  to  tame  the  stomach  by  hunger, 
the  members  themselves  were,  at  the  same  time,  reduced 
(=  came)  to  extreme  emaciation  (7).  From  tliis  it  became 
evident  (8)  to  them,  that  the  service  of  the  stomach,  too, 

(13)  consilium  capere.  (14)  sententia.  (15)  discrepare.  (16)  ora- 
tor. (17)  oriiindum  esse,  Gram.  ^  220.  3.  (18)  intromittere. 
(19)  placare.     (20)  perducere.    (21)  Gram.  §  224.  1. 

No.  84.  (1)  conjurare.  (2)  venter.  (3)  denegare.  (4)  mini- 
sterium.     (5)  conficere.     (6)  dum.    (7)  tabes.     (8)  apparere. 


Section  viii. 


105 


was  by  no  means  a  small  one,  and  that  it  fed  just  as 
much  as (9)  it  was  fed.    For  they  understood,  that  the 
scomach  prepared,  from  the  digested  food,  the  blood  and 
humours  and  diffused  them  through  all  the  parts  of  the 
body    by  wliich  strength  (10)  and  vigour  was  imparted 
to  all  the  members  of  the  body.    Therefore  the  members 
desisted  from  their  plan  and  were  reconciled  (11)  to  the 
stomach".     After  Agrippa  had  narrated  this,    he   com- 
pared that  dissension  of  the  parts  of  the  body  to  the 
cml  discord  12).     .Senate  and  people,  said  he,  consti- 
tute  one  body,  which  cannot  exist,  except (13)  by  the 
concord  of  its  parts".     By  his  speech  Agrippa    moved 
the  mmds  of  the  people,  and  conditions  of  peace  were 
begun  (14)  to  be  negotiated.    The  deputies  promised  the 
people  a  relief  from  the  debts,  so  at  least  it  has  been 
stated  by  some  writers.    But  Sicinius  advised  the  people, 
not  rashly  and  too  hastily  (15)   to  return  to   the   city. 

V  ''     .^fl  ^''^  ''''^^^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^i^^ir  interests (16), 
It  could  (17),  he  said,  easily  happen,  that  they  would  be 

deceived  by  the  patricians  again.     In   this   mamier   he 

comanced  the  people,  that  from  among  the  people  itself 

an  inviolable  (18)  magistrate  must  be  chosen,  who  should 

defend  the  rights  of  the  people  against  the  patricians 

This  pleased  the  people  and  was  also,  as  the  necessity 

was  urgent  (19),    approved  of  by  the  patricians.     Thus 

the   first  tribunes  of  the  people  were  elected,    and  the 

right    of  rendering    assistance  (20)    against    the   consuls 

granted  them.     No  one  of  the  fathers  was  allowed  to 

take  (21)  this  office.    But  first  two  tribunes  were  elected 


(9)  Gram.  §  175.  Note  8.  (10)  robur.  (11)  in  gratiam  redire 
cumaliquo,reconciliarialicui.  (12)  seditio.  (13)  nisi.  (14)  G^mm. 
,s  14b.  Mte.  (15)  temere  et  nimis  festinanter.  (16)  causam  ali- 
ciyus  suscipere,  sustinere.  (17)  Ace.  with  Inf.  (18)  sacrosanctus. 
(19  necessitate  urgente.  (20)  auxilii  latio  (=  ,,the  right  of  r.  ass.-). 
(21)  capere.  ^ 


106 


Part  i. 


who  cliose  three  colleagues,  amongst  them  also  Sicinius. 
Only  then  the  people  returned  to  Rome. 

No.  85. 

Alexander  the  Great  and  the  Gordian  Knot(l). 

After  Alexander  the  Great  had  defeated  (2)  the  Per- 
sians on  the  banks  of  the  Granikus,  he  quicklj'  collected 
his  troops  to  pursue  the  enemy  with  all  his  might  (3). 
Whilst  the  army  was  marching  through  Phrygia,  which 
had  more  villages (4)  than  towns,  he  took,  without  re- 
sistance (5),  all  the  important  (6)  places  of  that  countrj^ 
within  a  short  time,  and  approached  Gordium,  which 
city  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Gordius,  the  father 
of  Midas.  As  soon  as  he  had  taken  this  city,  he  entered 
the  temple  of  Juppiter,  in  which  the  chariot  (7)  of  Gor- 
dius was  preserved ,  the  yoke  of  which  was  fastened  (8) 
by  several  knots  twisted  together  (9).  Wliilst  he  was 
in  the  temple,  he  was  informed,  that  an  oracle  had 
foretold,  that  he  who  should  untie  (10)  these  knots, 
should  take  possession  of  the  whole  of  Asia.  As  soon 
as  Alexander  had  heard  this,  he  demanded,  that  the 
chariot  might  be  shown  to  liim.  After  the  king,  sur- 
rounded by  a  multitude  of  Phrygians  and  many  noble 
Macedonians,  had  approached  the  chariot,  those  who  ac- 
companied him,  were  anxious  to  see  (11),  what  the  king 
might  do.  Alexander  tried  in  vain  to  untie  the  knots. 
After  he  had  struggled (12)  for  a  long  time,  he  said: 
„It  matters  nothing,  in  what  manner  the  knots  are 
loosened".  And  as  soon  as  he  had  thus  spoken,  he 
cut (13),  with  liis  sword,  all  the  thongs  (14),  of  which 

No.  85.  (1)  nodus.  (2)  devincere,  fundere  atque  fugare. 
(3)  totis  viribus.  (4)  vicus.  (5)  nuUo  resistente.  (6)  by  opulen- 
tus.  (7)  plaustrum,  vehiculum.  (8)  adstringere.  (9)  in  semet 
ipsos  implicati  nodi.  (10)  solvere.  (11)  suspensis  animis  ex- 
spectare.  (12)  luctari.  (13)  discindere,  rumpere,  diffindere. 
(14)  lorum. 


Section  vui. 


107 


the  knots  consisted,    and  in   this  way  partly (15)   ridi- 
culed (16),  partly  fulfiUed  the  prophecy  (17)  of  the  oracle. 
The  rumour  of  this   tiling  soon  siDread(18)  tliroughout 
the  whole  of  Asia,  and  many  nations  voluntarily  sub- 
mitted to  the  sovereignty (19)  of  Alexander,  others  he 
easily  subdued,   so  that  five  or  six  years  after  this  had 
been  done,  he  had  conquered  the  whole  of  Asia  as  far 
as  (20)  the  river  Indus.  India  he  did  not  conquer,  though 
he  crossed  the  Indus,  but  after  he  had  entered  the  country, 
he  divided  his  army,   part  of  which  returned  by  sea  to 
the  Euplu-ates  and  Tigi-is,  part  by  land.     In  the  j^ear 
324  B.  Chr.  he  arrived  at  Susa,  and  died  at  Babylon 
in  the  year  323,    tliirteen  years   after   he  had   become 
king  and  eleven  years  after  he  had  first  invaded  Asia. 

No.  86. 

M,  Antonius  Muretus  to  Francis  Venierius  (1). 

You  do  well  to  (2)  exercise  yourself  daily  in  writing 
Latin  and  to  use  (3)  every  effort  therein  to  attain  to 
some  perfection  (4).  For  I  do  not  doubt,  that  the  rest 
of  your  life  as  well  as  tliis  your  exertion  is  directed  to 
that,  to  which  it  must  be  directed,  i.  e.  to  propagating 
the  glory  of  Christ  and  defending,  with  aU  your 
power  (5),  His  Church  against  the  insults  (6)  of  wicked 
men.  But  what  has  deterred  (7)  j-ou,  as  yet,  from  writ- 
ing to  me,  indeed,  I  cannot  understand  (8).  For  on  the 
one  hand  (9)  I  have  no  such  authority,  that  any  one 
must  fear  my  judgment ,    on  the  other,   if  I  had  it,  yet 


(15)  ,,partly  —  partly'^  vel  —  vel.  (16)  eludere.  (17)  sors. 
(18)  manare,  divulgari.  (19)  imperio  obedire  et  parere.  (20)  us- 
que ad. 

Xo.  86.  (1)  For  address,  date,  place,  etc.  of  letters,  see  Gram. 
^  308.  3  and  4.  Moreover,  see  Gram.  §  243.  2.  (2)  Trand.  Jhat 
(quod)  you''  etc.  (3)  adhibere.  (4)  praestantia.  (5)  pro  tua  vi- 
rili  parte.  (6)  contumelia  atque  injuria.  (7)  Gram.  §  253.  (8)  dis- 
picere.    (9)  neque  —  et  (=  „om  the  one  hand  not  —  on  the  other''). 


il 


108 


Part  i. 


il 


my  wanii  affection  (10 j  for  your  whole  society  (11)  can 
easily  dispel  (12)  all  that  fear  from  your  heart;  especially 
since  you  write  in  such  a  manner,  that  you  ought 
rather  to  expect  praise  from  all,  than  dread (13)  the 
fastidiousness (14)  of  any.  Therefore,  do  not (15)  hence- 
forth believe  it  difficult  and  arduous  to  write  to  Mure- 
tus.  Give  me  only  the  permission  (16)  to  be  allowed 
to  answer  your  letters,  which  will  be  the  more  pleasing 
to  me,  the  more  frequent  they  are,  more  freely  (17)  and 
more  negligently,  i.  e.  in  this  familiar  and  common  (18) 
kind  of  expression  (19).  For  I  do  nothing  more  un- 
willingly, than  waste  my  time  (20)  in  filing  and  polish- 
ing letters.  Nor  does  any  of  the  precepts,  which  have 
been  given  by  the  teachers  of  rhetoric,  please  me  more, 
than  this,  that  pains  should  be  taken  (21)  that  the  speech 
will  seem  to  flow  freely (22).  I,  truly,  let (23)  it  flow 
altogether  freely,  and  I  seek  an  excuse  for  my  lazi- 
ness (24)  from  the  teachers  themselves.  Imitate  also,  if 
you  love  me,  or  rather  because  you  love  me,  this  my 
very  negligence,  whenever  you  write  to  me:  that  you 
may  not,  if  you  write  too  carefidly,  appear  to  lay  on 
me  the  necessity  of  writing  carefidly.  May  God  con- 
tinually direct  both  your  studies  and  your  whole  man- 
ner of  life  to  His  glory.     Farewell.     Rome,  March  2"'^ 

Xo.  87. 
M.  Antonius  Muretus  to  His  Paul  Sacratus. 

Very    painful  (1)    to    me    was    the    death    of  your 
brother,    both  (2)   because  I  loved   him   as   I  must   love 

(10)  summa  mea  voluntas.  (11)  sodalitas.  (12)  adimere  ali- 
cui  (,,/V-owi").  (13)  extimescere.  (14)  fastidium.  (15)  cavere. 
Gram.  ,f  265.  1.  (16)  venia.  (17)  solute.  (18)  quotidianus. 
(19)  sermo.  (20)  otio  abuti.  (21)  operam  dare.  (22)  sponte. 
(23)  sinere,  Gram,  §  269.    (24)  ignavia. 

No.  87.  (1)  magno  dolori,  Gram.  §  208.  1.  (2)  ^^both  —  aniV\ 
turn  —  turn. 


Secton  viii. 


109 


aU  your  relations,  and  because  I  easily  understood,  how 
distressing    and  grievous,   in  accordance  with  your  ten- 
der feeling  (3)   and  uncommon (4)  love  towards  them,  it 
would   be   to   you.     But  though  my  condolence  (5)  may 
seem   to   be   too  late,   yet   I  cannot  help  (6)   reminding 
you   of  what   I  am  aware   is   very  weU  known  to  you 
(but  it  sometimes  happens,    that   the  bitterness  of  grief 
banishes  (7)  from  the  soul  even  that,  which  is  best  known 
to  us):  that  you  may  recollect,  that  we  must  bear  with 
resignation  (8)   tliis  dispensation  (9)  of  God  and  this  ne- 
cessity of  human   nature.     If  some  art  could  be  found, 
whereby  it  were  possible   for   us   peipetually  to  remaiii 
m  this  life,   yet  we  ought  to  reject   and  disdain  (10)  it 
since  It  would  cut  us  off  from  the  entrance  (11)  into  a 
better   life.     Now  the  necessity  is  imposed   upon  us   by 
the  will  of  God   one  day  to  depart  from   this  life,   and 
there   is   no   gi^eater  difference   between  the  foolish  and 
the  wise  men,   than  that (12)   the  former   are  indignant 
that  that  now  befaUs  their  relatives,   which  is  to  befall 
themselves,  that  they  have  now  come  to  what  all  must 
come   to;    wliile   the   latter    both   calmly  (13)    bear   the 
common  fate   in  their  relations   and   calmly  await  it  in 
themselves.     Do  we  wonder,   Sacratus,    that   those   die, 
whom  we  love?  We  ourselves  die  daily.    How  little  (14) 
remains   in   us   of  that   which   was  in  us  when  young 
men?    My  teeth,    indeed,    are  already  dead,    for  nearly 
all    of  them    have   fallen   out;    the   eyes   gradually  die, 
which  I  feel  become   daily  less   and   less  keen  (15);    the 
memory  dies;    other  tilings   are  dead,    oh  that  they (16) 
had   been   dead   many  years  ago  (17)!     BeHeve  me,   Sa- 

(3)  humanitas  (=  Jaider  /•.").  (4)  eximius.  (5)  consolatio. 
(6)  Gram,  g  252.  II.  (7)  excutere  ex.  (8)  aequissimo  animo, 
aim  moderate,  or  modice  ac  sapienter.  (9)  voluntas.  (10)  aver- 
sarL  (11)  ahcui  aditum  intercludere  ad.  (12)  quod.  (13)  placide. 
(14)  quota  pars.     (15)  perspicax.      (16)  quae  utinain.     (17)  Gram. 


\ 


110 


Part  i. 


cratus,  my  old  age  is  hardly  in  any  other  respect  (18) 
more  pleasing  to  me,  than  because  it  seems  to  smooth  (19) 
to  me  a  more  peaceful  road  to  death  (20).  Therefore  let 
us  wish  well  (21)  to  our  dead  friends,  let  us  daily  pre- 
pare ourselves  to  die  well.  As  to  (22)  your  silence  there 
is  neither  any  reason,  why  you  should  excuse  (23)  your- 
self, nor  any  fear,  lest  for  that  reason  you  might  be 
less  dear  to  me.  Some  part  of  my  writings  I  would 
already  have  sent  to  you,  if  I  were  not  thinking  of  (24) 
publishing  them  all  together.  If,  however,  it  seems  to 
you  too  long  (25)  to  wait,  until  (26)  that  happens,  I  am 
not  unwilling  (27)  meanwhile  to  send  you  something 
properly  yours,  that  you  may  get (28)  it  printed (29)  at 
Venice.    If  you  notify (30)  me,  that  you  wish  it,  there 

will  be  no  delay  in  me.  Farewell.  Kome,  February 
12^h^  1574^ 

Xo.  88. 
Peter  John  Perpinianus  to  M.  Antonius  Muretus. 

Those  who  have  pledged  their  word(l)  to  another, 
seem  to  me  to  carry  (2)  a  burden  heavier  than  Aetna, 
if  they  are  not  relieved  by  the  kindness  (3)  of  those, 
either  to  whom  or  for  whom  they  have  pledged  them- 
selves (4).  You  know,  I  believe,  what  I  wish.  As 
to  (5)  those  verses  on  (6)  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  of 
Loreto  he,  who  wished  them  from  you  on  account  of 
his  extraordinary  anticipation  (7)  of  your  good  taste  (8) 
and   learning,   does   not   cease   to   urge  me.     Though  I 


(18)  vix  alio  nomine.  (19)  sternere.  (20)  Gram.  §  288,  1. 
(21)  bene  precari.  (22)  de.  (23)  purgare.  (24)  cogitare  de.  Gram. 
g  289.  2.  (25)  longum  (=  Joo  V).  (26)  dum.  (27)  non  recusare 
(=  „^o  he  7wt  «nt(7.").  Gram.  ,g  253.  (28)  curare,  Gram.  ,^  281.  S, 
(29)  exciidere.    (30)  significare. 

No.  88.  (1)  fidem  adstringere.  (2)  sustinere.  (3)  humanitas. 
(4)  spondere  (=  „fo  pi.  oneself''^  (5)  de.  (6)  in,  with  Ace.  (7)  sin- 
gnlaris  exspectatio.    (8)  elegantia  (=  y(/ood  f."). 


Section  vni. 


Ill 


imderstand,  that,  without  your  knowledge  and  per- 
mission (9),  I  have  rashly  warranted (10)  that.yet  I  trust, 
that  this  my  rashness  in  pledging  myself  will  be  com- 
pensated by  your  surioassing(ll)  kincbiess  in  accomplish- 
ing the  affair.  If  the  fountains  and  orchards  of  Tibur 
liave  any  influence  (12),  if  that  retirement  (13)  from  your 
daily  occupations  has  brought  you  any  leisure,  I  be- 
seech (14)  you  to  show  that  I  have  some  place  in  your 
favour  (15).  I  wish  to  communicate  certain  things  to 
you,  but  I  hope  to  be  able  to  do  this  better  oraUy(16), 
as  soon  as  you  return  to  us.  It  has  been  decided,  that 
I  should  remain  at  Rome  during  the  coming  year.  All 
our  friends  send  you  their  respects  (17).  Farewell.  From 
the  city,  August  lb^^\  1564. 

So.  89. 

Answer  to  the  foregoing  letter: 
M.  Antonius  Muretus  to  Peter  John  Perpinianus,  of  the 

Society  of  Jesus. 

I  wish,  indeed,  to  release  both  my  and  your  pro- 
mise (1),  but,  as  yet,  many  things  hinder (2)  me  from 
doing  it.  First  the  circumstance  that  (.3)  in  the  place 
and  time,  of  which  I  believed  they  would  be  very 
rich  (4)  in  leisure  and  rest,  many  occupations  and  those, 
indeed,  very  inconsistent  (5)  witli  my  pursuits ,  keep  me 
busy  and  employed (6).  For,  not  to  speak  of  other 
things  (7),  within  the  last  few  days  I  had  twice  to  go 
to  Eome;  and  though  this  may  seem  of  small  account  (8), 


(9)  by  the  Adj.  insciu.s  and  inconsultus,  Ahl.  absol.  (10)  re- 
cipere.  (11)  eximius.  (12)  posse  (=  ,/o  Jiave  ?w/?.").  (13)  seces- 
sus.  (14)  orare  atque  obsecrare.  (15)  Transl.  Jf  favour  ivith 
(apud)  yoM".  (16)  coram.  (17)  salutare  aliquem  (=  „to  send  oiie's 
respects  to^^). 

No.  89.  (1)  fidem  liberare.  (2)  obstare.  (3)  Primum  quod. 
(4)  plenus.  (5)  longissime  abhorrens.  (6)  occnpatus  atque  exer- 
citatus.    (7)  ut  cetera  taceam.    (8)  levis. 


112 


Pabt  I. 


Section  vni. 


yet  these  jom'neys(9)  took  (10)  me  more  than  eight 
days.  Moreover,  I  have  discontinued  poetry  (11)  already 
for  many  months  and  years,  so  that,  though  there  may 
have  been  some  such  talent  (12)  in  me,  wliich  assuredly 
was  either  almost  none,  or  very  little  and  inconsider- 
able (13),  this  must  needs  have  gone  and  vanished  alto- 
gether (14).  Finally,  —  for  I  must  tell  you  the  truth, 
—  that  anticipation,  of  which  you  write  that  it  has 
been  aroused (15)  as  to  my  verses,  makes  me  rather 
slow  and  timid.  For  you  know,  how  unfovourable  (16) 
it  is  to  those  who  wish  to  please.  For  if  it  is  de- 
manded of  me,  that  I  should  equal  the  elegance  of  your 
verses,  I  must  borrow (17)  from  you.  However  that 
may  be,  yet  I  shall  tliink(18)  of  something  at  an  early 
day  (19).  But  if  you  love  me,  (what,  indeed,  I  believe 
to  have  ascertained (20)  to  such  a  degree,  that  I  must 
not  doubt,  that  it  is  so)  diminish,  I  beseech  you,  that 
anticipation  as  much  as  you  can,  and  make (21)  that 
friend  of  yours  believe,  that  verses,  like  money  (22)  from 
a  bad  debtor  (23),  must  be  received  with  resignation, 
though  they  be  neither  of  the  best  quality  (24),  nor  of 
full  (25)  weight.  Well  done,  that  (26)  it  has  been  thought 
best  (27)  to  retain  you  at  Eome.  Believe  me,  I  would 
have  felt  great  imeasiness  (28)  at  your  departure.  Now 
I  hope,  as  soon  as  I  return  there,  to  enjoy  your  most 
sweet  and  agreeable  (29)  company,  which  I  hope  you 
will  one  day  really  understand  (30),  how  liighly  I  esteem. 
Farewell.     Tibur,  August  17*^^  1564. 


(9)  profectio.  (10)  auferre.  (11)  poetica  studia.  (12)  facul- 
tas.  (13)  pertenuis  et  perexiguus.  (14)  effluere  et  exarescere. 
(15)  concitare  de  („««  to'-),  (16)  alienus.  (17)  versuram  facere. 
(18)  meditari.  (19)  propediem.  (20)  perspicere.  (21)  perficere,  ut. 
(22)  niimmus  {Plnr.)  (23)  malum  nomen.  (24)  nota.  (25)  Justus. 
(26)  quod.  (27)  judicare.  (28)  molestiam  capere  e  (=  „/o  feel  im. 
rt^").    (29)  optatus.    (30)  cognoscere. 


113 


No.  90. 

Some  Answers  of  Thales. 
Wlien  a  certain   man  who  had  committed  a  great 
crime,    asked  Thales,   whether  it  was  lawful  for  him  to 
swear,    that  he  had  not  committed  the  crime,    in  order 
to  escape  capital  punishment,  Thales  answered  him-     Is 
not  perjury  the  greatest  of  all  crimes  and  worthy  of  a 
double  death?"     Being   asked   what  he  considered  most 
difficult,  he  said:  „To  know  oneself";  what,  on  the  con- 
trary(l),  most  easy:  „To  give  an  advice.to  another."    To 
one,  who  inquired  (2)  in  what  manner  it  could  be  effect- 
ed, that  men  might  bear  misfortune  (3)  more  easily,    he 
replied:    Jf  you  make  them   understand   in  what  man- 
ner  the   best   men   have   borne   misfortune."     A   youth 
asked  him  how  he  might  live  in  the  best  and  most  up- 
right  way;    to   which  Thales  replied:    „If  you   live   so 
that  you  never  do  anything  yourself  that  you  consider 
reprehensible  (4)  in  others,    but  do  aU  you  recognize  as 
praiseworthy  in  others."     And   again  (5),   when   he  was 
asked  who  was  happy,  he  gave  this  answer:  „Happy  is 
he   to   whom   it   is  granted  (6),   to  be  healthy  in  body 
and   free   from  poverty,   to  be  of  a  generous   soul   and 
well  instructed."    ^Whatever  good  you  do  your  parents 
said  he,  expect  that  the  very  same  wiU  be  returned  to 
you   by  your   sons."     Wlien   one   day  the  same  Thales 
was   asked,   what   difference  (7)   there  was   between  Hfe 
and  death,  he  answered:  „There  is  no  difference  at  aU  " 
Asked   again,   why  he,   then,   did  not  wish  to  die,   he 
said:  „Just  for  that  very  reason  (8),  because  there  is  no 
cUfference  between  life  and  death."     Being  asked,   what 
was   the   oldest   of  all   that   exists  (9),    he  said:    „God, 

No.  90.  (1)  contra.  (2)  sciscitari,  Partic.  Constr,  (3)  fortuna 
adversa,  of-  res  adversae.  (4)  reprehendendus.  (5)  rursus,  iterum, 
also  hy  idem.  (6)  contingit  ut  (=  „tY  is  granted,  thaf').  (7)  in- 
terest inter  (=  ,,there  is  a  diff,  between'^).  (8)  propter  id  ipsum. 
(9)  esse.  ^ 

MUUer.  Exercises.  g 


114 


Part  i. 


t 


because  he  has  never  begun  to  be";  asked,  what  was 
the  most  beautiful  after  God,  —  „the  world;  for  it  has 
been  made  by  God^ ;  asked,  what  was  the  quickest,  — 
„the  human  mind;  for  witliin  the  shortest  time  it  runs 
through  the  whole  universe"  (10). 

No.  91. 

Something  about  Solon. 

It  has  already (1)  been  related  above,  by  what 
stratagem  Solon  .effected,  that  the  Athenians  renewed 
the  war  against  Salamis.  The  last  (2)  verses  of  that 
poem,  however,  were  the  following: 

"lofisv  sig  2a?MfiTva,  fiaxriaonevoi  tibqI  vi^aov 
'^Ifisgrfig  I'^X^nov  t  aiaxog  amaaof^isvoi. 
„Let  us  march,  said  he,  against  Salamis,  to  fight  for (3) 
the  lovely  (4)  island  and  repel  from  us  the  heavy  dis- 
grace." Thus  it  happened  that  the  Athenians  brought 
Salamis  again  under  their  power.  But  that  they  might 
not  seem  to  be  in  possession  of  the  island  more  by 
force  than  by  right,  Solon  used  the  following  arguments. 
He  said,  that  the  island  had,  from  ancient  times (5), 
been  the  property (6)  of  the  Athenians,  which  could  be 
recognized  by  the  fact,  that (7)  the  oldest (8)  graves  in 
the  whole  island  looked  towards  the  East,  and  the 
names  of  the  tribes  were  engi^aved  upon  them,  a  castom 
which  was  peculiar  (9)  to  the  Athenians.  And  (10)  this 
was  found  to  be  true.  But  then,  in  order  to  prove 
that  Salamis  had  belonged  to  the  Athenians  already  at 
the  time  of  the  Ti'ojan  war,  he  quoted  (11)  two  verses 
of  the  Iliad,  in  wliich  it  is  said ,  that  Ajax  from  Sala- 
mis  had   imited   his  ships  with  those  of  the  Athenians. 

(10)  rerum  universitas. 

No.  91.  (1)  Jam  supra  (=  ,,aZr.  above^').  (2)  extremus.  (3)  de. 
(4)  gratus,  amoenus,  Superlat  (5)  antiquitus.  (6)  Gram.  §  215,  L 
(7)  quod.  (8)  with  quisque,  after  Gram,  §  228.  1.  (9)  proprius. 
(10)  ,,And  —  this'',  quod.     (11)  recitare. 


Section  viii. 


115 


Yet  from  ancient  times  there  were  people,  who  said  (12), 
that  Solon   himself  had   inserted  (13)  these  verses.     But 
the   island   remained    the  property  of  the  Athenians.  — 
Of  the  same  Solon  many  short  and  appropriate  answers  (14) 
were  circulated  (15).     One  day,  whilst  he  was  sitting  at 
a  banquet,  Periander  asked  liim,    why  he  was  so  silent, 
whether   words   were   wanting   to   him,    or   whether  he 
was    unwilling    to    betray  (16)    his    folly.     Then   Solon 
answered:    .It   is   impossible  (17)   that   a  fool  keeps   si- 
lence at  a  banquet."     After  his  son  had  died,    he  wept 
out   of  sadness.     As   soon   as   some   one   had   perceived 
this,  he  asked  liim,  why  he  wept,  since  he  could  effect 
nothing  by  weeping.     „Just  for  that  reason  do  I  weep, 
said  Solon,  because  I  can  effect  nothing  ^' 

Xo.  93. 

Cajus  Marcius  Coriolanus. 
Cajus  Marcius,    a  noble  youth,    showed,    when   the 
Eomans   besieged  Corioli,    a  town   of  the  Volsci,    such 
great  bravery,    that,    after   the  capture  (1)  of  the  town, 
the  honourable  surname  of  Coriolanus  was  given  to  him! 
But  the  same  was  a  proud  patrician,  and  a  very  violent 
enemy  of  the  power   of  the  tribunes  (2).     With  a  very 
uneasy  (3)  mind  he  saw,  how  much  the  authority  of  the 
people  had  grown  through  the  tribunes,  and  was  long- 
ing  for   an   opportunity  (4) ,    at   which   the   new   rights 
could   be   again   wrested   from   the  people.     Soon  after, 
a  famine  (5)   broke  out  at  Eome,    because  by  reason  of 
the  emigration   and   the   continual   wars   the  fields  lay 
untiUed.     Finally,    by  the  excellent   care   of  the  Senate 
It  came  to  pass  (6),   that  a  great  quantity  of  grain  was 

(12)  Siihjunct.  (13)  suppouere.  (U)  breviter  et  commode 
responsa.     (15)  ferre.     (16)  prodere.     (17)  fieri  uon  potest,  ut. 

No.  92.  (1)  capere,  Abl  absol  (2)  potestas  tribunicia.  (3)  ini- 
quus.  (4)  occasio  apta,  occ.  opportuna,  or  only  opportunitas. 
(o)  caritas  annonae,  or  annona  atom.     (6)  perfici  (=  ,,to  come  top.''), 

8* 


\ 


t*i 


\i 


116 


Part  i. 


imported  (7)   from  Sicily.     It  was  discussed   in  the  Se- 
nate,   at  what  price   it  should  be  given   to  the  people. 
Most  of  the  Senators  advised,   that   on   account  of  the 
poverty  of  the  people  only  a  small  price  should  be  de- 
manded;   but   Coriolanus    most    vehemently   opposed  (8) 
this  being  done.    „Is  it  not  (9)  evident,  said  he,  through 
whose   guilt   this   famine   has   arisen?    The   people,    by 
their  arrogance,   have  brought  it  about,   that  the  fields 
are   uncultivated;    the    tribunes    have   stinted   up   their 
minds   to  suppress  the  Senate.    Therefore  I  believe  (10), 
that  no  grain  must (11)  be  given   to  the  people,   except 
under   this   condition,    that   the   tribunes   be   abolished, 
and   all   the   rights,    extorted   from  the  fathers   against 
their  will,  be  restored".    The  proposal  (12)  of  Coriolanus 
seemed   too   atrocious   even   to   the  Senate;    the  people, 
however,    were   inflamed   with    such   anger,    that   they 
seemed  to  be  willing  at  once  to  put  this  their  bitterest 
enemy  to  death  (13).    But  the  tribunes  appointed  a  day 
to  Coriolanus,    that   his   cause   might   be  judged  in  the 
assembly  of  the  tribes  (14),  in  which  all  the  power  was 
with  the  people ;  by  which  it  ha2)pened,  that  the  people 
suppressed    their    anger    for    the    moment  (15).     In   the 
mean   time   the  fathers  endeavoured  (16)   to  free  Corio- 
lanus;  they  asked  the  people,   if  they  would  not  acquit 
him   as   innocent,   to   deliver (17)   him   as (18)  guilty  to 
themselves;  but  in  vain. 

No.  93. 

Chapter  II. 

Coriolanus  himself  was  too  proud  to  (1)  condescend  (2) 
to  prayers.     7,The  right  of  assistance  (3)  has  been  given 

(7)  advehere.  (8)  obsistere,  tvith  quominus,  or  ne.  Gram. 
§  253.  (9)  Nonne.  (10)  censere,  uifh  Ace.  c.  Inf.  (11)  Periphr. 
Cmjng.  (12)  sententia.  (13)  „fo  he  willing  to  put  to  dcaf/i",  Periphr. 
Conjug.  (14)  comitia  tributa.  (15)  in  praesentia,  in  praesenti 
(16)  operam  dare.     (17)  donare,  condonare.     (18)  pro. 

No.  9:J.    (1)  quam  ut.    (2)  descendere.    (3)  -See  84,  20. 


Section  viii. 


117 


to  them,  said  he,  in  order  to  defend  the  people,  not  to 
punish   the   patricians;    not   to   be   the   tribunes  of  the 
fathers,    but  of  the  people".     But  neither  his  (4)  pride 
nor  the  prayers  of  the  fathers  prevented  (5)  the  people 
from  making  use  of  their  right.     When  he,  on  the  ap- 
pointed day,  did  not  appear  (6),  he  was,  in  his  absence, 
condemned,    and    he   went   into   exile,    tlireatening   liis 
country,  and,  at  that  time  already,  entertaining  hostile 
sentiments  (7).     He   went  to  Antium  to  Attius  TuUius, 
a  piince  of  the  Volsci,    who   received   him   hospitably. 
This  prince  had  always  been  very  hostile  (8)  to  the  Ro- 
mans, and  thus  an  old  hatred  stimulated (9)  the  one,  a 
new  anger  the  other,  to  make  joint  war  upon  the  Ro- 
mans.    But  the  Volsci  could  not  be  easily  induced   to 
take  up  the  arms,  so  often  tried (10)  in  vain.     Never- 
theless Tullius  finally  brought  it  to  pass  (11)  by  deceit, 
that  war  was  determined  upon  (12).    Tullius  and  Coriola- 
nus were  chosen  leaders.     The  greatest  hope  was  placed 
on  Coriolanus,  and  he,  by  no  means,  disappointed  them, 
so  that  it  easily  became  evident,  that  the  Roman  power  (13) 
was  stronger  in  (14)  their  leaders  than  in  the  army.    In 
a  short  time  he  took  several  towns,  which  had  formerly 
been  taken  away  from  the  Volsci  by  the  Romans.    Then 
he  pitched  a  camp,  5000  paces  from  the  city,  near  the 
Cluilian  trenches,  and  sent  a  large  detachment  of  sol- 
diers, who  should  lay  waste  the  fields  of  the  plebejans, 
but  leave  those  of  the  fathers  intact  (15);  be  it,  because 
he  was  more  hostile  to  the  people,  be  it,  that  thereby(16) 
discord  might  arise  between  the  fathers  and  the  j^eople. 
The  tribunes  and  the  people  were  so  much  frightened  (17) 
by  the  anger  of  the  conqueror,  that  they  wished  any- 


•'  'J 

1  -I 


(4)  bg  ipse.  (5)  retinere  ne.  (6)  adesse.  (7)  hostiles  spiri- 
tus  gerere.  (8)  infestus.  (9)  stimulare  ut.  (10)  tentare.  (11)  rem 
eo  adducere.  (12)  bellum  geri  placet.  (13)  res  Romana.  (14)  per. 
(15)  integrum  servare.    (16)  inde.    (17)  perterrere. 


118 


Pakt  I. 


I 


fii 


thing  rather  than  war.  The  minds  of  all  were  in  sus- 
pense as  to  what  Coriolanus  was  going  to  do;  they 
feared  that  he  would  attack  the  city  itself.  Then  the 
people  demanded,  that  he  should  be  recalled;  but  the 
Senate  opposed  this,  lest  they  might  seem  to  protect  one 
who  had  made  war  upon  his  coimtry. 

No.  U. 

Chapter  III. 

Finally  it  was  resolved  (1)  to  send  deputies  to  Corio- 
lanus who  should  negotiate  with  him  about  peace.  But 
he  gave  them  a  harsh  (2)  answer.  „Do  not  doubt  (3), 
said  he,  that  I,  mindful  both  of  the  wrong  of  my  fellow- 
citizens  and  the  benefit  of  my  hosts,  shall  endeavour  (4) 
to  make  it  manifest,  that  my  spirits  (5)  have  been  arous- 
ed by  exile,  not  broken".  Thus  he  dismissed  them.  The 
deputies,  being  sent  a  second  time,  were  not  even  re- 
ceived into  the  camp.  Then  the  priests,  adorned  with 
the  badges  of  their  dignity,  were  sent  into  the  camp  as 
suppliants  to  appease  (6)  the  anger  of  Coriolanus  through 
his  reverence  (7)  for  the  Gods.  They  were  admitted, 
indeed,  and  received  with  great  respect (8)  by  Corio- 
lanus; but  they  succeeded  (9)  as  little  as  (10)  the  deputies 
in  bending  the  mind  of  the  enraged  youth.  Finally 
Veturia,  the  mother  of  Coriolanus,  with  his  wife  Volum- 
nia  and  his  children  and  other  matrons  went  to  the 
camp  of  the  Volsci  to  free  their  country  from  the  great- 
est danger.  When  Coriolanus  heard,  that  his  mother 
was  there,  he  hastened(ll)  almost  senseless  to  embrace(12) 
her.     But  the  woman,  turning  {Petf,  Pass,  Part.)  from 


-  No.  94.  (1)  placet,  visum  est.  (2)  atrox.  (3)  Gram.  ^  265, 
(4)  anniti  ut.  (5)  animus,  Plur.  (6)  placare.  (7)  verecundia. 
(8)  observantia  („^  receive'',  excipere).  (9)  iis  contigit  ut  (=  „Mcy 
mcc.  in''  etc),  or  as  above  92,  6.  (10)  Gram.  §  175.  Note  8, 
(11)  advolare.     (12)  complecti. 


Section  vni. 


119 


prayer  to  anger,  said:  ^Before  I  accept  your  embrace, 
let (13)  me  know,  whether  I  have  come  to  a  son,  or  to 
an  enemy,  whether  I  shall  be,  in  your  camp,  as  a  captive, 
or  as  a  mother.  For  this,  then,  a  long  life  has  pre- 
served me,  to  behold  you  first  as  an  exile,  then  as  an 
enemy?  Could  you  lay  waste  this  country,  which  gave 
you  birth  and  nourished  you?  Did  it  not  come  into  your 
mind,  when  Rome  was  in  your  sight:  Within  those 
walls  I  have  (14)  my  house,  mother,  wife,  and  children? 
I  ought,  then,  to  have  had  (15)  no  son,  that  Eome  might 
not  be  besieged,  and  I  might  die  in  my  free  native 
country?"  Thereupon  his  wife  and  children  embraced 
him  suppliantly;  and  all  who  were  present  began  to 
weep.  This  (16)  broke  the  man's  mind.  ^Mother,  said 
he,  you  have  saved  Rome,  but  you  have  lost  your  son". 
Then  he  dismissed  his  family  (17),  and  led  the  army  of 
the  Volsci  from  the  city.  To  his  birth-place  he  never 
returned;  but  it  is  uncertain,  where  and  how  long  he 
lived  (18),  and  in  what  manner  he  died  (18). 

No.  95. 

On  the  Barbarous  Custom  of  Sacrificing  (1)  Men. 

The  ancient  nations  felt,  that  man  forfeits  his  life  (2) 
by  his  sins  and  crimes.  If,  therefore,  they  feared  the 
anger  of  the  Gods,  they  sacrificed  to  them  in  place  of  (3) 
the  whole  nation  individuals,  who  should  avert  the  pu- 
nishment. Sophocles  introduces  one  saying  to  Oedipus, 
that  one  guiltless  man  is  able  to  expiate  the  crimes  of 
a  thousand,  if  he  do  it  willingly  (4).  After  the  Mes- 
senians  had  sustained  a  heavy  disaster  in  the  first  Mes- 


(13)  fac.  See  Gram.  §265.  2.  (14)  Gram.  §207.  (15)  Gram. 
§  247.  II,  2.  (16)  ea  res.  (17)  Plur.  of  suus.  (18)  Subjunct. 
Gram.  §  263, 

No.  95.  (1)  immolare.  Gram.  §  285.  2.  (2)  capitis  poenam 
commerere.    (3)  pro.    (4)  aniino  libenti. 


120 


Part  i. 


Section  vni. 


121 


% 


senian  war,  the  Delphian  God  declared  to  them  that 
they  would  not  find  safety,  unless  a  spotless  (5)  virgin 
of  royal  descent  were  sacrificed.  As  soon  as  this  news 
had  arrived,  Aristodemus  presented  his  daughter  as  a 
sacrifice  (6),  and  when  her  bridegroom  opposed,  he  killed 
her  by  force.  At  first  nobody  was  willing  to  recognize 
this  sacrifice  as  valid  (7),  as  the  girl  had  been  killed  by 
force;  finally,  however,  they  desisted  from  demanding  a 
second  one.  The  Taurians  were  accustomed  to  sacrifice 
all  foreigners,  who,  in  their  travels  or  on  account  of 
storms,  had  landed  (8)  on  their  coast,  to  Diana.  When, 
in  the  year  612,  Kylon  tried,  at  Athens,  to  become 
tyrant,  the  archon  Megacles,  of  the  family  of  the  Alc- 
maeonids(9),  expelled  him,  and  ordered  his  partisans, 
who  had  fled  to  the  altars  of  the  Eumenids,  to  be  mur- 
dered, thus  disregarding  the  place  of  refuge  (10).  When 
for  the  expiation  of  this  slaughter  Epimenides,  a  sooth- 
sayer (11)  from  Crete,  was  called  to  Athens,  he  declared, 
that  he  needed  human  blood  for  that,  and  the  Athenian 
youth  Cratinus  gave  liimself  up  as  voluntary  sacrifice (12), 
with  whose  blood  the  expiation  was  accomplished.  At 
Athens  later  on  every  year  a  poor  man  and  a  helpless 
woman  were  nourished  at  the  public  expense  and  killed 
for  the  expiation  of  the  whole  people  on  an  appointed 
festival  of  Apollo  and  Diana.  Laden  (13)  with  figs,  and 
scoui'ged  with  twigs  of  a  figtree(14)  they  were,  in  a 
solemn  manner,  led  out  of  the  city,  and  either  tlurown 
down  from  a  rock,  or  burned.  At  Massilia  it  was 
customary,  as  soon  as  the  pestilence  had  visited  the 
city  (15),  to  lead  a  poor  man,  who  had  been  maintained 
at  the  public  expense,  adorned  with  garlands  and  splen- 

(5)  incontaminatus.  (6)  victimam  praebere.  (7)  justum 
agnoscere  aliquid,  rat  urn  habere.  (8)  appelli  ad.  (9)  stirpis 
Alcmaeonis,  or  ortus  a  stirpe  Alcmaeonis.  (10)  asylum  f=  „n 
place  of  ref.'').  Abl  absol,  (11)  vates.  (12)  See  6.  (13)  tectiis, 
onustus.    (14)  virga  ficulnea.    (15)  incidere  in  iirbeni. 


did  garments,  through  the  city,  and  having  called  down 
upon  his  head  all  the  evils  (16)  of  the  inhabitants,  to 
throw  him  down  from  a  rock. 

No.  96. 

Chapter  II. 

In  the  island  of  Ehodes  a  man  was  sacrificed  every 
year  on  an  appointed  day,  later  on,  however,  a  crimi- 
nal, who  had  been  condenmed  to  death,  was  preserved 
for(l)   that  festival,   wine  was  given  to  liim  to  drink, 
and  then  he  was  strangled.    In  the  island  of  Leucas,  too, 
in  Cj^rus,  at  Laodicea  in  Syria,  men  were  killed  every 
year  to  propitiate  the  Gods.    In  Arcadia  men  were  sacri- 
ficed to  the  Lycaean  Juppiter  from  the  earliest  times  up 
to  those  of  the  Roman  emperors.     Hardly  an  island  or 
important  city  of  Greece  is  found,  in  which  men  were 
not  murdered  for  the  glorification   or   reconciliation   of 
the  Gods.    AchiUes  ofiered  up  (2)  Trojan  youths  to  the 
shade  of  Patroclus,  Neoptolemus,  liis  son,  after  the  tak- 
ing of  Troy,  Polyxena,  the  daughter  of  Priamus,  to  the 
shade  of  his  father.    Before  the  battle  of  Salamis  Themi- 
stocles  sacrificed  three  captured  Persians,    after  an  old 
Greek  custom,  according  to  which  the  Greeks  had  always 
done  the  same  before  a  battle.    However  othei-s  say,  they 
had   been   sacrificed   against    the    will   of  Themistocles. 
When  the  illustrious  general  Pliilopoemen ,  who  died  in 
the  same  year  with (3)  Scipio,  Hannibal,  and  Plautus, 
was  solemnly  buried,    captured  Messenians   were   sacri- 
ficed.    The  inhabitants   of  Tarquinii   in  Etruria  sacri- 
ficed,   in   the  year   355  B.  Chr.,    307   captured  Eoman 
soldiers,    an  atrocity,    by  wliich(4)  the  disgrace  of  the 
defeat  was  rendered  still  greater  for  the  Eomans.     As 


(16)  capiti  alicujus  omnia  mala  precari. 
No.  96.     (1)  in,   with  Ace.     (2)  devovere. 
-?.  a.    (4)  Gram,  g  238.  5. 


(3)  Gram.  §  238. 


122 


Part  i. 


I 


n 


often  as  a  great  and  universal  calamity  was  threatening, 
at  Rome  a  male  and  female  Gaul,  a  male  and  female 
Greek,  or  two  of  other  nations,  with  which  they  had 
just  to  do  (5)  were  buried  alive  on  the  cattle  market  (6), 
and  this  happened  still  at  the  time  of  the  elder  Pliny, 
though,  in  the  year  97  B.  Chr.,  a  decision  of  the  Senate 
had  been  issued,  that  no  man  should  be  sacrificed.  But 
the  dictator  J.  Caesar  ordered  also  in  the  year  46  B.  Chr. 
two  men  to  be  sacrificed  by  the  high  priests  and  the 
priest  of  Mars  in  the  campus  Martins  with  the  usual 
solemnities. 

No.  97. 

Chapter  III. 

After  Octavianus  had  conquered  L.  Antonius,  the 
brother  of  the  triumvir  Antonius,  and  taken  Perusia, 
he  ordered  300  decurions  and  knights  to  be  beheaded  (1) 
at  the  altar  of  the  deified  J.  Caesar  for  the  propitiation  (2) 
of  his  shade,  on  the  15*^  of  March  43  B.  Chr.  Sextus 
Pompey  ordered  not  only  horses,  but  also  men  to  be 
thrown  into  the  sea  for  Neptune.  To  Juppiter  Latiaris 
on  Mount  Albanus  human  blood  is  said  to  have  been 
sacrificed  until  the  third  century  after  Christ.  The  em- 
peror Aemilianus  promised,  about  the  year  270  after 
Christ,  to  send  captives  to  the  Senate,  of  whatever  na- 
tion they  wished,  if  they  were  willing  to  sacrifice  some. 
Under  the  emperor  Valerian  innocent  children  were  killed 
to  foretell  the  future  from  their  entrails.  Commodus 
sacrificed (3) ,  with  his  own  hand,  a  man  to  Mithras,  a 
Persian  deity.  In  a  terrible  manner  were  men  mur- 
dered (4)  for  the  reconciliation  of  the  Gods  by  the  Cana- 
nites,    Phoenicians,    and   Carthaginians.     In    the   third 

(5)  est  mihi  negotium  tecum  (=  „/  have  to  do  with  you^^). 
(6)  Fonim  boarium. 

No.  97.  (1)  securi  ferire,  securi  percutere,  also  caput  alicui 
amputare.    (2)  Gram.  ,^  288.  1.    (3)  mactare.    (4)  caedere. 


Section  vni. 


123 


chapter  of  the  fourth  book  of  Kings  we  read  (5) ,    that 
the  king  of  the  Moabites,    when  he  was  pressed  by  a 
hostile  army,  offered  (3)  his  eldest  son,  the  successor  to 
the  throne  (6),  to  the  Gods  on  the  wall  before  the  eyes  (7) 
of  the  enemy,    an  atrocity,    which  (8)  shocked  them  so 
much,  that  they  withdrew.     In  the  17*^  chapter  of  the 
same  book  it  is  written  of  other  kings,  that  they  burned 
their   sons   to   the  idols  (9).     It   was   even  necessary   to 
forbid  the  Jews  through  Moses  to  offer  up  such  sacri- 
fices (10),  yet  Achaz  and  Manasses  seem  to  have  com- 
mitted these  atrocities.     Who  does  not  know,   that  the 
Phoenicians,  when  war,  or  drought,  or  fiimine,  or  pesti- 
lence threatened  them,    sacrificed  the  most  beloved (11) 
child  to  propitiate  Baal?  At  Carthage  there  was  a  brazen 
statue  of  the  God,  with  hands  stretched  out  and  bent 
towards  the  earth.     This  was  made  red-hot  by  fire,  be- 
fore the  children  were  laid  on  its  arms,  and  their  con- 
vulsions(12)  were  called  smiles.    The  childless  bought  (13) 
children  from  the  poor.     „The   mother,   says  Plutarch, 
stands  by  without  shedding  a  tear  or  uttering  a  sigh. 
If  a  tear  is   seen   or   a   sigh   heard,    she   loses (14)   the 
money,   and  nevertheless  the  child  is  burned".    A  noise 
was  made (15)  around  the  statue  by   all,    kettle-drums 
were  beaten,  flutes  were  played,  the  clamours  and  wail- 
mgs  of  the  unfortunate  boys  and  girls  were  overwhelmed. 

No.  98. 

Chapter  IV. 

When  Agathocles,  the  son  of  a  poor  potter,  who 
had  made  himself  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  had  advanced,  with 
his  army,  up  to  the  walls  of  Carthage,  the  besieged  sacri- 

(5)  scriptum  est,  scriptum  videmus  in.  (6)  heres  regni. 
(7)  in  conspectu.  (8)  See  96,  4.  (9)  deus  falsus,  deus  commen- 
ticius.  (10)  sacra  facere.  (11)  carus.  (12)  motus  vehementissi- 
mus.  (13)  emere  ab,  or  de  aliquo  {..from'').  (14)  privari.  (15)  In 
this  sentence  the  Historical  Infinit.  may  be  used.     Gram.  .^  242.  2. 


\ 


ft 


ii 


i 


I    . 


124 


Part  i. 


ficed  200  boys  of  the  noblest  fiimilies  to  ward  oflf  the 
enemy,  and  still  300  others,  who  surrendered  themselves 
of  their  owoi  accord.  After  defeating  Agathocles  the 
handsomest  of  the  captives  were  slaughtered  to  thank  (1) 
the  Gods.  After  Gelo  had  defeated  the  Carthaginians 
near  Himera  in  the  year  480,  he  ordained  among  the 
conditions  of  peace  (2),  that  cliildren  should  no  more  (3) 
be  sacrificed  to  their  Gods;  but  they  did  not  stand  by 
the  contract.  „  Children  have  been  publicly  sacrificed  to 
Saturn  in  Africa,  says  Tertullian,  until  Tiberius  became 
proconsul,  who  ordered  the  priests  of  that  God  to  be 
crucified  on  those  trees,  which  shaded  the  temples  of 
their  atrocities.  But  even  now  this  disgrace  continues 
secretly".  Whilst  Tyre  was  besieged  by  Alexander  the 
Great,  Carthaginian  ambassadors  came  to  the  island,  and 
„some  wished,  says  Cuii:ius,  that  a  noble  boy  should  be 
sacrificed  to  Saturn,  which  sacrifice,  ha-vdng  been  handed 
down  to  them  by  the  founders,  the  Carthaginians  are 
said  to  have  offered  up  until  the  destruction  of  the  city. 
If  the  parents  had  made  no  opposition,  this  honible  super- 
stition would  have  overcome  human  feeling".  Cicero  ab- 
hors also  very  much  such  sacrifices,  and  he  is  of  opinion, 
that  Induciomarus  from  Gaul  as  a  witness  deserves  no 
credit,  since,  with  the  Gauls,  the  inhuman  custom  of 
sacrificing  men,  existed  until  those  times.  In  a  certain 
city  of  Egypt,  every  year  in  the  dog-days,  some  red- 
haired  persons  were  burned  alive  (4),  and  their  ashes 
scattered  in  the  air  with  winno wing-fans  (5);  the  kings 
sacrificed  also  red-haired  ones  at  the  tomb  of  Osiris. 
The  Ethiopians,  in  order  to  expiate  themselves,  put,  in 
every  600*^  year,  two  men,  usually  foreigners,  in  a  small 
vessel,  gave  them  victuals  for (6)  two  months,  and  let 


No.  98.  (1)  gratiam  referre.  (2)  pacis  conditionibus  sancire, 
ne.  (3)  jam.  (4)  vivum  coinburere,  exurere.  (5)  ventilabrum. 
(6)  in,  icith  Ace. 


Section  viii. 


125 


them  sail  to (7)  the  South,  where  they  were  to  land (8) 
on  a  happy  island. 

No.  99. 

Chapter  V. 

When  Xerxes,  on  his  expedition  against  Greece,  had 
come  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Strymon,  he  ordered 
nine  boys  and  girls  from  among  the  inhabitants  of  that 
country  to  be  buried  alive  (1).  „To  bury  men  alive,  is 
a  Persian  custom,  says  Herodotus,  and  of  Amestris,  the 
wife  of  Xerxes,  it  was  related  to  me,  that  she  had 
ordered,  in  her  old  age,  for  the  propitiation  of  the  in- 
fernal God,  14  children  of  the  noblest  Persians  to  be 
buried  alive".  The  Arabs  sometimes  slaughtered  (2)  a 
warrior  to  Mars,  and  every  Thursday  a  sucking  boy  to 
Jupiter.  Caesar  relates,  that  the  Gauls,  as  soon  as (3) 
they  were  taken  with  severe  diseases,  or  were  in  battles 
or  dangers,  slaughtered  men  as  sin-oiferings(4),  or  vowed, 
that  they  were  willing  to  slaughter  them,  and  for  these 
sacrifices  they  employed  (5)  the  Druids.  They  believed, 
that  the  immortal  Gods  would  not  be  reconciled,  unless 
for  the  life  of  one  man  that  of  another  had  been  given 
up.  Many  were  bought  to  be  sin-offerings,  were  then 
nourished  for  a  whole  year  at  the  public  expense,  and 
after  they  had  been  solemnly  conducted  through  the  city 
on  a  fixed  festive  day,  killed  outside  of  it.  They  were 
nailed  to  the  cross,  pierced  with  arrows,  or  finally  killed 
by  blows  of  stones.  Strabo  says  in  the  fourth  chapter 
of  the  fourth  book,  that  the  Romans  had  forbidden  human 
sacrifices  to  the  Gauls.  Tlie  Scythians,  the  Getae,  the  Thra- 
cians,  the  Britons,  the  Russians,  the  Swedes,  and  Danes 
had  also  the  custom  of  sacrificing  men,  until  they  be- 

(7)  ad-versus.    (8)  See  95,  S. 

No.  99.  (1)  vivum  obruere,  vivum  defodere.  (2)  See  97,  3. 
(3)  Gram.  §  262,  1.  (4)  homines  piacula  caedere.  (5)  adhibere 
ad  (,,/br"). 


126 


Part  i. 


*i^ 


S 


came  Christians.  Among  the  Mexicans,  as  long  as  they 
worshipped  Gods,  every  year  at  least  20,000  men  were 
sacrificed,  or,  as  others  say (6),  every  year  more  than 
20,000  children  besides  the  adults.  Whoever  considers  (7) 
all  this,  will  understand,  that  we  cannot  thank  God 
sufficiently  for  having  led  us  to  the  Christian  religion. 
But  the  greatest  thanks  we  will  continually  give  to  Him, 
who,  free  (8)  of  all  sins,  has  been  ofiered  up  for  the  ex- 
piation of  our  sins,  and  has  acquired  for  us  eternal  sal- 
vation. Even  if  we  gave  up  all  things,  we  ourselves 
would  never  be  able  to  give  satisfaction  to  God;  for 
even  if  we  did  everything,  which  we  are  bound  (9)  to 
do,  yet  we  would  be  like  useless  serv'ants  before  God. 


SECTION  IX. 

Use  of  the  Indicative. 

(Grammar  §  247.) 

No.  100. 

Fortune  is  Unjustly  Accused  by  Many  People. 

Very  many  people  are  not  content  with  their  lot; 
it  would,  however,  not  be  difficult,  but  very  easy  to 
prove,  that  their  complaints (1)  are  mostly  unjust.  If 
fortune  has  not  granted  you  to  (2)  be  bom  of  a  noble 
fiimily(3),  you  should  convince  yourself,  that  your  dig- 
nity consists  (4)  in  nobility  (5)  of  heart  and  deeds,  not 
in  that  of  family.  I  could  bring  forward  many  instances, 
from  which  it  is  seen,  that  those,  born  in  a  low  state  (6), 
have,  by  their  virtue,  often  attained  to  the  highest  dig- 
nity and  glory.     It  would  be  better,    to   imitate   such 


(6)  velle.     (7)  11.  Fut    (8)  expers.     (9)  Imperf.  Subj. 
No.  100.     (1)  querela.     (2)  bi/  a  clause  with  ut.     (3)  genus. 
(4)  positum  esse.    (5)  magnitudo.    (6)  locus. 


Section  ix. 


127 


men,  than  to  envy  those,  whom  nature  seems  to  have 
favoured  more.  Many  accuse  fortune,  because  they  are 
poor,  whilst  (7)  others  possess  great  riches  either  by  in- 
heritance or  by  some  accident.  But  it  would  be  both 
more  useful  and  more  honourable  for  them  to  acquire 
riches  by  diligence  and  labour  than  to  complain  (8)  of 
the  injustice  (9)  of  fortune.  And,  assuredly,  true  happi- 
ness does  not  consist  in  riches.  Or  (10)  should  we  be- 
lieve, that  the  poorest  men,  Cincinnatus,  Fabricius,  Den- 
tatus,  and  many  others,  whom  it  would  take  too  long  to 
enumerate,  were  unhappy?  We  should  rather  think  (11), 
that  true  honour  and  true  happiness  can  be  acquired 
only  by  virtue,  not  by  the  favour  of  fortune. 


No.  101, 

Cajus  Duilius. 

During  the  first  Punic  war  it  was  already  under- 
.«<tood,  that  the  Eomans  were  superior  to  the  Cartha- 
ginians in  all  the  achievements  (1)  of  peace  and  war. 
Whatever  they  undertook,  in  all  they  showed  (2)  an  ad- 
mirable prudence  and  care.  They  were  most  powerful  (3) 
on  land,  the  Carthaginians  at  sea.  But  as  soon  as  the 
Romans  had  learned,  that  they  could  not  be  victorious 
in  tliis  war  without  a  navy (4),  they  began,  with  the 
gi-eatest  zeal,  to  build  ships.  And  although  they  had 
formerly  been  quite  inexperienced  in  naval  affairs  (5), 
yet  in  a  short  time  they  made  so  great  progress,  that 
they  ventured  to  enter  upon  an  engagement  with  the  fleet 
of  the  Carthaginians.  At  Mylae  near  the  coast  of  Sicily 
they  met  (6)  the  enemy;  there  happened,  what  no  one 
would  have  believed.     Duilius  gained  (7)  a  most  brilliant 


(7)  quum.    (8)  queri  de.    (9)  6y  invidia.    (10)  an.    (11)  statuere. 

No.  101.  (1)  virtus.  (2)  praestare,  or  by  esse  tvith  Abl.  Gram. 
§  225.  (3)  valere,  poUere  (=  „fo  be  pmverfiiV).  (4)  copiae  na- 
vales.    (5)  res  navalis,  res  maritima.    (6)  congredi  cum.    (7)  potiri. 


128 


Part  i. 


m 


n 


« 


» 


victory:  be  it  that  this  happened  by  the  carelessness  of 
the  Carthaginians,  who  despised  the  Eomans  at  sea,  be 
it  that  the  ingenuity  (8)  of  Duilius  and  the  bravery  of 
the  Eomans  frightened  them  and  threw  them  into  con- 
fusion (9).  For  Duilius  had  discovered  a  new  method  of 
fighting,  which  may  be  very  worthy  of  a  more  accurate 
description.  The  men -of- war  (10)  of  the  ancients  were 
provided  with  solid  and  sharp  beaks,  with  wliich  they 
tried  to  pierce  through  (11)  tlie  sides  of  the  hostile  ships 
and  to  sink  them  into  the  sea.  In  this  art  the  Romans 
were  far  surpassed  by  the  Carthaginians,  and  for  this 
reason,  too,  the  superiority  at  sea  had,  for  a  long  time, 
been  with  the  Carthaginians. 

No,  102. 

Chapter  11. 

Duilius,  therefore,  invented  the  grappling-irons (1) 
which  we  could  call  iron  hands,  with  wliich  he  took 
hold  (2)  of  a  near  hostile  vessel  and  drew  (3)  it  close  to 
his  own.  Then  the  Roman  soldiers  boarded (4)  it,  in 
whatever  way  they  could,  and  thus  (5)  engaged  with  the 
enemy  as  (6)  on  land.  By  this  invention  (7)  of  Duilius, 
then,  the  Carthaginians  were  thrown  into  confusion  and 
completely  defeated  at  Mylae  in  the  year  260  B.  Chr. 
Thirty  ships  of  the  enemy  were  taken;  the  rest  were 
partly  sunk,  ^^artly  escaped.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
say,  with  how  great  a  joy  the  Romans  were  seized  (8) 
at  this  victory.  No  one  would  have  believed,  that  a 
Roman  fleet  would  be  able  to  enter  upon  an  engagement 
with  the  ships  of  the  Carthaginians;  much  less  would  a 
victory  have  been  expected.     And  yet  the  victory  had 

(8)  sollertia.  (9)  perturbare  (=  „fo  throw  into  conp^).  (10)  here 
only  navis  {eUe  navis  longa,  or  rostrata).    (11)  confodere. 

No.  102.  (1)  harpago.  (2)  prehendere.  (3)  adducere,  attra- 
here.  (4)  invadere.  (5)  itaqiie.  (6)  tanquam.  (7)  inventum. 
(8)  hy  afficere,  Gram,  §  229, 


Section  ix. 


129 


been  gained (9).  When  the  news  reached  Rome,  the 
minds  of  all  were  seized  with  the  greatest  joy.  Whoso- 
ever was  able,  hastened  to  meet  (10)  the  triumphant  Dui- 
lius; they  would  almost  have  deified  (11)  him.  A  statue 
was  erected  in  the  forum  for  the  celebration  (12)  of  this 
victory,  and  it  was  adorned  with  the  beaks  of  the  cap- 
tured vessels.  This  is  the  celebrated  columna  rostrata, 
the  marble  base  of  which  was  discovered  in  the  year 
1565  after  Christ,  and  is  at  present  preserved  at  Rome. 
Though  of  the  inscription,  by  which  the  victory  of  Dui- 
lius is  glorified,  only  a  part  is  left,  yet  learned  men  (13) 
have  tried  (14)  almost  entirely  to  restore  it.  One  could, 
of  course  (15),  doubt,  whether  all  the  particulars  have 
been  correctly  restored;  but  however  one  may  judge  on 
this  matter,  he  should,  with  a  grateful  heart,  acknow- 
ledge th€>  sagacity  (16)  of  the  learned  men. 

No.  103. 

The  Fatherland  is,  wherever  it  is  Good(l). 

When  Teucer  was  expelled  from  Salamis  by  his 
father,  he  is  said  to  have  cheered  up (2)  the  hearts  of 
his  friends  with  the  following  {hie)  words:  „Let(3)  us 
go,  comrades  and  companions,  whithersoever  fortune  may 
take  us;  it  will  be  kinder,  than  my  father.  Apollo  him- 
self has  promised  us  new  abodes,  which,  whether  they 
be  near  Greece,  or  separated  from  it  by  the  vast  (4)  sea, 
will  become  to  us  a  second  fatherland.  For  the  father- 
land is  wherever  it  is  good".  This  saying  of  Teucer, 
though  it  seems  to  have  come  (5)  from  a  great   mind, 


(9)  pargre.  (10)  obviam  properare.  (11)  deum  facere,  in 
coelum  tollere.  (12)  celebrare,  Gram.  §  288.  1.  (13)  Gram. 
§  287.  4.  2,  (14)  studere,  conari.  (15)  quidem,  sane.  (16)  acu- 
men (ingenii),  acies  ingenii. 

No.  103.  (1)  bene  est.  (2)  erigere.  (3)  Future.  (4)  ingens. 
(5)  proficisci. 

Mttller,  Exercises.  9 


*f 


,' 


i^ii 


130 


Pabt  I. 


has,  nevertheless,  justly  been  blamed  by  many.  For 
whoever  is  of  such  a  disposition  (6)  as  to  measure  the 
love  of  his  country  by  his  own  advantage  (7),  will  never 
be  a  good  citizen.  How  much  better  does  Ulysses  please 
us,  who  refused  (8),  whatever  Calypso  might  offer  him 
in  order  to  make  him  stay  with  her,  and  preferred  even 
that  rocky  (9)  country  of  his  to  immortality  itself!  How 
much  better  does  Fabricius  please  us,  who,  however  gi'eat 
the  amount  (10)  of  gold  was,  that  was  offered  him  by 
Pyrrhus,  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  (11)  to  betray  his 
country!  How  much  better  those  Decii,  who  sacrificed (12) 
for  their  country,  whatever  was  dear  to  them,  even  their 
lives!  It  would  take  too  long  to  enumerate  all  those, 
who  have,  in  the  same  manner,  given  up  (13)  their  friends, 
their  pleasures,  their  riches,  even  their  lives  and  what- 
ever they  loved,  for  the  welfare  of  their  country.  Whether, 
then,  all  their  deeds  be  approved  (14)  or  disapproved  (15), 
their  love  of  country  we  must  always  highly  esteem.  In 
this  matter  their  example  is  worthy  of  imitation  (16), 
and  whether  our  country  flourish,  or  be  oppressed (17) 
with  sufferings:  we  ought  always  to  endeavour  (18)  to 
strengthen  (19)  the  flourishing  country,  and  to  free  the 
struggling (20)  home  from  its  sufferings,  in  whatever 
manner  it  can  be  done. 

No.  104. 

The  Father  to  His  Son. 

Not  by  the  letters  of  your  friends  ought  I  to  have 
been  informed  (1),  that  you  wish  to  exchange  (2)  that 
school  for  another.     Would  it  not  have  been  more  cor- 

(6)  mens,  animus.  (7)  commodum,  commoditas.  (8)  rejicere, 
contemnere,  neglegere.  (9)  saxosus.  (10)  vis.  (11)  persuadere. 
(12)  profundere.  (13)  jacturam  facere  alicujus  rei.  (14)  probare. 
(15)  improbare.  (16)  aemulatio.  (17)  urgere.  (18)  studere.  (19)  fir- 
mare,  augere,  amplificare.    (20)  laborare. 

No.  104.    (1)  certiorem  facere.    (2)  commutare. 


Section  ix. 


131 


rect  to  communicate  (3)  such  an  important  (4)  matter  to 
your  father   rather   than   to   another?     For   be  it   that 
you  justly  desire  to  leave  (5),  be  it  that  some  youthful 
levity  is  at  the  bottom  (6),  it  would  always  have  been 
your  duty  (7),  before  to  ascertain  my  opinion  (8).     But 
what  are  the  reasons  of  your  determination  (9)?    Much 
too  severe,  as  you  think,  is  the  discipline  of  your  teachers; 
you  are  kept (10)  all  day  to  studies,    so    that  you  are 
scarcely  able  to  enjoy  any  pleasure.     But  you  should 
consider,   not   what   your   caprice  (11),    but   what  your 
reason  advises  you.     Reason,  however,  advises  you  to 
stay  with  those,  with  whom  you  can  become  better  and 
more  learned;  and  where  (12)  could  this  be  done  more 
surely  than  with  those  who,  at  present,  direct  (13)  your 
studies?     Therefore,   either  you   should  not  have   gone 
to  that  place  at  all,  or  you  should  prove  yourself  such 
as  (14)  to  recommend  yourself  (15)  to  your  teachers,  and 
to  be  able,  after  having  finished (16)  your  studies  well, 
to  return  home  honourably.  Consider  this,  and  willingly, 
as  you  have  always  done,  obey  your  father.  —  I  had 
ahnost  forgotten  to  add  (17)  the  respects  of  your  mother, 
who  loves  you  tenderly.    May  God  protect  you!  Farewell! 

No.  105. 

On  the  Advantage  of  a  Good  Memory. 

When  a  friend  complained  to  Antisthenes,  a  pupil 
of  Socrates  and  the  founder  of  the  Cynic  school,  that 
he  had  lost  his  diaries,  he  answered:  „You  should  have 
written  (1)  the  things  in  your  memory,  not  on  paper". 


(3)  communicare,  Gram,  ff  203.  Note  3.  (4)  gravis.  (5)  inde 
abire.  (6)  subesse  (=  ,/o  be  at  the  bottom'').  (7)  oportet  (=  ,,it  is 
the  duty'').  (8)  sententia.  (9)  consilium.  (10)  continere.  (11)  li- 
bido.  (12)  ubi  tandem.  (13)  regere,  moderari.  (14)  se  praestare 
talem,  ut.  (lb)  se  commendare.  (16)  peragere,  absolvere.  Abl. 
obsol.    (17)  adscribere. 

Xo.  105.    (1)  inscribere,  with  Bat,  or  in  and  Abl. 

9* 


132 


Part  i. 


Section  ix. 


133 


•I 


To  many  of  us,  too,  it  could  be  said:  „You  ought  to 
exercise  your  memory  more,  and  not  trust  too  much  to 
writing"^.  How  great,  indeed,  was  the  power  of  the 
memory  with  many  men  of  antiquity!  Though  Themi- 
stocles  discharged  the  most  important  state  affairs,  yet 
he  knew  the  names  of  all  his  fellow-citizens.  Of  Cyrus 
it  is  said,  that  he  had  learned  by  heart  (2)  the  names  of 
all  his  soldiers.  Thus  he  was  able  to  salute  each  one, 
that  he  met,  by  name.  Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  is 
said  to  have  spoken  the  languages  (3)  of  the  22  peoples, 
which  were  within  his  kingdom.  „We  know  as  much 
as  we  keep  in  our  memory"  (4),  is  a  known  and  true 
saying.  Whatsoever  you  may  have  known,  it  is  of  little 
use,  if  you  have  forgotten  it.  Important  passages  (5)  of 
Holy  Scripture  ought  especially  to  be  committed  to  me- 
mory (6)  in  order  to  remember  them  at  the  proper  time, 
and  to  be  impelled  by  them  to  virtue  and  piety.  Jo- 
sephus  Flavins  relates  that  the  Jewish  boys  wrote  (7)  the 
law  in  their  souls,  and  kept  it  in  their  memory,  so  that 
it  could  never  be  blotted  out  (8).  „ Whosoever  among 
us  may  be  asked  about  the  law,  he  says,  can  more  easily 
tell  it  than  his  name,  for  we  have  learned  it  by  heaH 
from  the  first  years,  and,  as  it  were,  imprinted  (9)  upon 
our  souls".  And  Moses  says,  by  the  order  of  God (10): 
„ Inculcate  the  law  upon  your  sons  and  speak  to  them 
about  it,  whether  you  are  at  home,  or  make  a  journey, 
whether  you  go  to  bed,  or  rise". 


(2)  ediscere,  memoriae  mandare.  (S)  loqui  lingnis  (not  liii- 
guas).  (4)  memoria  tenere.  (5)  graves  loci.  (6)  See  2,  (7)  See  1. 
(8)  abolere,  exstinguere,  delere.  (9)  insculpere  in,  %oiih  Abl. 
(10)  auctoritate  divina. 


No.  106. 

Chapter  II. 

The  Christian  doctors  also  admonish  (1)  us,  diligent- 
ly to  consider,  to  ponder,  to  keep,  and  to  follow  the 
teachings  of  Holy  Scripture,  and  whether  we  look  back 
on  the  first  Christian  centuries,  or  behold  the  Middle 
ages  (2),  or  view  (3)  the  times  that  followed  them,  every- 
where we  obsei-ve,  that  the  sacred  books  were  liighly 
esteemed  and  much  perused.  „Wliat  else  is  Holy 
Scripture,  says  Pope  (4)  Gregory  the  Great,  than  a  letter 
of  Almighty  God,  sent  to  His  creatures  (5)?  If  you  were 
staging  far  away  from  the  residence  (6)  of  the  emperor, 
and  received  a  letter  from  liim,  j^ou  would  not  rest, 
until  you  had  learned,  what  he  had  written  to  you. 
The  king  of  Heaven,  the  Lord  of  men  and  angels,  has 
sent  you  a  letter,  which  is  to  lead  you  to  eternal  life; 
3'ou  should,  therefore,  not  neglect  eagerlj-  to  read  this 
letter."  St.  Gertrude  was  the  daughter  of  Pepin  of 
Landen,  a  man  of  great  prudence  and  energy,  and  a 
lover  of  justice,  who  patronized  and  promoted  agricul- 
ture, business  and  trade,  and  caused  the  laws  to  be  col- 
lected (7).  She  applied  herself  with  such  zeal  to  the 
Bible (8),  that  she  was  able  to  explain  to  those,  who 
asked,  the  most  difficult  passages.  Of  Alcuin  two 
nims(9),  Gisla  and  Rectruda,  asked,  that  he  would  send 
them  a  commentary  on  the  Gospel  (10)  of  St.  Jolm, 
from  which  we  see,  that  they  were  desirous  of  under- 
standing Holy  Scripture,    and  believed,    that   this  could 


No.  106.  (1)  praecipere.  (2)  aetas  media  {Smg.).  (3)  intueri. 
(4)  summus  pontifex.  (5)  here  homo  („ffis"  is  not  to  be  transl.). 
(6j  sedes  Pipinus  Landenius.  (7)  corpus  legum  conficere  (=  „fo 
collect  law8^^).  Gram,  ff  281.  3.  (8)  tauto  studio  ad  explicandas 
sacras  litteras  incumbere.  (9)  virgo  deo  singulariter  sacrata, 
virgo  cultui  divino  ritu  christiano  sacrata,  also  monacha.  (10)  com- 
mentarium  evangelii. 


134 


Part  i. 


Section  x. 


135 


it 


}    i 


\i 


H 


•1 


not  be  effected  without  an  experienced  guide.  Also  the 
holy  queen  Mathilde,  the  wife  of  Henry  L,  St.  Hilde- 
garde,  who  died  in  the  year  1179,  St.  Catherine  of 
Siena,  who  died  in  the  year  1380,  and  many  others, 
whom  I  could  name,  were  full  of  the  knowledge  of  the 
sacred  doctrine  and  the  Bible.  All  writers  of  the  so- 
called  Middle  ages  are,  so  to  say,  filled  with  sentences, 
expressions  (11),  and  phrases  (12)  of  Holy  Scripture.  We 
ought  to  imitate  such  men  and  women,  more  of  whom 
have  been  mentioned  in  another  place. 


SECTION  X. 


Use   of  the   Subjunctive. 

(Grammar  §  248—263.) 
No.  107. 

Antisthenes  and  His  Pupil  Diogenes. 

Antisthenes  advised  his  scholars  to  apply  them- 
selves (1)  with  zeal  to  wisdom;  but  few  obeyed.  Then 
he  {ille)  said:  „You  may  be  lazy,  if  it  so  pleases  you; 
but  my  students  you  will  not  be  any  longer."  And 
thus  he  dismissed  them  all.  But,  nevertheless,  one  of 
them,  Diogenes,  always  returned (2)  to  him,  and  was 
unwilling  to  leave  (3)  him.  „I  may  be  allowed,  said  he, 
to  listen  to  you,'^  Antisthenes  threatened  him  with  a 
stick  (4),  which  he  used  to  carry  (5)  in  his  hand,  and 
once,  indeed  (6),  struck  his  head  (7).  „You  may  strike 
me,  said  Diogenes,  as  much  as  you  wish  (8);  but,  at  the 


(11)  vocabulum.    (12)  loquendi  formula. 

No.  107.   (1)  operam  dare  alicui  rei,  incumbere  ad.  (2)  ven- 

titare.     (3)  discedere.     (4)  baculum.     (5)  gestare.     (6)  re  vera. 

(7)  caput  alicujus  percutere.    (8)  For  tense,  see  Gram.  ^  244. 


same  time,  allow  (9)  me  to  hear  you."  „'Wliat  shall  I 
do  with (10)  this  fellow,  said  Antisthenes;  could  I  have 
believed,  that  any  one  of  my  students  was  so  desirous 
of  learning?"  Then  turning  (11)  towards  Diogenes  he 
said:  „For  what  reason  (12)  could  I  be  angry  (13)  with 
you?  Let  us  be  friends  from  the  present (14)  day,  and 
you  may  come  to  me,  whenever  it  will  please  you." 
Perhaps  some  one  may  ask,  what  kind  of  man  that 
Antisthenes  was,  and  who  was  Diogenes?  What  shall  I 
say?  Shall  I  say,  that  Antisthenes  was  a  learned  man? 
Shall  I  call  him  a  sage?  Shall  I  mention (15),  that  he 
wrote  many  books?  Suppose  we  did  not  know  anything 
else  besides  that  which  Cicero  relates  of  him,  we  should 
consider  him  at  least  wiser  than  many  other  learned 
men  of  antiquity,  because  he  believed,  that  there  is  but 
one  God.  What  shall  I  say  of  Diogenes?  Of  him  many 
strange  things  are  related.  But  may  he  have  been  dis- 
solute (16)  and  extravagant  (17),  when  a  youth,  may  he 
have  ridiculed  many  distinguished  men,  yet  some  ex- 
cellent things  (18)  have  also  been  handed  down  to  pos- 
terity (19)  worthy  of  imitation  (20).  Let  us,  then,  to 
mention  one  thing  only,  imitate  him  in  the  pursuit  of 
learning  and  wisdom. 

No.  108. 

Whether  all  Promises  are  to  be  kept(l). 

There  has  been  much  dispute  (2)  among  philosophers 
whether  all  promises  are  to  be  kept  or  not.  Time  would 
be  wanting,  if  you  wished  to  examine  all  the  instances 


(9)  permittere.  (10)  either  de  xcith  Ahl,  or  Ahl.  aloncj  or  Dat. 
(11)  convertere  [Part.  Perf.  Pass.).  (12)  jus.  (13)  succensere  ali- 
cui. (14)  hodiernus,  or  by  hie.  (15)  commemorare.  (16)  disso- 
lutus.  (17)  eiFrenatus.  (18)  quaedam  praeclara.  (19)  memoriae 
tradere.    (20)  aemulatio. 

Xo.  108.  (1)  promissa  servare,  praestare,  solvere.  (2)  dispu- 
tari  a. 


136 


Part  i. 


Section  x. 


137 


I 


of  which  they  made  use  in  these  disputations.  But  per- 
haps it  is  not  useless  to  put  some  together  here.  Sup- 
pose some  one  had  given  you  a  very  excellent  (3)  remedy 
against (4)  a  sickness,  but  under  the  condition,  never 
afterwards  to  (5)  use  the  same  means  again  without 
his  knowledge  (6) ,  and  you  had  promised  that.  Now  if 
soon  after  the  other  would  die,  and  you  would  fall 
again  into  the  same  sickness,  would  it  be  lawful  to  you 
to  violate (7)  that  promise,  and  to  use  that  means? 
Some  one  perhaps  will  say:  Who  would  hesitate  to 
affirm  this?  If  the  other  were  still  living,  and  the 
matter  could  be  stated (8)  to  him,  it  would  be  a  duty 
to  do  this.  But  if  the  other  has  died,  it  would  by  no 
means  be  against  duty  (9)  to  take  care  (10)  of  one^s 
health  and  life.  For  of  what  interest  would  it  be  for 
the  dead  one,  whether  he  knew  that  or  not.  One  might 
doubt,  whether  those  promises  are  to  be  kept  which 
will  bring  mischief  (11)  to  those  to  whom  they  have 
been  made.  To  (12)  give  -an  instance:  If  a  man  of 
sound  mind  {All.)  had  deposited  a  sword  with  you,  and 
demanded  it  back  (13)  afterwards  having  become  insane, 
would  you  believe  that  it  must  be  returned,  though 
you  had  promised  it?  It  would  be  a  duty  not  to  re- 
turn it.  Also  from  the  fables  instances  are  given. 
Apollo  had  promised  his  son  Phaeton  to  do  whatever 
he  might  wish.  He  wished  to  (14)  be  placed  (15)  upon 
the  chariot  of  liis  father.  Having  been  placed  there,  he 
perished  miserably.  Without  doubt,  it  would  have  been 
much  better,  if  Apollo  had  not  kept  his  promise.  Nep- 
tune had  allowed  Theseus  three  wishes  (16).  He  chose 
the   death   of  his   son  Hippolytus,   whom,   according  to 


(3)  praestans.  (4)  adversus,  also  ad.  (5)  ne  —  unquam. 
(6)  ipso  inscio.  (7)  recedere  a.  (8)  indicare,  nuntiare.  (9)  offi- 
cium.  (10)  consulere.  (11)  pernicies,  damnum.  (12)  ut.  (13)  re- 
poscere.  (14)  optare  ut.  (15)  toUere.  (16)  optionem  dare  (=  ,/o 
allcnc  a  im/t"). 


the  calumnies  (17)  of  his  step-mother  (18),  he  regarded 
as  godless.  But  soon  afterwards  the  innocence  of  Hip- 
polytus became  manifest  (19).  Theseus  would  have  been 
spared  (20)  a  great  distress,  if  Neptune  had  refused  (21) 
to  keej)  the  promise. 

No.  109. 

The  Manner  in  which  Troy  was  taken  by  the  Greeks. 

After  a  war  of  ten  years  Troy  was  taken  by  the 
Greeks  through  a  fraud.  Aeneas,  almost  the  only^S' 
the  Trojan  princes,  who  escaped,  relates,  according  to  (1) 
the  poet  Virgil,  the  fall  (2)  of  liis  birth-place  in  this 
way:  By  the  order  of  IVIinerva  the  Greeks  constructed 
a  wooden  horse  of  such  a  size,  that  it  reached  (3)  over 
the  walls  of  the  city.  In  the  following  night  the  brav- 
est leaders  of  the  Greeks  hid  themselves  in  the  belly  (4) 
of  that  monster.  The  rest  carried  all  their  proj^erty  (5) 
to  the  ships  and  sailed  away  (6),  that  the  Trojans  might 
believe,  the  whole  army  had  returned  to  Greece.  At 
day-break  (7)  all  of  us  hurried  out  of  the  city  to  see  (8) 
the  camp  of  the  Greeks,  from  wliich  so  many  sufferings 
had  come  (9)  upon  us.  After  a  long  siege  we  had  at 
last  no  more  danger  to  fear  (10)  from  the  enemy.  All 
the  places  were  examined  with  curiosity  (11).  Mostly, 
however,  were  all  astonished  at  the  sight  of  that  wood- 
en horse.  No  one  could  understand  (12),  why  it  had 
been  built,  why  it  was  so  huge,  why  it  had  been  left 
behind.  Some  advised  that  it  should  be  drawn  into 
the  city  and  placed  in  the  citadel.   Others  were  seized  (13) 

(17)  calumnia,  falsa  criminatio.  (18)  uoverca.  (19)  patefieri, 
cognosci.     (20)  carere.     (21)  recusare. 

No.  109.  (1)  apud.  (2)  interitus.  (3)  eminere.  (4)  uterus. 
(5)  suus  {Nmt  Plur.).  (6)  vela  dare,  or  facere.  Also  solvere,  or 
proficisci.  (7)  Gram.  §  237.  8.  (8)  visere,  inspicere.  (9)  profi- 
cisci,  prodire.  (1,0)  P€rij)h\  Conjug,  (11)  curiose.  (12)  compre- 
hendere,  perspicere.    (13)  occupare,  capere. 


138 


Pakt  I. 


Section  x. 


139 


with  fear,  lest  some  deceit  was  hidden.  These  advised 
the  people  to  throw  (14)  the  horse  into  the  sea  or  to 
bum  it.  Whilst  the  crowd  thus  exchanged  (15)  these 
different  opinions,  Laocoon,  the  priest  of  Neptune,  came 
down  from  the  citadel  in  great  haste  (16),  and  shouted 
with  an  angry  voice:  „Is  your  madness,  citizens,  so 
great,  that  you  do  not  understand,  that  the  Greeks  in- 
tend (17)  some  deceit  by  this  horse?  Are  you  so  badly 
acquainted  with  (18)  the  Greeks?  Either  have  they 
hidden  some  armed  men  in  it,  or  they  have  built  it  so 
large  to  be  able  the  more  easily  to  look  over  the  walls 
into  the  city.  This  structure  (19)  must  be  destroyed  as 
quickly  as  possible."  And  that  his  words  might  be  of 
greater  weight  (20),  he,  with  all  his  might  (21),  drove  (22) 
his  spear  into  the  horse's  side.  At  the  very  same  mo- 
ment a  tumult  and  clamour  of  the  crowd  were  heard. 
Shepherds  dragged  a  Greek  youth,  whom  they  had  cap- 
tured near  the  coast,  before  the  king.  With  an  anxious 
look,  and  trembling (23)  with  fear  the  captive  exclaimed: 
„0  that  (24)  the  earth  might  open  (25)  to  swallow  (26) 
me  alive!  Have  I  therefore  escaped  the  hands  of  tlie 
Greeks,  that  I  might  be  preserved  (27)  for  the  more 
cruel  torments  of  the  Trojans!" 

No.  110. 

Chapter  II. 

At  this  sigh(l)  the  tumult  of  the  crowd  ceased  (2) 
at  once.  They  urged  (3)  him  to  go  on  to  tell  them,  who 
he  was,  where   he   was  bom,  what  misfortune  had  be- 

(14)  praecipitare.  (15)  discedere  in,  ivith  Ace.  (16)  citatus 
cursus  (AbL).  (17)  machinari.  (18)  adeone  ignoratis,  (19)  moles. 
(20)  gravitas,  vis,  also  hy  plus  valere.  (21)  vires.  (22)  adigere. 
(23)  contremiscere,  or  trepidus.  (24)  utinam.  (25)  discedere,  de- 
hiscere.    (26)  devorare.    (27)  reservare. 

No.  110.  (1)  gemitus.  (2)  obmutescere,  conticescere.  (3)  mo- 
nere. 


fallen  him  (4).  Priam  himself  bade  him  to  speak.  Having 
laid  aside  his  fear,  he  said:  „ Whatever  may  happen,  king, 
I  will  confess  everything  to  you.  I  do  not  deny,  that 
I  am  a  Greek  by  birth.  If  fortune  has  rendered  Sinon 
miserable,  yet  it  shall  not  cause  (5)  me  to  become  a  liar. 
With  the  brave  prince  Palamedes  I  went  to  war  against 
Troy.  Ulysses  from  Ithaca  hated  and  persecuted  him  in 
a  hostile  manner,  not  as  if  he  had  done  anything  wrong, 
but  because  he  gave  the  advice  to  return  to  Greece. 
Finally  that  mean  fellow  brought  it  to  pass  (6),  that 
Palamedes  was  condemned  to  death.  From  that  time 
my  life  has  always  been  full  of  sorrow.  Ulysses  feared 
that  he  would  not  be  able  to  escape  my  vengeance  (7); 
and,  to  be  more  secure  from  danger,  he  determined  — ; 
but  why  do  I  repeat  all  those  sufferings,  which  I  have 
endured?  I  am  a  Greek,  and  that  will  be  reason 
enough  (8)  for  you  to  put  me  to  death.  This  news  will 
be  agreeable  to  the  man  of  Ithaca.  The  Atridae  will 
rejoice  and  give  you  great  thanks"  (9).  All  of  us  are 
moved  with  comi)assion;  no  one  doubts,  that  he  had 
said  everything  with  the  greatest  truthfulness  (10).  The 
whole  crowd  bums  with  the  desire  to  hear  (11)  the  rest 
and  exhorts  him  to  fear  nothing.  He,  then,  with  a 
feigning (12)  countenance,  continued  thus:  .,Long  since (13) 
there  was  no  one  in  the  army  of  the  Greeks  who  did 
not  eagerly  long  for  the  end  of  the  war.  It  was  feared 
that  they  would  not  be  able  to  sustain  its  boundless 
sufferings,  and  the  return  was  longed  for.  But  always 
did  unfavourable  (14)  winds  prevent  us  from  putting  to 


(4)  Transl.  „6y  xcliat  m.  lie  Jmd  been  struck  (opprimere)". 
(5)  efficere  {Fut)  ut.  (6)  perficere  (=  „^o  bring  to  pass''},  or  rem 
eo  adducere.  (7)  poenae.  (8)  satis,  with  causa,  or  by  sufficere. 
(9)  gratias  agere,  but  gratiam  referre.  (10)  fides,  Veritas,  or  by 
Superlat.  of  verus.  (11)  Gram,  §  286.  (12)  sinmlatus.  (13)  jam 
dudum.    (14)  adversus,  iniquus. 


140 


Part  i. 


Section  x. 


141 


1 


sea  (15);  the  sea  itself  seemed  to  be  angiy.  The  princes 
offered  up  sacrifices  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  Gods. 
But  in  vain;  storms  (16)  continued  with  the  greatest 
violence,  and  no  one  could  look  at  the  sea  without  being 
seized  with  the  fear  of  a  certain  death.  At  this  junc- 
ture (17)  legates  were  sent  to  Delplii  to  consult  Apollo 
what  was  to  be  done.  From  the  God  tliis  answer  was 
brought  back:  „„You  have  sacrificed (18)  a  Greek  maiden 
in  order  to  sail  with  a  favourable  wind  from  Greece  to 
Asia;  a  Greek  youth  must  be  sacrificed  in  order  to  se- 
cure (19)  your  return"". 

No.  111. 
Chapter  III. 

7, There  was  no  one  who  was  not  very  much  frighten- 
ed by  this  oracle;  each  feared  the  God  might  demand 
his  head.  Then  Ulysses  brought  (1)  the  seer  Kalchas 
and  besought  (2)  him  to  say  whose  death  the  God  de- 
manded. For  ten  days  the  cunning  jmest  kept  (3)  him- 
self locked  up  not  as  if  he  doubted  who  must  be  named, 
but  that  he  might  find  the  more  credit  with  the  multi- 
tude. Finally  he  was  led  into  the  assembly  and  pro- 
nounced (4)  my  name.  The  enmity  of  Ulysses  had  pre- 
pared death  for  me.  I  could  not  prevent  my  being 
tied;  my  head  was  bound  (5)  with  a  fillet  (6);  salted  flour 
was  strewn  (7);  the  victim  (8)  was  ready.  Then  in  dis- 
pair  I  tore  the  fetters  and  escaped  death.  I  hid  myself 
in  a  swamp,  until  the  army  had  embarked (9)  and  sail- 
ed (10)  to  Greece.     Wretched  me!     I  shall  never  again 


(15)  naves  solvere;  also  vela  dare.  (16)  tempestas.  (17)  dis- 
crimen.    (18)  mactare,  immolare.    (19)  in  tuto  collocare. 

No.  111.  (1)  adducere.  (2)  obsecrare.  (3)  tenere.  Gram. 
§  278.  3.  (4)  edere.  (5)  cingere.  (6)  vitta.  (7)  molam  salsam 
spargere.  (8)  hostia.  (9)  naves,  or  in  naves  conscendere;  also 
conscendere  alofie.    (10)  proficisci. 


see  (11)  my  father  and  children;  and  I  cannot  doubt  that 
the  princes  of  the  Greeks  will  cruelly  slaughter  them  to 
avenge  my  flight  by  their  death".  After  he  had  said 
tliis,  he  was  prevented  by  tears  from  continuing  (12). 
There  was  no  one  who  was  not  moved  with  compassion 
for  so  great  sufferings;  all  shed (13)  tears,  as  if  they 
were  deploring  the  misfortune  (14)  of  a  friend.  Priam 
at  once  ordered  his  fetters  to  be  loosened.  „A  Greek, 
he  said,  you  have  been;  whatsoever  you  are,  from  this 
time  you  will  be  ours.  But  now  tell  me,  with  what 
intention  (15)  have  they  erected  this  horse,  why  so  huge 
a  one,  to  which  God  is  it  dedicated"  (16) '^  ^^^  he  lifted 
up  his  loosened  hands  to  Heaven,  saying:  „0  that  I  had 
fallen  a  victim  in  order  not  to  become  a  traitor  to  my 
coimtry!  But  thou,  eternal  sun,  who  seest  everything 
and  avengest  perjury,  I  call  upon  thee  as  a  witness,  that 
Sinon  has  no  more  (17)  a  home.  No  tie  prevents  me 
any  more  from  disclosing  all  the  plans  of  the  Greeks,  if 
I  only  bring  safety  to  those  who  have  saved  me.  Listen, 
therefore,  to  what  happened.  All  the  hope  of  the  Greeks 
rested  on  the  assistance  of  Pallas.  But  since  (18)  Ulysses 
and  Diomedes  with  wicked  (19)  hands  had  robbed  the 
Palladium,  the  fatal  picture  of  the  Goddess,  from  the 
temple  of  your  citadel,  the  Goddess  withdrew  (20) ,  and 
no  sacrifice  could  effect  her  reconciliation.  It  was  no 
longer  doubtful  to  any  one,  that  Troy  could  not  be  taken 
in  this  war. 

No.  112. 

Chapter  IV. 

„In  this  distress  the  princes  applied  to(l)  Kalchas, 
that  he  might  say  what  was  to  be  done;   and  he  divin- 

(11)  revisere.  (12)  loqui  pergere.  (13)  profundere.  (14)  ca- 
sum,  calamitatem  deplorare,  deflere.  (15)  consilium.  (16)  sacer. 
(17)  jam.  (18)  ex  quo.  (19)  scelestus,  sceleratus,  nefarius.  (20)  se 
avertere. 

No.  112.    (1)  adire. 


142 


Part  i. 


Section  x. 


143 


ed(2)  thus:  „„We  must  sail  to  Greece  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible in  order  to  propitiate  the  wrath  of  the  Goddess  in 
our  country  itself.  Tlien  we  shall  return  hither  with 
good  foreboding  (3),  and  nothing  will  be  able  to  prevent 
us  from  destroying  the  city  of  the  enemy.  Although 
the  way  is  a  long  one,  yet  the  recompense  will  be 
greater"".  Thus  admonished  by  the  seer  they  sailed, 
for  the  present,  indeed,  back  to  Greece;  but  unawares  (4) 
they  will  return  with  larger  troops,  and  it  is  to  be  fear- 
ed, that  they  will  also  have  the  Gods  more  favourable. 
For  this  horse  they  have  erected  as  sacred  to  Minerva 
in  order  to  conciliate  (5)  the  Goddess  by  it.  And  not 
without  reason  is  it  of  so  immense  a  height.  They  fear- 
ed it  might  be  brought  (6)  into  the  city  through  the 
gates  and  be  a  protection  (7)  to  the  same  as  formerl}^ 
the  Palladium.  But  if  you  would  hurt  Mi^erva^s  pre- 
sent with  a  godless  hand,  no  one  doubted,  that  a  great 
calamity  would  come  upon  (8)  you.  0  that  the  Gods 
may  turn  it  (9)  upon  their  own (10)  heads".  Thus  Sinon. 
We  trusted  (11)  his  words  and  tears,  when  on  a  sudden 
another  miracle  presented  itself  (12)  to  our  eyes.  Before 
it  was  determined  upon,  what  was  to  be  done,  Priam 
ordered  Laocoon  as  priest  to  offer  sacrifices  to  the  Gods. 
When  the  bull  had  been  brought,  the  priest  approached 
the  altar  and  with  him  his  two  sons.  Suddenly  the 
crowd  dispersed  (13).  Two  (14)  snakes  of  a  huge  size  had 
emerged  from  the  sea,  and  straightway  rushed  upon  (15) 
the  priest  and  the  two  boys.  Before  he  himself  was 
able  to  come  to  their  assistance,  his  sons  had  been  killed 
and  devoured  by  the  two  monsters.    Then  they  embraced 


(2)  vaticinari.  (3)  omen.  (4)  improvisus.  Gram.  §  236,  1. 
(5)  sibi  reconciliare.  (6)  vehere,  ducere.  (7)  praesidium.  (8)  im- 
pendere,  imminere,  paratum  esser.  (9)  by  the  Relative.  (10)  ipse. 
Gram.  §  238.  9.  (11)  fidem  habere,  credere.  (12)  se  oflferre,  osten- 
dere.    (13)  diffugere.    (14)  by  geininus.    (15)  petere. 


himself  and  griped (16)  him  with  such  fury,  that  he 
raised  (17)  a  terrible  cry  in  his  pain.  With  the  greatest 
exertion  (18)  he  tried  to  tear  asunder  the  bonds;  but  in 
vain.  Among  the  whole  crowd  there  was  none  who 
dared  to  come  to  his  assistance;  so  great  a  fright  had 
seized  the  minds  of  all.  As  if  thunder-struck  all  were 
standing  there,  until  the  priest,  exhausted (19),  broke 
down  (20),  and  the  snakes  fled  under  the  altar  of  Pallas 
and  hid  themselves  in  the  earth.  Then  all  trembled  with 
new  astonishment (21);  nobody  doubted,  that  Laocoon, 
who  had  hurt  the  horse,  sacred  to  Pallas,  with  his  lance, 
had  been  punished  (22)  with  death  for  his  crime. 

No.  113. 

Chapter  V. 

Immediately  the  whole  crowd  cried  aloud  (1)  that 
the  sacred  horse  ought  to  be  drawn  into  the  city.  There 
was  none  who  did  not  take  part  in (2)  the  work;  machines 
and  wheels  were  placed  under  (3)  it;  even  old  men  and 
boys  deemed  themselves  (4)  happy  if  they  were  able  to 
put  (5)  their  hands  to  the  work.  Thus  they  came  to  the 
city.  The  gates  were  too  narrow  to  let  the  huge  struc- 
ture (6)  pass  through  (7).  The  wall  was  laid  open;  no 
difficulty  was  so  great,  which  the  people  would  not  have 
surmounted.  Four  times  had  they  to  stop  (8)  on  the 
threshold  of  the  city;  four  times  did  the  weapons  clash (9) 
in  the  belly  of  the  horse  as  if  some  God  was  willing  to 
warn  the  unhappy.    But  all  seemed  to  be  deaf;  nothing 


(16)  constringere.  (17)  edere.  (18)  vires,  or  by  intentio. 
(19)  confectus.  (20)  corruere.  (21)  stupor,  pavor.  (22)  poenas 
solvere,  or  pendere  alicujus  rei  (=  „to  be  imnished  for''). 

No.  113.  (1)  conclamare.  (2)  adire,  accedere.  (3)  subjicere. 
(4)  sibi  videri.  (5)  admovere.  (6)  moles  (=  ,,huge  str.'').  (7)  trans- 
mittere  (:?=  „to  let  pass  through^').  (8)  subsistere.  (9)  concrepare, 
sonare. 


Ii 


II 


144 


Part  i. 


Section  x. 


145 


lit 


was  able  to  deter  the  people  from  caiTying  out  their 
undertaking  (10).  All  eagerly  helped  in  the  work  until 
the  effigy  had  been  placed  in  the  citadel.  We  adorned 
all  our  temples  with  sacred  leaves,  as  if  the  Gods  had 
granted  us  a  splendid  victory.  "We  celebrated  a  festive 
day,  until  the  darkness  of  night  called  the  tired  to  rest. 
0  that  I  had  never  seen  this  night!  that  I  had  fallen 
in  battle,  before  my  dearest  country,  which  could  not 
be  conquered  in  war,  perished  by  the  deceit  and  treason 
of  the  most  cruel  enemies!  Whilst  all  were  overpower- 
ed (11)  by  sleep,  one  was  watching.  Sinon  had  cunning- 
ly deceived  the  attending  crowd,  until  the  hour  arrived 
where  it  seemed  that  not  the  least  danger  was  to  be 
feared.  Then  he  sneaked  (12)  to  the  citadel  and  opened 
the  belly  of  the  horse,  out  of  which  the  bravest  of  the 
princes,  Ulysses,  Sthenelus,  Neoptolemus,  and  others  joy- 
fully alighted  (13).  The  watchmen  (14)  were  struck  down, 
whilst  the  rest  of  the  Grecian  army,  having  come  back  (15) 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  rushed  into  the  city  through 
the  open  walls.  It  was  the  time,  when  rest  is  most 
agreeable  to  the  fatigued  bodies.  And  lo!  Hector  ap- 
peared to  me,  in  a  dream  (16),  as  if  he  stood  there  (17) 
alive,  bleeding,  shedding  tears,  with  a  look  of  deep  sad- 
ness (18).  This  sight  so  frightened  me  that  it  made  me 
weep  and  almost  choked  my  voice.  „0  hope  of  Troy 
as  long  as  you  were  living!  said  I,  who  can  see  you  in 
such  a  plight  (19)  without  succumbing  to  pain?  0  that 
you  were  alive!  Do  not  conceal  from  a  friend  what 
has  brought  you  back  to  us  from  the  infernal  regions. 
Your  very  look  shows,  that  you  fear,  that  a  dreadful 
calamity  is  threatening  your  friends"  (20). 

(10)  inceptum  persequi,  peragere.  (11)  opprimere.  (12)  se 
subducere.  (13)  se  demittere.  (14)  vigil.  (15)  navibus  revehi. 
(16)  in  somnis.  (17)  adesse.  (18)  by  the  Superl  of  maestus. 
(19)  only  talis.    (20)  Bur.  of  tims. 


No.  114. 

Chapter  VI. 

„Flee  from  hence,  Aeneas,  said  he,  rescue  yourself  (1) 
from  this  conflagration,  lest  aU  hope  of  the  Dardanian 
race  perish;   the  enemy  is  in  possession  of (2)  the  city. 
Though   you   are  brave,  you  wiU  not  drive  them  back.' 
If  Troy  could  have  been  saved  by  valor,  it  would  have 
been  saved  by  my  hands.    Your  country  recommends  (3) 
to  you  its  sanctuaries  and  household  gods;    take  them 
with  you  as  companions  of  your  flight.     Provided  you 
forsake  them  (4)  not,   you  may (5)   hope   for   a   happier 
fatherland".     Thus  he  spoke,  and  delivered  over (6)   to 
me  with  his   own   hands   the  image  of  Vesta   and  the 
perpetual  fire,  when  at  once  a  mighty  din  and  clamour, 
from  the  city,  pierced  (7)  my  ears.    I  did  not  doubt,  that 
everything  was  true,  that  I  had  heard  (8)  in  my  dream. 
I  hurried  up  (9)  from  my  couch  and  hastily  ascended  the 
top  of  the   roof  to   see   with   my  own  eyes  what    had 
happened.    Oh,  disastrous  sight!    Everything  was  seized 
by  the  flames,  as  if  the  whole  city  was  a  fiery  sea.    Out 
of  my  senses  (10)  I  put  on  my  weapons;   when  armed  I 
hesitated  what  to  do  (11)  first.     I  threw  myself  (12)  out 
of  my  palace  to  protect  first  the  citadel.     But  before  I 
could  reach  it,  Panthous,  the  priest  of  Apollo,  carrying 
in  his  hands  the  things  sacred  to  the  God,  met  me:    „Let 
us  flee,  said  he,  all  hope  is  lost  (13);  Troy  has  ceased  to 
be  (14),  ceased  has  (14)  the  immense  glory  of  the  Trojans 
(Teucri,   ortimf.     But   nothing   was   able   to   deter   me 
from  perishing,  whilst  fighting,  amidst  the  ruins  of  my 
country.     ^Nothing  is  lost,  cried  I,  provided  courage  be 


Xo.  lU.  (1)  se  eripere.  (2)  tenere  (=  ,.to  be  in  poss.  of% 
(3;  commendare.  (•^)  lUlative  Frmi.  (5)  licet.  (6)  afferre.  (7)  per- 
cellere.  (8)  accipere.  (9)  se  eripere.  (10)  amens.  (11)  aggredi, 
suscipere  {Periphr.  Conjug.),  (12)  se  ejicere.  (13)  perire.  (14)  ,,has 
ceased'',  and  ,^ias  ceased  to  fee",  by  Perf  of  esse. 

Mtiller,  Exercises.  IQ 


146 


Part  i. 


11 


not  lost.  The  only  safety  for  the  defeated  is  to  (15)  hope 
for  no  safety^.  Not  a  few  of  the  brave  had  joined  me 
as  companions  to  attack  with  me  the  faithless  enemy. 
The  darkness  of  the  night  favoured  our  bravery,  and 
many  of  the  Greeks  were  cut  down  by  our  swords.  Thus 
we  advanced (16)  to  the  citadel,  not  as  if  we  hoped  for 
a  victor}^  but  to  encounter  (17)  the  death  of  the  brave. 
But  what  abominable  (18)  deeds  presented  themselves  to 
our  eyes  there!  Who  is  so  hard -hearted  (19),  that  he 
could  recollect  them  without  shedding  tears!" 

Whilst  he  was  thus  speaking,  tears  prevented  him 
from  continuing  liis  narration.  However,  how  great  the 
cruelties  were,  which  the  Greeks  committed,  how  great 
the  bravery,  by  which  Aeneas  saved  himself  and  his  re- 
lations (20)  from  the  flames  of  the  city,  will  be  learned 
best  from  Virgil  himself. 

No.  115. 

Old  Age  Must  Be  Honoured  (1). 

God  demands (2)  of  us  to  love  all  men,  but  espe- 
cially to  show  respect  (3)  to  those  who  are  much  (4)  ad- 
vanced in  age  (5).  It  would  take  too  long  to  set  forth 
all  the  reasons,  why  we  ought  to  comply (6)  with  this 
demand  (7)  and  wish  (8).  It  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  (9) 
all  nations,  provided  they  followed  (10)  right  reason,  have 
deemed  old  age  worthy  to  be  honoured  by  all.  To  men- 
tion only  the  Eomans  and  the  Greeks,  there  is  no  one, 
who  does  not  know  with  how  great  praises  Cicero,  through 
Cato,  extols  old  age  in  his  beautiful  book  on  age.  What 
shall  I  say  of  the  Greeks?    To  pass  over  (11)  the  rest  of 


(15)  ut.  (16)  pervadere.  (17)  oppetere.  (18)  nefandus,  ne- 
farius.    (19)  durus,  ferreus.    (20)  suus. 

No.  115.  (1)  colere.  (Periphr.  Conjng.  —  Ace.  with  Inf.). 
(2)  postulare  ut.  (3)  reverentiam  adhibere,  tribuere.  (4)  ad- 
modum.  (5)  grandis  natu.  (6)  obsequi,  obtemperare.  (7)  postu- 
latio.     (8)  voluntas.    (9)  Ace.  with  Inf.    (10)  parere.     (11)  tacere. 


Section  x. 


147 


the  Greeks,  among  the  Lacedaemonians  there  was  one 
thing,  which  Cato  could  not  help  admiring,  and  which 
is  worthy,  even  in  our  time,  to  be  recommended  (12)  to 
youth.  There  was  a  law  with  them,  that  youths  must 
obey  not  only  their  parents,  but  also  all  older  people. 
Old  age  for  its  own  sake  seemed  to  them  worthy  of  being 
revered  (3)  by  the  younger.  Therefore  young  people 
everywhere  made  way  (13)  to  old  men  and  stood  quietly, 
until  they  had  passed  by  (14).  When  once  at  Athens  an 
old  man  came  into  the  theatre,  he  found  in  that  numer- 
ous assembly  (15)  not  one  of  his  fellow-citizens  who  offered 
him  a  place.  But  when  he  had  approached  the  ambassa- 
dors of  the  Lacedaemonians,  all  of  them  rose  (16)  together 
to  offer  a  seat  to  the  old  man  amongst  themselves  in  the 
most  honoured  (17)  place.  When  the  people  of  Athens 
saw  this  (18),  they  deemed  this  respect  (19)  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians worthy  to  be  approved  of  (20)  by  the  greatest 
applause  (21).  There  was  one  who  said:  „The  Athenians, 
then,  know,  what  is  right;  but  though  they  know  it, 
yet  they  neglect  (22)  to  practise  it".  Since  we  cannot 
doubt  that,  what  has  been  said,  is  true,  Lysander  right- 
ly maintained,  that  Lacedaemon  was  the  most  honour- 
able (23)  abode  for  old  age. 


No.  116. 

Speech  of  the  Consul  L.  Aemilius  Paullus. 
When,  in  the  war  against  Perseus,  king  of  Macedonia, 
the  chief  command  had  been  given,  with  great  unani- 
mity (1)  of  the  senate  and  people,  to  the  consul  L.  Aemi- 
lius  Paullus   the   latter   delivered,   in    the    assembly  (2) 


(12)  commendare.  (13)  de  via  decedere.  (14)  Imperf.  (15)  fre- 
quentissimus  conventus.  (16)  consurgere.  (17)  honoratus.  (18)  Re- 
lative Pron.  (19)  verecundia.  (20)  comprobare.  (21)  plausus. 
(22)  oraittere.     (23)  honestus. 

Nd.  116.     (1)  consensus.    (2)  contio. 

10* 


148 


Part  i. 


Section  x. 


149 


of  the  people,  the  following  speech,  before  he  went  to 
war:  „You  have  conferred  upon  me  a  great  honour, 
Quirites,  since  you  considered  me  as  the  fittest,  to  whom 
this  Macedonian  war  might  be  confided  (3).  For,  in  fact, 
to  this  war,  which  has  been  protracted  (4)  in  a  disgrace- 
ful manner,  such  an  issue  must  be  given,  as  is  worthy 
of  the  Roman  name.  I  hope,  however,  in  the  first  place, 
that  the  Gods  will  help  (5)  me;  then  I  venture  to  affirm 
for  certain,  that  I  shall  endeavour  with  all  my  might 
to  show  you,  that  you  did  not  in  vain  place  your  hope 
in  me.  What  is  necessary  for  the  war,  has  been  decreed 
by  the  senate.  As  I  must  start  at  once,  my  colleague 
C.  Licinius  will  make  all  these  preparations  with  the 
same  zeal,  as  if  he  himself  had  to  conduct (6)  this  war. 
If,  however,  I  shall  write  anything  to  the  senate  or  to 
you,  you  will  consider  me  more  worthy  to  be  believed, 
than  the  various  rumours,  which  are  usually  spread 
about  (7)  without  a  certain  author.  Scarcely  any  one 
despises  (8)  rumours  so  far  that  his  mind  should  never 
be  alarmed  (9).  In  all  circles  and  even  at  all  banquets, 
there  are  people,  who  conduct  armies  to  Macedonia,  who 
know  where  the  camp  must  be  pitched  (10),  what  places 
must  be  garrisoned  (11),  where  storehouses  are  to  be 
erected  (12).  No  one  is  found  who  equals  them  in  the 
skill  of  finding  out  how,  by  land  and  by  sea,  pro\'isions 
are  to  be  supplied  (13),  when  fighting  must  be  done  (14) 
with  the  enemy,  when  it  is  better  to  keep  within  the 

camp. 

No.  117. 

Chapter  II. 
And  there  are  very  few  who  only  utter  their  opinion 
of  what  is  to  be  done ;  many  are  so  arrogant  as  to  con- 


(3)  committere.  (4)  bellum  ducere,  or  trahere.  (5)  adesse. 
(6)  Periphr.  Conjiig.  (7)  divulgari.  (8)  by  conteinptorem  esse. 
(9)  perturbare,  debilitare.  (10)  locare.  (11)  praesidiis  confirmare. 
(12)  ponere.    (13)  advehere.    (14)  confligere,  manus  conserere. 


demn  the  general  in  his  absence  as  if  he  had  been  ac- 
cused before  them  and  brought  to  trial.     These  things 
greatly  hinder  the  commander  in   well   conducting   his 
affairs.     For   few  are  of  so  strong  a  mind   against   an 
unfavourable  (1)  rumour,  that,  like  Fabius  the  Lingerer, 
they  prefer  (2)  their  chief  command  to  be  restricted  (3) 
by  the  vanity  of  the  people,  to  less  carefully  managing  (4) 
the  affairs  of  the  state.    I  do  not  fear  that  any  one  may 
interpret  this  as  arrogance   on   my   part;    the   affair   is 
important  enough  (5)  to  be  considered  with  the  greatest 
care.    I  am  not  the  man  to  believe,  that  the  commanders 
ought  not  to  be  admonished;  no  (6),  I  deem  that  man 
who  carries  out  everything  exclusively  (7)  according  to 
his  own  opinion,  rather  a  proud  than  a  wise  man.    But 
only  few  are  fit  to  give  advice  to  the  commander  with 
prudence.     Wliere  is  the  commander  who  does  not  glad- 
ly avail  himself  of  the  counsel  of  those  who  are  skilled 
in  warfare?     But  those  are  the  ablest  to   give  advice, 
who  are  themselves  present  at  the   operations  (8) ,   who 
behold   the   enemy,    the   place,   the   opportunity  of  the 
times,  with  their  own (9)  eyes.     Hence,  if  there  be  any 
one  who  is  confident  of  being  able  to  give  useful  advice 
{Plur.)  in  this  war,  I  do  not  doubt,  that  he  will  be  a 
most   agreeable   companion  to  me.     I   shall  share  with 
him  my  vessel,  my  horses,  my  tent,  and  my  meals.    But 
if  there  be  no  one,  to  whom  this  is  pleasing,  no  one  will 
think  himself  fit  to  command  (10)  me  from  the  land,  how, 
on  the  open  sea,  I  have  to  steer(ll)  my  tossed (12)  vessel. 
The  city  offers  topics  enough  in  which  the  idle  can  delight. 
No  one  may  fear,  that,  in  the  camp  itself,  good  advice 
(Bur.)   will   be   wanting   to   us'^.  —  Thus  L.  Aemilius 

No.  117.  (1)  adversus.  (2)  malle.  (3)  minuere,  also  obtrectare. 
(4)  gerere,  administrare.  (5)  satis  gravis,  or  Superlat  of  dignus. 
Oram.  ^  258.  (6)  immo.  (7)  by  unUs.  See  Gram.  §  238.  9. 
(8)  res  gerenda.  (9)  suus  only.  (10)  imperare.  (11)  gubernare. 
(12)  jactare. 


i 


11 


150 


Pabt  I. 


PauUus  went  to  war  and  soon    after   led  the  captured 
king  Perseus  to  Rome. 

No.  118. 

The  Areopagus  of  the  Athenians. 

Not  unjustly  has  the  Athenian  state  been  extolled 
by  the  ancients  with  many  praises,  because  it  possessed  (1) 
the  Areopagus.  This  was  a  very  grave  and  sacred  as- 
sembly, which  passed  judgment  not  only  on  the  greatest 
crimes,  but  also  on  the  morals  of  the  citizens.  No  one 
was  received  into  it,  unless  he  had  faithfully  discharged 
the  office  of  an  Archon.  The  trials  were  conducted  at 
midnight  and  without  light  (2),  because,  if  they  were 
held  during  the  day (3),  the  judges  could  easily  be  moved 
by  the  miserable  sight  of  the  accused.  One  by  one  they 
gave  their  votes  amid  the  deepest  silence,  so  that  no 
one  could  know,  what  had  been  decided  by  the  other. 
Once  the  Areopagites  are  said  to  have  condemned  a  boy 
who  had  been  accustomed  to  tear  out  (4),  with  cruel 
pleasure  (5)  the  eyes  of  birds.  For  they  judged,  that 
this  was  a  token  of  a  very  bad  disposition,  which,  in 
the  future  (6),  might  threaten  harm  to  many.  By  the 
same  Areopagites  a  most  careful  inquiry  was  carried  on, 
what  each  of  the  Athenians  was  doing  (7),  and  by  what 
business (8)  he  sustained  his  life;  and  one  who  did  not 
Kve  honestly,  they  punished  by  their  judgment.  In  law- 
suits (9)  the  Areopagus  was  most  just.  Demosthenes  ex- 
tols it  with  the  highest  praises,  because  it  had  never,  in 
any  action  (10),  passed  a  judgment,  with  which  either  of 
the  quarrelling  parties  (11)  had  not  been  satisfied.  It  is 
not  certain,  at  what  time  the  Areopagus  was  established. 
Some  ascribe  its  origin  to  Ares,   the   war  God  of  the 

No.  118.  (1)  uti,  habere.  (2)  lumen  (Bur.)  (3)  interdiu. 
(4)  effodere.  (5)  libido.  -(6)  in  posterum.  (7)  agere.  (8)  quae- 
stus.  (9)  in  litibus  dijudicandis.  (10)  causa.  (11)  litigantes 
{Mascul.). 


Section  x. 


151 


Greeks,  some  to  Solon.  Cicero  does  not  doubt,  that 
Solon  has  better  deserved  (12)  of  the  state,  than  even 
Themistocles,  because  the  former  instituted  the  Areo- 
})agus.  However  that  may  be,  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
that  its  origin  must  be  referred  to  the  time,  before 
Pisistratus  entered  upon  (13)  the  administration  of  public 
affairs.  It  existed  still  in  the  time  of  the  Apostle  St. 
Paul,  since  we  learn  from  the  Acts  (14)  of  the  Apostles, 
why  the  Apostle  was  conducted  before  (15)  the  Areopagus, 
and  what  was  the  result  (16)  of  his  speech  there. 


No.  119. 

Something  about  Xenophon. 

Socrates  once  met(l)  Xenophon  in  a  narrow  street, 
before  he  had  become  acquainted  (2)  with  him.  When 
he,  therefore,  saw  that  handsome  (3)  and  modest  youth, 
he  prevented  him  from  continuing  his  way  (4)  by  holding 
out  (5)  his  stick.  As  soon  as  the  youth  had  stopped  (6), 
Socrates  asked  him,  where  the  things  were  bought,  which 
men  need  for  living.  And  when  Xenophon  at  once  an- 
swered at  this:  „In  the  market-place",  Socrates  asked 
him  again,  where  youths  were  made  good  and  honest 
men.  And  when  Xenophon  replied,  that  he  did  not 
know,  where  this  was  done,  Socrates  said:  ^Follow  me, 
and  you  will  learn  it".  —  Xenophon  doubted,  whether 
he  should  go  with  the  Spartans  to  C3rrus  in  Asia,  or 
whether  it  was  better  to  remain  at  Athens.  He,  there- 
fore, asked  Socrates,  what  he  advised  him  to  do.  And 
he  advised  him,  to  consult  Apollo.  Xenophon,  therefore, 
travelled  to  Delphi  and  asked  the  oracle,   to  what  God 

(12)  melius  mereri  de.  (13)  accedere  ad.  Gram.  §  288.  1. 
(14)  acta,  — orum.    (15)  in,  with  Ace.    (16)  exitus,  eventus. 

No.  119.  (1)  occurrere,  obvium  esse.  (2)  cognoscere  (=  „^o 
6e?.  acq.  with^^).  (3)  formosus.  (4)  iter  continuare.  (5)  porrigere 
Ablaf.  ahsol.    (6)  consistere. 


152 


Part  i. 


he  must  offer  sacrifices  that  his  voyage  to  Asia  might 
have  a  prosperous  success.  Apollo  answered:  „To  those 
to  whom  it  is  a  duty  to  offer  sacrifices".  And  Xeno- 
phon  communicated  this  to  Socrates.  Socrates,  however, 
reproved  (7)  him,  that  he  had  asked,  to  what  God  sacri- 
fices should  be  offered  up.  „You  ought  to  have  asked, 
he  said,  whether  it  was  better  for  you  to  go  or  not. 
But  since  you  have  asked  othei-wise,  offer  sacrifices  and 
go".  —  Whether  Xenophon  was  present  (8)  at  the  battle 
near  Delion  in  the  year  424  before  Christ,  and  whether 
he  was  saved  in  that  battle  by  Socrates,  may  be  doubted, 
but  it  cannot  be  questioned  (9) ,  that  he  was  a  pupil  of 
Socrates,  and  that  in  his  fom*  books  of  the  Memorabilia 
of  Socrates  he  gives  a  better  picture  (10)  of  his  teacher, 
than  Plato  in  his  dialogues.  Though  it  is  uncertain, 
whether,  after  his  return  from  Asia,  he  was  sent,  or 
went,  of  liis  o^ti  accord,  into  exile,  and  whether  he  died 
at  Corinth,  or  somewhere  else,  yet  no  one  can  doubt, 
that  he  really  died  in  exile. 

No.  120. 

Something  about  Diogenea. 
Antisthenes,  the  teacher  of  Diogenes,  died  from 
disease.  When  he  was  lying (1)  ill,  Diogenes  came  to 
him  and  asked,  whether  he  needed  a  friend.  And  An- 
tisthenes, tortured  with  the  greatest  pain,  exclaimed  re- 
peatedly (2):  „Is  there  nobody,  who  is  able  to  free  me 
from  this  pain?"  And  Diogenes  went  out,  but  soon 
returned  and  brought  Antisthenes  a  dagger  (3).  „Will 
this  not  be  able  to  free  you?"  said  he,  handing  the 
dagger  over  to  him.  Whereupon  Antisthenes  said:  „I 
did  not  ask,    who   might  be   able  to  free  me  from  my 


(7)  vituperare.    (8)  interesse.    (9)  in  dubium  vocare.    (10)  me- 
lius describere  aliquem. 

No.  120.      (1)  decumbere.     (2)  identidem.     (3)  pugio. 


Section  x. 


153 


hfe,  but  from  my  pain."  —  But  the  same  Diogenes 
seems  himself  to  have  been  fond  (4)  of  his  life.  For 
when  he  had  been  prostrated  (5)  by  a  violent  sickness,  one 
of  his  enemies  asked  him  mockingly  (6),  why  he  did  not 
rather  wish  to  die;  whether  he  would  not  free  himself 
fi-om  so  great  sufferings.  Whereupon  Diogenes  replied: 
„Did  you  never  learn,  how  a  man  must (7)  speak  and 
how  he  must  act?"  And  as  the  former  was  silent, 
Diogenes  said:  „Does  it  not  seem  fair  to  you,  that  those 
should  live,  who  know  how  to  speak  and  act  correctly 
in  life?  You,  therefore,  must  die,  as  you  have  not 
learned  to  sjDeak  and  act  with  honesty  (8);  but  as  I  my- 
self know  this  art,  I  must  wish  to  be  amongst  the  liv- 
ing, that  I  may  be  useful  to  them."  —  When  the  same 
Diogenes,  one  day,  was  asked,  what  he  had  done,  or 
what  he  was  doing,  why  he  was  called  a  dog,  he  said: 
„ Because  I  flatter (9)  those,  who  give  me  something, 
bark  at (10)  those,  who  give  me  nothing,  and  bite  the 
wicked."  —  Once  Diogenes  was  captured  by  pirates  and 
brought  to  Corinth  to  be  sold.  Being  asked  what  art 
he  knew,  he  answered:  „I  know  very  well,  how  peoj;)le 
must  be  ruled."  Whereupon  he  advised  the  crier (11) 
to  ask,  whether  any  one  was  willing  to  buy  for  himself 
a  master.  —  Wlien  he  was  asked,  in  which  part  of 
Greece  he  had  seen  true  and  excellent  men,  he  said: 
„Men  I  saw  nowhere,    but  boys  I  saw  at  Lacedaemon." 

No.  121. 

On  Divination  (1). 

There  have  always  been  men,  who  endeavoured  to  know 
beforehand,  what  good  or  evil  would  happen  (2)  to  them 


(4)  adamare.  (5)  dejicere,  prosternere.  (6)  irridere.  (7)  Ft- 
i-iphr.  Caiijug.  (8)  honeste,  cum  honestate.  (9)  adulari.  (10)  alla- 
trare  {though  rare).    (11)  praeco. 

No.  121.  (1)  divinatio,  or  ars  divinandi.  (2)  bg  esse.  See 
Gram,  ff  144.  1. 


154 


Pakt  I. 


Section  x. 


155 


^' 


in  life.  And  yet  what  is  there,  what  is  more  obscure 
and  difficult  to  know  (3),  than  the  future?  There  is  no 
one  who  is  able  to  say,  whether  this  day  will  be  the 
last  of  his  life  or  not.  And  very  prudently  has  God 
himself  concealed  from  men,  what  good  or  evil  may 
befall  them,  or  how  long  a  life  he  has  determined  to 
grant  them.  For  how  few  (4)  are  there  out  of  so  many 
thousand  men,  who  are  able  to  bear  the  present  with 
an  even  mind!  What  would  happen,  if  men  knew  the 
future?  Nevertheless,  in  the  remotest  times,  there  were 
already  many  who  tried  (5)  to  predict  the  future  from 
certain  signs.  Truly,  there  is  nothing  which  is  more 
absurd;  and  yet,  many  suffered  themselves  to  be  deceiv- 
ed by  such  foUy.  The  Greek  oracles,  indeed,  have,  by 
their  wise  moderation  and  prudent  advice,  often  been 
very  useful  to  those  who  consulted  them  (6);  but  who 
is  there  who  doubts,  that  they  oftener  abused  the  cre- 
dulity of  men  for  gain  and  profit?  But  what  shall  one 
say  about  the  divination  of  the  Romans?  Can  it  have 
any  influence  (7)  on  the  issue  of  an  undertaking,  whether 
the  victim  has  two  livers,  or  is  found  without  any  (8)? 
And  yet  the  haruspices,  who  practised  this  art,  had 
great  authority  (9)  with  the  people.  But  the  augurs, 
who  are  sometimes  called  auspices,  divined  from  the 
flight (10)  or  singing  of  birds,  or  from  the  hunger  of 
hens.  But  is  there  any  reference  (11)  to  the  victory  or 
defeat  of  an  army,  whether  the  hens  have  eaten  (12) 
greedily  or  not?  Again  (13)  it  is  certainly  of  no  im- 
portance, whether  the  birds  have  been  flying  from  the 
right  or  from  the  left,  whether  they  have  been  singing 
or  have  not  appeared  at  all.  The  whole  art  of  divi- 
nation is,  therefore,  void  (14)  of  all  reason. 

(3)  Gram.  §  291.  (4)  quotusquisque  {Singul.).  (5)  conari. 
(6)  Fartic.  Constr.  (7)  quidquam  valere  ad.  (8)  Repeat  Stibsf. 
(9)  esse,  with  Ahlat.  qiial.  (10)  volatus.  (11)  pertinere  ad.  (12)  pasci. 
(13)  item.     (14)  expers,  icith  Gen.;  inanis,  with  AU, 


No.  122. 

The  Countries,   in  Which  (1)    the  Greek  and  Latin  Lan- 
guages Were  Understood  (2)    at   the    Time,    When    the 
Christian  Beligion  Began  to  Spread. 

It  came  to  pass  in  the  order  of  (3)  Divine  Provi- 
dence, that  people,  at  the  time,  when  Christ  was  bom, 
could  be  easily  understood,  as  the  same  language  pre- 
vailed almost  everywhere,  and  that  nearly  the  whole, 
known  world  had  the  same  government  (4).  If  in  one 
country  people  had  spoken  this,  in  another  another (5) 
language  (6) ,  what  difficulties  would  those  have  had, 
who  had  to  announce  everywhere,  that  Christ,  the  Sa- 
\dour  of  the  world  (7),  had  appeared.  If  many  kings 
and  rulers  had  been  in  the  different  countries,  how 
would  the  Apostles  and  their  disciples  have  been  prevented 
by  them  from  going  from  one  empire  to  another  (8)! 
If  this  king  had  received  them  as  friends,  they  would 
perhaps  have  been  refused,  for  that  very  reason,  as 
enemies  by  the  other.  But  owing  to  the  expeditions  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  and  through  the  empires  and  cities, 
founded (9)  by  his  generals  in  Asia  and  Africa,  the 
Greek  language  and  literature  had  spread,  if  not  every- 
where, at  least  in  the  most  populous  countries.  Antioch, 
as  Cicero  mentions,  was  filled  with  learned  men;  but  he 
means  (10)  the  Greeks.  „Greek,  says  he,  is  read  by 
almost  all  nations,  Latin  is  confined  to  pretty  narrow 
limits."  In  Media,  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  and  almost  all 
parts  of  Asia,  Greek  cities  had  been  built,  and  in  almost 
all  other  cities  Greeks  had  immigrated.  They  had 
likewise  spread  in  Palestine  and  Phoenicia.     „  Conquered 

No.  122.  (1)  Gram.  §  238.  5.  (2)  Graece  et  Latine  scire. 
(3)  y,in  the  order  of^  =  by.  (4)  uno  imperio  contineri.  (5)  Gram. 
§  238.  7.  3.  (6)  lingua  loqui.  (7)  Salvator  hominum,  here  also 
mundi.  (8)  Transl.  „from  empire  to  empire*^.  Gram.  §  238.  7.  3. 
(9)  constituere.     (10)  dicere,  significare. 


156 


Part  i. 


Section  x. 


157 


Greece,  says  Horace,  has  brought  the  arts  into  savage 
Latiiim."  Even  slaves  commanded  a  higher  price  (11), 
if  they  understood  Greek.  Cicero  spoke  Greek  (12)  in 
the  senate  at  Syracuse,  which,  however,  was  made  an 
object  of  reproach  to  him  by  Verres.  When  the  i)ro- 
consul  P.  Crassus  went  to  Asia  about  the  year  130 
before  Christ,  to  make  war  against  Aristonicus,  who 
was  about  to  take  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Perga- 
mum,  he  showed  himself  so  kind  towards  the  Greeks, 
that,  if  any  one  was  accused  before  his  tribunal  in  the 
Ionian  dialect,  he  pronounced  judgment  (IB)  in  the  same, 
or  in  the  Attic,  or  Doric,  or  Aeolian,  if  they  had  so 
addressed  him. 

No.  123. 

Chapter  n. 

Victorious  Augustus  addressed  the  people  at  Alexan- 
dria in  the  Greek  tongue,  and  a  certain  Mucian  induced, 
by  his  Greek  eloquence,  the  inhabitants  of  Antioch  to 
acknowledge  Vespasian  as  emperor.  Molo  from  Rhodes, 
the  teacher  of  Cicero,  was  already  allowed,  without 
an  interpreter,  to  speak  Greek  in  the  senate.  At  the 
time  of  Valerius  Maximus,  who  lived  under  the  emjyeror 
Tiberius,  the  curia  resoimded  with  Greek  transactions (1). 
The  emperor  Claudius  addressed  the  ambassadors,  who 
lived  in  the  provinces,  in  Latin,  when  they  were  of 
Eoman  descent,  and  he  required  them  to  answer  him  in 
the  same  language;  but  to  Greek  ambassadors  he  spoke, 
with  fluency  (2),  in  the  Greek  language.  In  short,  it 
is  an  error,  if  some  believe,  that  Greece  was  long 
unknown  to  the  Eomans,  especially  in  the  oldest  times. 
In  Italy  the  Delphian  oracle,  as  Herodotus  relates,  was 

(11)  Gram.   §  218.   1.  or  2.     (12)  Graece  loqui.     (13)  senten- 
tiam  dicere. 

No.  123.      (1)  actionibus    resonare.      (2)  copiose    loqui    apud 
aliquem. 


already  known  in  the  second  century  after  the  building 
of  Rome,  in  the  city  itself  at  least  under  Tarquin  the 
Proud.  But  if  the  Sibylline  books  were  already  of 
great  authority  under  the  king  whom  I  have  just  men- 
tioned, who  will  then  doubt,  that  the  Romans,  at  that 
time,  knew  Greek?  When  Cicero,  in  his  books  on  the 
state,  speaks  of  the  times  of  the  last  king  of  Rome, 
he  says:  „At  that  time  there  was  a  by  no  means  in- 
significant rivulet  flowing  into  this  city  from  Greece,  but 
a  mighty  stream  of  sciences  and  arts.''  In  the  speech, 
which  Caesiir  delivered  on  the  punishment  of  Catiline's 
companions,  he  does  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  the  Ro- 
mans had  always  been  ready,  if  they  had  found 
anything  good  in  other  nations,  to  receive  it  from  them; 
that,  in  the  choice  of  punishment,  they  had  imitated 
the  Greeks.  Nor  can  it  be  doubted,  unless  we  refuse 
credit (3)  perchance  to  trustworthy  authors,  that  the 
Romans  at  the  time,  when  the  twelve  Tables  were  put 
up,  knew  the  laws  of  Greece. 

No.  124. 

Chapter  HI. 

Pliny  records,  that  the  Decemviri  had  a  certain 
Hermodorus  of  Ephesus  as  interpreter  of  the  Greek 
laws,  and  a  pillar  had  been  erected  to  this  man.  Cicero 
says  somewhere,  though  he  exaggerates  (1)  the  matter: 
„It  is  believed,  that  the  cultivation  of  literature,  that 
learning,  religion,  the  fruits  of  the  field,  jurisprudence 
and  laws  had  come  from  the  Athenians  and  been  spread 
into  all  countries".  But  if  any  one  were  of  the  opinion, 
that  the  Romans  had  not  cared  to  spread  their  own 
language,    he    would    be    greatly    mistaken  (2).      How 


■■1] 


(3)  iidem  abrogare. 

\o.  124.     (1)  augere.      (2)  maxime  falli,   or  after  id  (res)  me 
luaxime  fallit. 


158 


Past  i. 


Section  x. 


159 


n 


m 


much  the  Eoman  magistrates,  in  earlier  times,  guarded 
their  own  and  the  Roman  people's  authority,  can  be 
understood  from  the  ftict,  that  they  persisted  (3)  with 
great  firmness  in  never  giving  an  answer  to  the  Greeks 
except  in  Latin.  Nay,  they  forced  them,  not  only  at 
Eome,  but  also  in  Greece  and  Asia,  to  speak  through 
an  interpreter,  that  the  authority  of  the  Latin  tongue 
might  appear  the  more  glorious  with  all  nations.  If 
the  emperor  Tiberius  had  not  spoken  Greek  well  (4),  it 
would  have  been  attributed  to  his  ignorance,  that  he 
refused  to  accept  the  testimony  of  a  centurion  in 
Greek  (5).  But  he  cared  so  much  for  the  dignity  of 
the  Latin  language,  that  he  prevented  the  speaking  of 
Greek  in  the  senate,  and  did  not  wish  Greek  words  to 
be  mixed  up  with  the  Latin.  Though  soldiei^  were 
asked  in  Greek  before  a  court,  yet  they  had  to  answer 
in  Latin,  whereby  they  were  forced  to  learn  some 
Latin (6).  In  the  time  of  St.  Augustine,  as  he  himself 
says,  very  few  in  Africa  would  have  answered,  if  they 
had  been  asked  in  Punic  (7),  but  the  Liitin  language 
was  so  common,  that  children  learned  it,  as  it  were, 
whilst  playing,  from  their  nurses  and  guardians (8).  In 
the  time  of  TertuUian  the  Bible  had  long  been  trans- 
lated into  Latin  (9).  Plutarch  is  of  opinion,  that  all 
men  speak  Latin,  and  Strabo  relates,  that  in  Gaul 
many  had  assumed  (10)  the  Roman  language  and  Roman 
manners,    and    could    not    be     called    barbarians    any 

longer. 

No.  125. 

Chapter  IV. 
When  once  the  consul  Claudius,  as  we  read(l)  in 
Dio  Cassius,  another  Greek  writer,  put  a  question   to 

(3)  perseverare.  (4)  bene  Graece  loqui.  (5)  Graece  dictum. 
(6)  nonnihil  Latine  loqui  discere.  (7)  Punice.  (8)  nutrix  et 
custos.    (9)  in  Latinum  convertere,  Latine  reddere.     (10)  uti. 

No.    125.    (1)  scriptum  videmus,  scriptum  est  in,  or  apud. 


an  ambassador,  who  was  a  Lycian  by  birth,  but  had  obtain- 
ed the  Roman  citizenship,  and  the  latter,  on  account  of 
the  ignorance  of  Latin,  did  not  understand  the  question, 
the  consul  deprived  him  of  the  citizenship,  adding, 
that  no  one  ought  to  be  a  Roman,  if  he  did  not  under- 
stand the  language  (2)  of  the  Romans.  The  edicts  of 
the  praetors  were  proclaimed  to  the  conquered  nations 
only  in  the  Latin  language  (3),  and  thus,  as  St.  Augus- 
tine says,  the  domineering  state  put  on  the  subdued 
states  not  only  its  yoke,  but  also  its  language.  Yet 
we  read  (1),  that  Roman  edicts  were  published  (4)  at 
Tyre  and  Sidon  in  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages.  In 
several  places  Latin  and  Greek  were  understood  equally 
well.  St.  Caesarius,  bishop  of  Aries,  would  not  have 
ordered  Latin  and  Greek  psalms  and  hymns  to  be  sung 
in  the  churches  of  the  city,  if  both  languages  had  not 
been  spoken  (5)  there.  But  if  we  consider  (6) ,  how 
many  schools  of  Rhetoric  (7)  had  been  established  in  the 
provinces  already  under  the  first  Roman  emperors,  we 
shall  easily  understand,  that  the  custom  of  speaking 
Liitin  was  more  and  more  spreading.  After  Vespasian 
had  assigned  (8)  100,000  sesterces  (9)  yearly  from  the 
imperial  treasury  (10)  to  the  Rhetoricians  at  Rome, 
Antoninus  Pius  conferred  honours  and  salaries  (11)  upon 
the  Rhetoricians,  philosophers  and  grammarians,  not 
only  in  the  city,  but  in  all  provinces.  How  many 
Latin  writers  of  the  first  Christian  centuries  came  from 
Spain  alone,  is  well  known;  from  Gaul  came  Petronius, 
Eumenius,  Ausonius  of  Bordeaux,  Sidonius  ApoUinaris, 
Hilarius,  bishop  of  Poitiers,  and  others.    If  the  writings 


(2)  linguam  scire.  (3)  edicta  Latine  proponere.  (4)  promul- 
gare.  Arelatensis.  (5)  See  122,  6.  (6)  Fut.  Perf.  (7)  Rhetorum 
scholae.  (8)  constituere.  (9)  1,000  sestertii  =  1  sestertium 
hence  100,000  sestertii  =  100  sestertia.  For  100  im  Distribut 
Num.  (10)  fiscus  (=  „imper.  treas.^^).  (11)  salarium,  or  merces 
annua.    Burdigalensis ;  Pictavicus;  Lugdunum,  — nensis. 


160 


Pabt  I. 


Section  x. 


161 


m 


of  the  younger  Pliny  were  for  sale  at  the  bookseUer^s 
at  Lyons,  many  other  Latin  books  were  there  also 
If  we  consider (6)  all  this,  we  must  confess,  that  those 
two  languages  have  been  spread  so  widely  by  God's 
providence  and  wisdom,  in  order  more  easily  and  more 
quickly  to  spread  the  doctrines  of  Christ. 

No.  126. 

What  the  Heathens  (1)   Asked  of  Their  Gods,  and  How 

They  Did  It? 

It  has  been  asked,  whether  the  Greeks  and  Eomans 
and   other  nations   begged  of  their  Gods  only  for  good 
health  and  riches,   or  for  virtue  and  piety  and  sanctity 
also;  whether  they  demanded  from  them  blessings  only 
for   themselves   or  for  others,   too.     What  the  Persians 
were   allowed   by  the  law  to  ask  during    the  sacrifices, 
we  learn  from  Herodotus.    He  relates  (2)  that  they  were 
forbidden   to  ask   for   their  own  personal  welfare;    they 
could  only  ask  for  the  welfare  of  all  the  Persians,  since 
in  that  (3)  the  welfare  of  each  one  was  included.     How 
the  Lacedaemonians   besought   the  Gods   to  grant   them 
the  good  and  the  beautiful,  and  to  give  them  the  power 
(factdtas)   to   suffer  injuries,   is   likewise  known.     What 
shall  I  say  of  Socrates?  The  sophist  Maximus,  who  liv- 
ed(4)   at   the   time  of  the  emperor  Commodus,   relates, 
what  Socrates  continually  asked  of  the  Gods,  with  how 
many  prayers  he  begged  them  for  virtue,  for  tranquillity 
of  the  soul,   for  innocence  of  life,   for  hope  of  a  good 
death.    Nor   can   it  be  doubted,   what  Plato  advises  to 
ask   for,    since   he  admonishes  all  men,    to  beseech  the 
Gods  by  sacrifices,  by  prayers  and  vows,  to  be  allowed 
to  live  m  continual  communication  (5)  with  them.    From 


Xo.  126.  (1)  qui  verae  religionis  erant  ignari.  (2)  memo- 
riae prodidit  (.vtth  Ace.  c.  Inf.).  (3)  by  quippe  qui.  (4)  florere. 
{o)  commumtas.     Constr,  after  Gram.  ^'  S07.    1. 


ancient  writers  we  learn  also,  in  what  manner  the  Greeks 
began  and  ended  their  daily  work,  even  their  meals. 
It  cannot  be  doubtful,  whether  they  rightly  or  wrong- 
ly believed  that  there  were  many  Gods,  since  it  is 
against  reason  to  believe  this,  but  it  can  rightly 
be  asked,  whether  we  are  worthy  of  the  Christian 
name  if  we  do  not  imitate  them  in  praying  (6)  in 
the  morning  and  evening,  before  and  after  (7)  meals. 
Also  among  the  Romans  many  believed  that  the 
Gods  knew  best,  what  is  useful  to  us.  „ Leave  that 
to  the  Gods,  says  Juvenal,  to  consider  what  is  most 
fitting  and  most  useful  for  us  in  all  our  affairs."  And 
do  you  wish  to  know,  what  the  ancients  required  in 
order  that  our  prayers  may  be  heard  by  the  Gods? 
„The  Gods  do  not  consider,  says  Pliny,  how  studied  (8) 
the  prayers  of  their  worshippers  are,  but  of  how  great 
innocence  and  sanctity  their  life  is."  The  ancients  were 
also  convinced,  that  a  praying  man  should,  by  the 
motion  and  attitude  of  his  body,  show,  what  was  going 
on  in  his  soul  (9).  This  was  the  reason,  why  they  lift- 
ed up  their  hands  to  Heaven,  why  they  fell  on  their 
knees  (10),  why  they  kissed  the  images  of  the  Gods. 
This  was  also  the  reason,  why  Julius  Caesar,  when  he, 
after  his  fourfold  triumph,  was  on  the  point  of  offering 
up  his  thanksgivings  to  the  Capitoline  Juppiter,  ascend- 
ed, as  Dio  Cassius  relates  (2),  on  his  knees  (11),  the 
single  steps  to  the  Capitol.  Can,  then,  any  doubt  re- 
main, whether  it  is  a  disgrace  or  an  honour  for  a 
Christian  to  bend  his  knees  before  him  (12),  who  is  the 
only  true  God?  No,  we  must  consider  him  a  fool,  who 
deliberates,  whether  he  should  do  so  much  honour  to 
God  or  not. 

(6)  Deum  precari.  (7)  iSee  Gram.  §  305.  3.  Note.  (8)  accura- 
tus.  (9)  animo  agitari.  (10)  genibus  niti.  (11)  Ahlat.  instrum. 
(12)  genua  ponere  alicui. 


MUIler,  Exercises. 


11 


162 


Part  i. 


SECTION  XI. 

Use  of  the  Imperative. 

(Grammar  §  264  and  "265.) 
No.  127. 

A  Father  to  His  Son(l). 

How  we  are  doing  (2)  and  what  news  has  occurred 
here,  you  learn  from  the  letter  of  your  mother.  Con- 
sider her  admonitions  carefully  and  follow  them  con- 
scientiously (3).  The  precepts  of  a  good  mother  are 
generally  more  efficacious  for  an  honest  life,  than  the 
sayings  of  wise  men.  For  you  see,  that  your  mother 
confirms  all  her  precepts  by  her  own  example;  and 
having  been  accustomed  by  her  to  obey,  you  have 
learned  by  usage,  not  only  how  great  a  sweetness,  but 
also  how  great  an  advantage  springs  from  this  obe- 
dience (4).  The  life  of  the  so-called  wise  men,  however, 
it  is  to  be  regretted  (5),  contrasts  (6)  too  often  with  then- 
own  doctrines,  so  that  this  or  that  one  could  be  ad- 
vised: „Do  yourself  what  you  deem  to  be  so  honest, 
before  you  bid  others  to  do  it".  But  do  not,  therefore, 
believe,  that  their  precepts  are  esteemed  little  by  me; 
you  know,  indeed,  that  I  often  make  use  of  them  both 
to  encourage  (7)  myself  by  them  and  to  instruct  others. 
But  believe  me  in  this  also,  that  out  of  those  wise  men, 
who,  at  the  same  time,  have  been  the  best,  very  man}' 
either  owed  the  pith  (8)  of  their  wisdom  to  a  mother, 
or  at  least  wished  to  have  received  it  through  a  mother's 
instruction  (9).  Therefore  do  not  withdraw  (10)  from  the 
precepts  of  these  men.     I  myself  have  added  some  pre- 


yo.  127.  (1)  salutem  dicere.  See  Gram,  ff  308,  3,  (2)  valere. 
(3)  religiosus.  (4)  obsequium,  oboedientia.  (5)  dolendum  est 
quod.  (6)  pngnare.  (7)  corroborare,  confirmare.  (8)  dysummus. 
(9)  institutio.    (10)  se  subtrabere  alicui  rei  {„from''^). 


Section  xi. 


163 


cepts  of  this  kind  for  your  benefit.  Listen,  then,  to 
them  and  use  them  well.  First  of  all  (11)  honour  God 
and  refer  to  Him  whatever  happens  to  you.  Just  (12) 
this  has  always  been  your  mother's  first  rule  (=  pre- 
cept). If  you  are  going  to  begin  (13)  any  difficult  work, 
first  implore  Gk)d's  help,  being  frilly  convinced  (14),  that, 
without  it,  you  can  achieve  nothing  at  all;  and  then  go 
to  your  work.  As  soon,  however,  as  you  have  com- 
menced, persevere  in  the  work  itself  with  so  great  a 
zeal  and  such  confidence  (15),  as  if  you  had  to  accom- 
•plish  everything  by  yourself. 

No.  138. 

Chapter  II. 

Whatever  you  deem  so  important  as  to  feel  obliged 
to  do  it,  you  must  always  deem  so  important  as  to  do 
it  well.  Hence  if  you  are  going  to  pray(l),  pray  well; 
if  you  are  going  to  read  or  write,  read  and  write  well; 
and  likewise  in  all  other  things.  For  be  convinced,  that 
thus  not  only  the  single  actions  (2)  will  be  carried  out 
best,  but  that  also  the  mind  will  be  strengthened  (3) 
unto  a  manly  firmness.  Prepare (4)  yourself  so,  that 
you  are  more  efficient  (5)  than  others,  but  live  so  with 
all,  as  if  all  could  do  the  same.  Riches  despise,  but  do 
not  despise  him,  who  uses  his  riches  well;  for  he  is 
worthy  of  true  honour.  In  order,  therefore,  to  have 
what  you  may  be  able  to  use  well,  take  pains  to  ac- 
quire riches  by  honest  labour.  My  son,  do  not  despise 
little  things;  he  who  has  proved  himself  faithful  and 
careful  in  small  things,  will  advance  (6)  to  greater  things. 
Do  not  quarrel  (7)  with  an  irritable  man;  for  you  will 

(11)  omnium  primum,  also  ante  omnia.  (12)  bi/  ipse.  (13)  Pe- 
riphr,  Conjug.     (14)  ita  sentiens  atque  intelligens.     (15)  fiducia. 

No.  128.  (1)  orare,  with  and  without  Deum.  (2)  singula 
quaeque.  (3)  corroborare.  (4)  comparare,  instruere.  (5)  plus 
valere,  or  posse.    (6)  evehi.    (7)  disputare,  certare, 

11* 


164 


Part  i. 


Section  xi. 


165 


provoke  his  anger,  but  not  arrive  at  the  truth.    Eejoice, 
if  your  friend  prospers,  but  do  not  rejoice,  if  your  enemy 
goes  to  ruin  (8).    Do  not  wish  to  be  considered  mightier 
than  others.     Do  not  laugh  at  one  who  makes  mistakes 
in  his  speech;   for  not  even  (9)  you  are  master  of  your 
tongue (10);   hence  rather  excuse  him,   as  much  as  you 
can,  and  say,  that  he  has  only  erred  in  his  word,  but 
had  the  truth  in  his  mind.     Have  always  the  truth  be- 
fore your  eyes.     To  be  silent  is  often  both  useful  and 
honest;   but  to  depart  from  the  truth  is  never  honest, 
therefore  not  useful  either.    Join  (11)  wiser  men,  if  they 
do  not  unwillingly  bear  you;   but  avoid  fools.     Do  not 
irritate  one  who  is  more  powerful;  the  weaker,  however, 
do  not  hurt,  but  protect  him,  if  he  be  hurt  by  others. 
Flee  from  bad  people;  the  famLliarity(12)  with  the  bad 
easily  effects,  that  you  yourself  become  worse;  but  guard 
against  offending  the  good.     Know,  my  son,  that  the 
ground  (13)   and  foundation  of  all  virtues  is  reverence 
towards  God  and   his   commandments.     These  counsels, 
then,  keep,  and  you  will  be  happy. 

No.  129. 

Old  Treaties  of  the  Romans  and  Their  Oldest 

Written  Laws. 

Although  Latin  writers  relate,  that  the  Romans,  be- 
fore the  first  Punic  war,  were  very  unskilful  in  naval 
affairs,  yet  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  they  had  visit- 
ed (1)  many  and  distant  seas  before  that  time.  This  be- 
comes evident  (2)  chiefly  from  two  treaties,  made  (3)  be- 
tween the  Carthaginians  and  Eomans,  for  the  sake  of 
commerce,   one  about  the   year  509  before  Christ,    the 


(8)  occidere.  (9)  ne  -  quidem.  (10)  os.  (11)  appHcare  se, 
adjungere  se.     (12)  consuetude.    (13)  caput. 

No.  129.  (1)  pervenire  in,  or  ad,  frequentare.  (2)  bu  in- 
telligere.    (3)  foedus  facere.' 


other  about  the  year  348  before  Christ.  In  these  treaties 
amongst  other  things  the  following  points  were  stipu- 
lated (4).  The  Romans  shall  not  sail  beyond  the  cape  (5) 
Hermaeum,  unless  they  are  forced  by  storm  or  the  enemy. 
If,  however,  a  Roman  vessel  has  been  compelled  to  come 
so  far,  they  shall  neither  sell  nor  buy  anything,  except 
what  is  needed  for  their  return  or  for  sacrifices.  The 
Romans,  for  the  sake  of  commerce,  shall  not  sail  to  Sar- 
dinia or  Libya,  nor  found  towns  or  trading  places (6) 
there.  They  shall  not  bring  their  ships  into  the  har- 
bours of  those  regions,  except  to  repair  them  or  to  buy 
victuals  (7).  But  in  Sicily,  as  far  at  least  as  it  is  sub- 
ject to  the  Carthaginians,  and  in  Carthage  itself,  they 
shall  buy  and  sell  anything  by  the  same  right  which 
the  citizens  use;  and  the  Carthaginians  shall  also  enjoy 
the  same  rights  at  Rome.  —  The  oldest  written  laws  were 
those  of  the  Twelve  Tables.  They  were  drawn  up  (8) 
in  the  years  451  and  450  before  Christ.  Several  of  these 
laws  are  excellent,  several,  however,  must  be  considered 
disgraceful.  Among  other  things  we  find  written  therein: 
If  any  one  has  committed  theft  by  night,  and  has  been 
killed  by  another,  the  former  be  considered  to  have  been 
killed  justly.  If  he  has  stolen  by  day,  he  shall  be 
flogged,  if  he  is  caught.  He  who  has  been  convicted  of 
arson  (9),  shall  be  burnt.  False  witnesses  shall  be  thrown 
down  from  the  Tarpejan  rock.  If  a  slave  has  committed 
theft,  he  shall  be  delivered  over  for  punishment.  If  any 
one  has  composed  a  poem,  which  causes  disgrace  to 
another,  he  shall  be  cudgelled  (10).  If  a  father  has  sold 
his  son  three  times,  the  son  shall  be  free  from  the  care 
of  his  father. 

(4)  sancire.  (5)  promuntorium.  (6)  emporium.  (7)  cibaria, 
alimenta.  (8)  conficere,  conscribere,  componere.  (9)  incendii 
dolo  a  se  excitati  {or  facti)  convinci.    (10)  fusti  (or  -e)  ferire. 


166 


Part  i. 


Section  xi. 


167 


Xo.  130. 

Some  Sayings  (1)  of  the  Seven  Wise  Men. 

To  each  of  the  seven  wise  men  of  Greece,  all  of 
whom,  except  Thales,  governed  the  state  and  deserved 
well  of  their  fellow -citizens  by  legislation  (2)  and  the 
administration  of  public  affairs,  some  excellent  sayings 
and  precepts  are  ascribed.  „  Observe  measure  (3)  in  all 
things",  said  Cleobulus,  bom  at  Lindus,  a  city  in  the 
isle  of  Rhodes.  Another  of  his  sayings  was:  „Bestow 
benefits  (4)  on  enemies  as  well  as  on  friends,  on  the 
former  to  gain  them,  on  the  latter  to  retain  them". 
Moreover  he  is  recorded  to  have  said:  „ Leaving  the 
house  think  over (5)  what  you  have  to  do,  going  home 
reflect  upon  what  you  have  done;  in  fortune  be  not 
haughty,  in  misfortune  do  not  lose  courage".  —  Peri- 
ander,  king  of  Corinth,  said:  „Meditate,  before  you  act", 
and,  „ Crimes  committed  shall  be  punished,  but  prevent 
also  people  from  committing  them;  in  the  love  of  friends 
stand  always  firm  (6),  whether  they  are  in  good  luck  or 
in  difficulties".  Yet  he  himself,  in  a  fit  of  anger,  killed 
his  owTi  wife,  and  is  justly  accused (7)  of  having  op- 
pressed {Infinit.)  his  own  subjects  (8).  —  Pittacus  of 
Mitylene  said:  „ Observe  the  right  time;  pardon  is  better 
than  vengeance;  do  not  speak  ill  even  of  an  enemy;  do 
as  much  good,  as  opportunity  allows".  When  his  fellow- 
citizens  were  willing  to  present  him  with  many  thousand 
acres  of  land,  he  refusing  them  said:  „Pray(9),  do  not 
give  me  that,  which  many  people  grudge  me,  which  very 
many  eagerly  covet".  —  Bias  of  Priene  in  Ionia  said: 
^Whatever  good  you  do,  ascribe  it  to  the  Gods;  going(lO) 

No.  130.  (1)  nonnulla  dicta.  (2)  hy  leges  dare.  Liketdse  the 
foil,  by  rem  publicam  administrare.  (3)  modum  retinere  alicujus 
rei.  (4)  bene  facere  alicui,  beneficia  conferre  in  (Ace.)  (5)  me- 
ditari.  (6)  sibi  constare  in  amore  erga.  (7)  argui.  (8)  civis. 
(9)  rogo  vos,  quaeso.    (10)  proficisci. 


from  boyhood  to  old  age  take  (11)  wisdom  as  a  compa- 
nion, it  will  last  longer(12)  than  any  other  good!"  When 
once  he  was  on  the  same  vessel  with  several  impious 
people,  and  his  fellow -passengers,  on  the  rising  of  a 
storm,  invoked  the  Gods,  he  said:  „Be  silent,  that  the 
Gods  may  not  perceive,  that  you. are  in  danger".  In 
a  similar  manner  a  Roman  law,  which  is  mentioned  in 
Cicero,  says:  „The  impious  shall  not  dare  to  propitiate 
the  anger  of  the  Gods  by  presents". 

Xo.  131. 

Chapter  II. 

When  Bias  one  day,  on  the  approach  (1)  of  the 
enemy  going  to  besiege  his  birth-place,  saw  his  fellow- 
citizens  endeavouring  hastily  to  carry  away  their  pro- 
perty, he  himself  went  away  slowly  and  without  taking 
anything  (2).  When  one  asked  him,  why  he  alone  did 
not  save  anything  of  his  property,  he  replied:  „I  carry 
all  my  property  with  me."  As  if  he  would  say:  „Do 
not  long  for  goods,  that  are  (3)  without  yourselves  and 
can  be  snatched  away  from  you  by  misfortune,  but 
acquire  such  goods,  as  lie  (3)  within  your  souls."  — 
More  prudent  than  loving  (4)  is  the  precept  of  Thales 
from  Milet:  „Do  not  go  bail  for  anybody."  Yet  we 
know (5),  that  he  was  not  void  of  love;  for  he  con- 
tinually gave  poor  people  so  much  of  his  property,  that 
lie  himself  remained  always  poor,  though  he  could  have 
been  (6)  very  rich.  He  was  also  accustomed  to  say, 
tliat  nothing  was  easier,  than  to  admonish  another, 
nothing  more  difficult,  than  to  know  oneself  Excellent 
is  the   following   precept:    „ Avoid   yourself,   what   you 

(11)  sumere.     (12)  Transl.  ^^will  be  longer  (diuturnus)". 

No.  131.  (1)  Verb  (Ablat.  absol.).  (2)  ordy  sine  ullis  rebus. 
(3)  positum  esse.  (4)  Gram.  §  237.  5.  (5)  constat  alone ^  or  with 
inter  omnes.    (6)  Transl.  ^^though  he  could  {was  able  to)  6c". 


168 


Pabt  I. 


Section  xir. 


169 


't( 


l( 


blame  in  another  (7)."  —  Chilon  of  Lacedaemon,  one  of 
the  Ephors,  said:  „Keep  secrets;  use  your  time  well; 
bear  offences  with  an  even  mind;  these  three  things  are 
very  difficult,  but  necessary."  He  is  also  recorded  to 
have  said:  „Pay  attention  to  yourself;  honour  old  age; 
do  not  speak  ill  either  of  the  dead  or  (8)  of  the  living; 
restrain  your  tongue;  prefer  loss  to  unjust  gain."  „Gold, 
said  he,  is  tested  by  a  stone,  the  inclinations  of  men 
by  gold."  —  „ Follow  reason  as  a  guide",  is  a  saying 
ascribed  to  Solon,  the  known  lawgiver  of  the  Athenians. 
He  also  said:  „Wish  nothing  too  eagerly;  obey,  before 
you  wish  to  rule;  flee  the  company  of  the  bad;  be  not 
hasty (9)  in  choosing  one  as  a  friend,  but  do  not  give 
up  (10)  him  who  is  your  friend."  The  saying:  „Know 
thyself",  is  attributed  (11)  both  to  Chilon  and  Solon. 
The  same  precept  was  written  in  golden  letters  on  the 
temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi. 


SECTION  xn. 

Use  of  the  Infinitive. 

(Grammar  §  266—277.) 
No.  132. 

To  Die  for  One's  Country  is  Honourable  (1). 

„It  is  sweet  and  honourable  to  die  for  one's  coun- 
try." Of  this  saying  of  the  old  poets  the  best  men  of 
all  ages  have  approved  (2)  by  their  actions.  Has  not 
Codrus,  the  last  king  of  the  Athenians,  wished,  of  his 
own   accord  (3)   to   be   cut   down   by   the   hands  of  the 

(7)  alter.  (8)  „not  —  either  —  or^^^  ne  —  neve.  (9)  festinare. 
(10)  dimittere.  (11)  „the  saying  is  attributed'^,  by  dixisse  dicitur, 
or  ferunt  dixisse. 

^0.  132.    (1)  decorus.     (2)  comprobare.    (3)  ultro. 


enemy  in  order  to  save  his  country?  With  the  Spartans 
the  boys  already  learned  to  despise  pain  and  even  death 
in  order  to  be  prepared,  as  men,  willingly  to  suffer 
anything  for  their  country.  To  die,  while  fighting 
bravely,  was,  with  them,  considered  the  highest  praise; 
to  return  from  the  battle  without  their  shield,  was  the 
greatest  disgrace (4).  "We  read,  that  Leonidas  with  his 
300,  when  they  were  no  more  able  to  repulse  the  Per- 
sians, preferred  to  obey  the  laws  of  their  country  and 
to  encounter  a  certain  death  (5),  to  saving  their  lives. 
Epaminondas  of  Thebes  wished  to  live  until  it  was  an- 
nounced that  his  soldiers  (6)  had  gained  the  victory; 
then  he  ordered  the  iron  to  be  drawn  from  the  wound, 
and  he  gladly  died.  However  not  only  from  the  Greeks, 
but  also  from  the  Romans  instances  of  such  courage 
can  be  taken.  Three  Decii  are  said  to  have  devoted 
themselves  to  a  voluntary  death  for  their  country.  The 
first  of  them  is  recorded  (7)  to  have  commanded  (8)  the 
left  wing  of  the  Roman  army  in  the  battle  near  Mount 
Vesuvius  in  the  year  340  before  Christ.  When  his 
soldiers  began  to  be  pressed  back  (9),  Decius  dared  to 
rush  (10)  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  and  there  he  did 
not  cease (11)  to  fight,  until  he  broke  down (12)  cover- 
ed (13)  with  wounds.  The  son  followed  the  example  of 
liis  father  in  the  battle  at  Sentinum  in  the  year  295 
before  Christ.  As  he  was  not  able  to  sustain  the  attack 
of  the  Samnites,  and  nevertheless  wished  to  secure  (14) 
the  victory  for  the  Romans,  he  determined  to  throw 
himself  (10)  into  the  lines  of  the  enemy.  By  this  the 
Romans  were  so  encouraged  (15),  that  they  began  more 
bravely  to  resist  and  gained  the  victory.     In  the  battle 

(4)  dedecus,  turpitude.  (.5)  oppetere  mortem.  (6)  only  suus. 
(7)  ferre.  (8)  praeesse.  (9)  urgere,  reprimere.  Gram,  §  146. 
Note,  (10)  se  injicere,  immittere.  (11)  desistere.  (12)  corruere. 
(13)  cooperire.  (14)  in  tuto  collocare.  (15)  by  animum  addere 
(or  facere)  alicui. 


tt 


170 


Pabt  I. 


Section  xii. 


171 


at  Asculum,  which  was  fought  (16)  against  Pyrrhus  in 
the  year  279,  the  grandson  of  the  first  Decius  is  said 
to  have  sacrificed  himself(17)  in  the  same  manner. 
Another  illustrious  example  is  that  of  the  Fabii.  306 
men,  all  of  that  same  family,  determined,  alone  to  wage 
war  against  the  enemy,  and  they  did  not  cease  to  fight, 
until  all  of  them  (18)  had  fallen. 

No.  133. 

The  Taking  (1)  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus. 

The  prophets  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  had  foretold, 
that  Babylon  would  be  taken.  If  we  compare  the 
details  (2),  which  the  prophets  relate  about  the  future 
events,  with  those,  which  Herodotus,  Xenophon  and 
others  have  recorded  after  the  taking  of  the  city,  we 
shall  find,  that  both  (3)  wonderfully (4)  agree.  It  is 
known  that  Cyrus,  the  king  of  the  Persians,  first  van- 
quished Croesus  aud  destroyed  the  kingdom  of  Lydia. 
Then  he  marched  against  Babylon,  after  he  had  made 
an  alliance  with  the  Medes.  For,  that  a  kingdom  of 
the  Medes  still  existed,  when  Babylon  was  taken,  the 
prophet  Daniel  says  so  clearly,  that  no  one  can  deny  it. 
When  the  Babylonians  had  learned,  that  Cyrus  was 
approaching  with  an  army,  they  believed  that  it  would 
be  the  best,  to  fight  with  him  in  a  battle;  but  it  is 
known  that  they  were  beaten  and  put  to  flight.  Then 
CjTus  ordered  the  city  to  be  besieged  (5).  Since  the 
Babylonians  had  suspected  that  Cyrus  would  do  this, 
they  had  provided (6)  everything  necessary  for  life,  for 
ten  years.  But  as  they  believed,  that  the  city  was  so 
fortified,    that   it   could   not    be    taken    by   force,    they 

(16)  facere,  or  edere.  (17)  vitam  profundere.  (18)  ad  unuin 
omnes. 

No.  133.  (1)  expugnare.  Gram.  ^  282,  3.  (2)  singula. 
i3)  utraque.  (4)  miro  modo  {not  miro  quodam  modo).  (5)  obsi- 
dione  claudere.    (6)  procurare,  providere. 


despised  (7)  the  siege,  and  gave  themselves  up  to 
business  {Pliir)  and  pleasures.  When  Cyrus  was  not 
able,  for  a  long  time,  to  effect  anything,  he  saw  that 
he  ought  to  make  use  of  a  new  kind  of  fighting.  He 
therefore  put  one  part  of  his  army  in  that  place,  where 
the  Euphrates  flows  into  the  city,  another  there,  where 
it  flows  out  of  it,  and  ordered  both  to  penetrate  in 
these  places  into  the  city,  as  soon  as  they  perceived  that 
the  river  was  fordable  (8).  After  that  he  himself 
inarched  away  from  the  city  with  the  weaker  (9)  part 
of  his  army,  and  led (10),  above  Babylon,  the  Euphrates 
into  a  neighbouring  lake.  Thus  the  water  of  the  river 
fell  (11),  and  the  army  of  the  Persians  rushed  in  from 
two  sides,  and  fell  upon  (12)  the  inhabitants  unawares  (13). 
Those  who  lived  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  did  not 
even  know,  that  the  outermost  parts  of  the  city  had 
been  taken;  for  they  were  just  (14)  celebrating  a  feast. 
Thus  most  of  them  were,  without  a  fight,  cut  to 
pieces (15).  The  prophet  Isaiah  had  foretold,  that  Ba- 
bylon would  be  taken ,  whilst  the,  inliabitants  were  ban- 
queting (16)  and  drinking,  that  at  the  taking  soldiers 
would  ride  (17)  upon  camels  and  asses,  and  that  all  this 
happened  (18),  we  learn  from  other  writers. 

No.  134. 

On  the  Discovery  of  the  Art  of  Writing. 

We  know  that  the  art  of  writing  was,  in  the  oldest 
times,  not  altogether  unknown;  but  it  is  not  less  evident, 
that  this  art  was,  in  the  beginning,  very  defective  (1). 
Certain  signs  and  images  were  used  to  assist  the  memory; 

(7)  neglegere.  (8)  vado  transiri  posse.  (9)  debilis.  (10)  de- 
ducere.  (11)  minui,  cadere.  (12)  opprimere.  (13)  inopinans. 
(14)  forte.  (15)  occidere,  trucidare.  (16)  epulari,  convivari. 
(17)  vehi.    (18)  evenire. 

No.  134.    (1)  imperfectus,  rudis. 


172 


Part  i. 


Section  xii. 


173 


(I 


I- 


I 

'I 

.    'I 


i 

? 


M 


J 


and  from  these  probably  (2)  the  sacred  books  (3)  of  the 
Egyptians  or  the  so-called  hieroglyphics  (4)  have  origi- 
nated.    But   it   is   known   that   they   were   not   real  (5) 
letters,  but   images   of  things.     The   first   letters,  as   is 
believed,   were   invented   by   the   Phoenicians;  Cadmus, 
at  least,    of  whom   it   is   reported,  that  he  brought  the 
letters  to  Greece,  had  come  there  from  Phoenicia.    Some 
learned   men    have  ventured   to    deny   this.     It  may  be 
doubtful,   whether  there   has   ever  been  a  Cadmus,  but 
there  is  no  reason  to  distrust  Herodotus,  who  not  only 
says,  that  Phoenicians  had  come   to  Greece  and  brought 
the  letters  with  them,   but  also  that  Phoenician  letters 
were,  at  his  time,  still  extant  (6)  in  the  temjile  of  Apollo 
at  Thebes,  of  which  he  maintains,  that  he  himself  saw 
and  read  them.    Ephorus  of  Cyme,  a  pupil  of  Isocrates, 
of  whom  Poly  bins  and  Cicero  say,  that  he  was  one  of 
the   most   careful   searchers   of  antiquity  (7) ,   maintains 
the  same.     Aristotle  agrees  with  Herodotus  and  Epho- 
rus, and  likewise  says,  that  the  discovery  (8)  of  letters 
must  be  attributed  to  the  Phoenicians.     Diodorus  writes, 
that  Dionysius  had  been  of  the  same  opinion;   but  this 
Dionysius   is,  without   doubt,   that  Milesian,  who  lived 
at  the  thime  of  Darius  Hystaspis,  though  some  believe, 
that  he  was  from  Mytilene  and  a  contemporary  of  Cicero. 
Thus  we   must   say,    that   the   discovery   of  the   art   of 
writing  is  not  without  reason  ascribed  to  the  Phoeni- 
cians.    The   names  of  the  single  letters,  too,  are  said 
to  be  of  Phoenician  origin.     However  all  this  may  be, 
from    many    notices  (9)    it    appears    that    even    several 
centuries  after  Cadmus  the  art  of  writing  was   not   in 
use  with  the  Greeks.     In  the  poems  of  Homer,  which 
we  know  were  composed  about  500  years  after  Cadmus, 


(2)  Gram.  §  268.  3.  (3)  litterae  sacrae.  (4)  hy  hieroglyphi- 
cus  (Adject).  (5)  verus,  Justus.  (6)  exstare.  (7)  diligentissimus 
investigator  antiquitatis.    (8)  inventio.    (9)  indicium. 


the  art  of  writing  is  not  at  all  mentioned;  only  in  one 
passage  is  it  reported,  that  some  one  had  inscribed  on 
a  tablet  arifxara  Xvyqd,  sad  signs,  which  evidently  were 
no  real  letters.  Still  much  less  can  we  believe  (10),  that 
Ajax,  of  whom  Homer  relates,  that  he  carved  (11)  a 
sign  upon  a  pebble  (12),  knew  and  practised  the  art  of 
writing. 

No.  135. 

Chapter  II. 

But  there  is  still  another  account  of  the  first 
inventor  of  letters,  of  which  I  would  not,  indeed,  main- 
tain (1),  that  it  is  more  certain,  but  which  I  hope  will 
be  more  pleasing.  In  the  works  of  Plato  Socrates 
narrates  the  following:  „I  have  heard,  that  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Naucratis,  a  city  in  Egypt,  an  admirable 
and  almost  divine  man  lived,  to  whom  also  Ibis,  a 
certain  bird,  was  sacred.  The  man  himself  was  called, 
I  think,  Theuth  or  Thoth.  Of  him,  then,  people  say, 
that  he  first  discovered  the  numbers,  and  the  art  of 
calculating  (2),  and  geometry,  and  astronomy,  and  the  game 
at  tables  and  dice  (3),  and  finally  also  the  letters.  Thamus 
was,  at  that  time,  as  is  recorded,  king  of  all  Eg3^t.  He 
had  liis  seat  at  Thebes,  that  large  city  of  Upper  Egypt, 
of  which  already  the  oldest  poets  say  that  it  had  100 
gates.  To  this  Thamus,  then,  Theuth  is  said  to  have 
betaken  himself  and  shown  liim  his  arts  one  by  one. 
He  hoped,  without  doubt,  to  receive  great  praise  and 
a  great  reward  from  the  king.  Thamus,  however,  asked 
him  what  advantage  each  art  would  have.  And  when 
it  seemed  to  him  that  Theuth  said  something  true,  he 


(10)  „can  6eZiew",   hy   the  Future.     (11)  insculpere.    (12)  cal- 
culus. 

No.  136.      (1)  Perfect  Subj,     (2)  ratiocinari.     (3)   calculorum 
alearumque  ludus. 


l'^ 


174 


Part  i. 


<l 


I 


praised  him,  when,  however  (4),  he  thought  something 
wrong,  he  blamed  him.  Thus  they  are  said  to  have 
disputed  much  about  each  art,  for  and  against  (5); 
but  (6)  it  would  take  too  long  to  relate  all  (6)  in  this 
place.  Finally  they  came  also  to  the  letters,  of  which 
Theuth  himself  declared,  that  they  were  the  foremost 
among  the  other  arts.  „„This  art  (7),  o  king,  said  he, 
is  altogether  extraordinary  (8) ;  for  I  promise  you,  that 
the  Egyptians,  if  they  have  learned  it,  will  become 
wiser  and  obtain  a  more  unerring  memory;  for  in  these 
letters  evidently  a  wonderful  aid  (9)  to  (Omit)  memory 
and  wisdom  has  been  discovered.""  To  which  Thamus 
answered  thus:  „„0  most  ingenious (10)  Theuth!  One  is 
fit  to  discover  hidden  (11)  arts,  but  another  must  needs 
pass  judgment,  what  advantage  or  disadvantage  they 
will  bring  to  those,  who  use  them.  You,  too,  out  of 
paternal  benevolence  towards  your  letters,  have  said, 
that  they  could  do  more  than  they  really  can,  and  you 
have  even  maintained  the  contrary  of  what  is  true. 
For  it  is  plain,  that  those  who  learn  this  art,  trusting 
in  the  letters,  will  neglect  their  memory,  hoping  to  be 
able  to  recollect  anything  at  any  time  by  means  of 
their  writing.  Thus  you  have  evidently  discovered  a 
means  of  recalling  to  mind  (12),  but  not  the  art  of 
memory.  To  your  scholars  you  present  a  certain  appea- 
rance of  wisdom,  not  true  wisdom.  For  if  they  have 
read  much  without  instruction (13),  they  will  imagine(14) 
themselves  to  be  wise,  whereas  they  are  unwise,  and 
it  will  be  difficult (15)  to  endure  their  company."" 

(4)  Gram.  §  171,  esp.  Note  1.  (5)  in  utramque  partem. 
(6)  quae  omnia.  (7)  here  doctrina,  or  disciplina.  (8)  singularis. 
(9)  mirificum  quoddam  adjumentum.  (10)  artificiosus.  (11)  arca- 
nus.  (12)  reminisci.  (13)  institutio,  disciplina.  (14)  opinari. 
(15)  molestus. 


Section  xii. 

No.  136. 


175 


Arion,  the  Player  on  the  Cithern  (1). 

You  remember,  that  already,  when  you  were  boys, 
you  were  told  the  story  (2)  of  Arion,  the  player  on  the 
cithern;  but  I  hope,  that  you  will  not  regret  to  hear 
it  again.  Well  (3),  Arion  of  Methymne  was  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  cithern-players  of  his  time,  of  whom 
Herodotus  relates,  that  he  also  invented  the  Dithyram- 
bus,  a  new  kind  of  poetry  (4).  He  was  a  friend  of 
Periander  of  Corinth,  at  whose  court  he  spent  a  great 
part  of  his  life.  Once  he  made  up  his  mind,  to  go  to 
Italy  and  Sicily,  hoping  to  acquire,  by  his  art,  riches 
and  renown  with  the  Italians.  Periander  who  seemed 
as  it  were  to  forbode  (5)  that  a  misfortune  would 
befall (6)  his  friend,  besought  him  to  remain  at  Corinth; 
but  in  vain.  With  a  fair  wind  Arion  reached  Italy 
and,  within  a  short  time  he  gained  (7)  the  hearts  of 
all;  all  were  astonished,  that  there  was  so  great  a 
power  (8)  in  the  soimd  of  the  cithern  and  in  the  voice 
of  man,  and  honoured  the  minstrel (9)  with  rich (10) 
gifts  and  presents.  But  the  longing  for  his  friend 
recalled  him  to  Greece.  As  he,  however,  believed,  that 
on  account  of  Periander's  friendship  Corinthian  sailors, 
before  all  others,  would  care (11)  for  his  welfare,  he 
hired  (12)  a  Corinthian  ship  and  left  Tarentum  in  order 
to  return  to  Periander.  But  when  the  ship  had  reached 
the  open  sea,  the  sailors  resolved  to  kill  Arion  and  to 
take  possession  of  his  treasures  (13).  But  Arion  notic- 
ed (14)  their  plan,  and  besought  them  to  grant (15)  him 
his  life,  adding,  that  he  was  willing  to  give  them  his 
riches  as  a  price  for  his  life. 

Ko.  136.  (1)  citharoedus  (=  „a  jplayer  on  the  cithern '■y. 
(2)  fabula.  (3)  igitur.  Gram,  §  168.  1.  (4)  poesis.  (5)  prae- 
sentire.  (6)  accidere.  (7)  sibi  conciliare.  (8)  vis.  (9)  vates. 
(10)  largus.  (11)  studere.  (12)  conducere.  (13)  opes,  divitiae. 
(14)  animadvertere.    (15)  concedere. 


176 


Pakt  I. 


Section  xii. 


m 


o: 


'iii 


«' 
i'\ 


No.  13J. 

Chapter  n. 

The    sailors,    however,    thought    it    probable,    that 
Arion,  if  they  granted  him  liis  life,  would  betray  them 
to  Periander,  and  therefore  (1)  all  the  entreaties  of  the 
minstrel  were  useless  (2).     They  required,   consequently, 
that  he  should  at  once  either  take  his  life,  if  he  wished 
to  be  buried  on  the  land,  or  throw (3)  himself  into  the 
sea.     As  Arion,  then,   saw,  that  he  must    die,    he   en- 
treated the  sailors  to  be  allowed  to  sing  once  more  (4) 
on  the  stern  in  all  the  attire  (5)  of  a  minstrel,  and  he 
promised,  immediately  after  to  lay  hands  upon  himself  (6). 
But   the   sailors   believed,    that    it   would    be    a    great 
pleasure  for  them ,  if  they  listened  to  the  singing  of  the 
best   of  all   the   players   on   the   cithern:    they  retired, 
therefore,  to  the  middle  of  the  ship,  that  the  minstrel 
might    not    be    disturbed  (7)   by   the   multitude   of  the 
by-standers.     After  Arion  had  put  on  his  whole  attire, 
he   came   forth,    holding   the   cithern   in   his  left  hand, 
and  standing  upon  the  stem  he  sang  in  clear-sounding 
melodies (8)   liis   most   beautiful   song,    as   if   he   hoped 
(Ruperf.),  that  the  Gods  themselves  would  save  (9)  him 
from  the  hands  of  the  barbarians.     And  at  the  moment, 
when  he  had  finished (10)   his  song,  he  threw  himself, 
attired  as  he  was,  with  the  cithern  from  the  stem  into 
the  sea.     Thus  the  sailors  were,  indeed,  disappointed  in 
their  hope  (11),  that  Arion  would  take  his  life  with  the 
sword;  but  they  did  not  doubt,  that  he   would  perish 
in  the  waves  of  the  sea,  and  they  continued,    without 
any  care  (12),  their  voyage  to  Corinth.     But  a  dolphin, 
which  the  sweetness  of  the  singing  had  allured,  is  said 


177 


No.  137.  (1)  miative  Connect,  (2)  inanis,  irritus.  (3)  de- 
jicere.  (4)  hoc  ultimum,  (5)  ornatus.  (6)  manus  sibi  inferre. 
(7)  turbare,  impedire.  (8)  acuti  modi.  (9)  eripere,  servare.  (10)  ad 
finem  perducere,  or  finire.    (11)  spes  me  fallit.    (12)  securus. 


to  have  ofiered  its  back  (13)  to  Arion  and  to  have 
brought  (14)  him  safe  to  the  promontory  of  Taenarum 
m  Jjacoma. 

No.  138. 

Chapter  in. 
Thence  Arion  betook  himself,  in  the  same  attire,  to 
Corinth   and    told   Periander    all,    that    had    happened. 
But   the   latter   could  not  convince  himself,   that  such 
wicked (1)   men   were   in   his   state,   or   that  Arion  had 
been   saved   in   so   miraculous   a  manner.     He  ordered 
therefore,  his  friend  to  be  watched  most  carefully,  that 
he  might  not  be  able  to  tell  anybody,  what  had  happen- 
ed.   In  the  harbour,    however,   servants,   despatched  by 
liim,   were  looking  (2),   whether  (3)   sailors   from  Taren- 
tum  arrived.    As  soon  as  the  sailors  had  disembarked  (4) 
they   were  commanded   to   come   to   Periander.     When 
the  tyrant  asked  them,  whether  they  had  heard  nothing 
of  Anon,  one  of  them  said:  „I  Temember  to  have  heard 
at  larentum,  that  Arion  was  well  (5)  and  highly  prais- 
ed by  all;  but  himself  we  have  neither  seen  nor  heard  " 
Then  suddenly  the  folding-doors  (6)  of  the  nearest  cham- 
ber (7)   were   opened,   and  Arion  came   forth   to   them 
clad   m   the   same   attire,   in  which  they  had  seen  him 
throwing  himself  into  the  sea,  and  holding  the  cithern 
m  his  left  hand.     But  the  sailors,  seeing  the  man,   feU 
down   upon   the  ground  panic-stricken.    Although  they 
knew,  that  their  crime  would  be  punished  most  severe- 
ly (8)  by  Periander,  yet  they  did  not  dare  to  deny  any 
longer,   and   they  confessed   everything   with   the  same 
words,  as  Arion  had  related  it  to  Periander.    PrevaUed 
upon   by   the   entreaties   of  Arion,   the  tyrant,   indeed, 

(13)  tergum.    (14)  deferre. 

No.  138.    (1)   sceleratus.    (2)   speculari.    (3)   si.     (4)  navem 

rZ  /     ,;    ^°^  r^^^  ^^""^  '"'^K^'"-     (^)  ^"l^-^-     W  conclave. 
W  ttteraUt/,  or  by  gravissimo  suppHcio  afficere. 

MUlIer,  Exercises.  10 


I 


178 


Part  i. 


Section  xii. 


179 


spared  their  lives,  but  they  were  comnitinded  to  go  into 
exile  to  the  barbarians,  whom  they  had  surpassed  in 
cruelty  and  in  inhumanity.  But  to  Arion,  as  is  re- 
corded, a  brazen  monument  was  erected  on  the  pro- 
montory of  Taenarum,  not  a  large  one,  a  man  sitting 
upon  a  dolphin;  of  which  Herodotus  notices (9)  that  it 
was  still  extant  (10)  at  his  time. 

No.  13». 

Shortness  and  Obscurity  of  Speech. 

The  shortness  and  obscurity  of  speech  has  some- 
thing commanding  (1) ,  whereby  it  is  brought  about, 
that  those  who  threaten  others,  very  conveniently  use 
it.  For  as  in  the  darkness  (2)  the  minds  of  men  are 
more  easily  frightened,  so  it  usually  happens  also,  that 
a  certain  (3)  obscurity  of  speech  seems  to  be  more  fright- 
fal.  The  Lacedaemonii^s,  I  believe,  often  applied  (4) 
this.  To  give  an  instance,  they  wrote  to  Philip,  king 
of  Macedonia,  in  the  following  manner:  „The  Lacedae- 
monians to  Philip.  Dionysius  at  Corinth.^  For  by  far 
stronger  and  more  efficacious  was  that  shortness,  than 
if  they  had  written  thus:  „Know  that  Dionysius,  too, 
was  formerly  a  very  powerful  tyrant,  as  you  are  now; 
and  yet  you  see,  that  the  same,  expelled  from  his  king- 
dom, now  lives  as  a  private  person  at  Corinth.  By 
this  example  you  can  convince  yourself,  that  it  can 
also  happen  to  you  to  be  turned  out(o)  of  power." 
Tlie  former  was  evidently  a  speech  of  those,  who  wish- 
ed to  deter;  if  they  had  used  the  other  speech,  one 
would  have  believed,  that  they  had  been  willing  to 
warn  the  king,  not  to  think  himself  too  secure,  confid- 
ing in  his  power.    And  not  long  after,  when  Alexander 

(9)  significare.    (10)  exstare  (Present), 

No.  139.    (1)  imperiosus.    (2)  obscurum,  tenebrae.    (3)  quasi 
quidam.    (4)  sequL    (5)  dejicere. 


the  Great  took  it  ill,  that  the  Lacedaemonians  had  sent 
to  him  only  one  ambassador,  they  answered:  „One  to 
one."  They  would  have  hardly  been  able  to  humble  (6) 
more  energetically  (7)  the  pride  of  the  king  by  a  long 
speech. 

No.  140. 

Chapter  IL 

Of  the  Lacedaemonians,  indeed  (1),  it  i^  known,  that 
they  frequently  used  that  .brevity  of  speech.     But  we 
find,   that  others  also,    and  even  barbarians,   were  not 
unskilled    in    the    same    art.     Dionysius    wi'ote   to   the 
Locrians:    „I  shall  make,  that  the  cicadae  sing,  in  your 
country,  not  on  trees  or  shrubs,  but  on  the  ground", 
signifying,  that  their  whole  territory  would  be  laid  waste 
by  him.    Of  a  certain  king  of  the  Scythians  it  is  related, 
that  he  sent  the  following  letter  to  the  Byzantines:  „Do 
not  lessen  my  revenues  (2),  lest  my  horses  come  to  be 
watered  (3)  among  you".     Still  this  speech,    though   of 
an  expressive  (4)  shortness,  could  be  easily  understood. 
But  obscure  was  the  answer,  which  Idanthyrsus,  the  Scy- 
thian, is  said  to  have  given  to  Darius,  king  of  the  Per- 
sians.   For  when  Darius  required  of  him  through  ambas- 
sadors, that  he  should  surrender  (5)  himself  and  his  pro- 
perty to  him,  Idanthyrsus  is  said  to  have  sent  him  a 
mouse,  a  frog,  a  bird,  and  five  arrows  instead  of  (6)  an 
answer.     Darius  himself  considered   that   as   a  sign  (7), 
that   the  Sc3rthians   were  willing,   to   surrender   to   the 
Persians  land,  and  water,  and  air,  and  their  arms.    But 
one  of  the  noblest  maintained  (8),  that  the  following  was 
signified:    „ If  you  do  not  retire  (9)  like  mice  under  the 
ground,  or  like  frogs  under  the  water,  or  like  birds  into 

(6)  refutare,  repudiare.     (7)  gravis,  vehemens. 

Xo.  140.  (1)  quidem;  also  quamquam,  Gram,  ff  172.  Note. 
(2)  vectigal.  (3)  aquari  {Supine).  (4)  gravis,  fortis,  efficax. 
(o)  subjicere.   (6)  pro.    (7)  indicium.    (8)  dicere,  censere.    (9)  abire. 

12* 


k 


180 


Pakt  I. 


the  air,  you  will  not  escape  our  arrows".  But  Darius 
could  not  be  convinced  to  consider  this  explanation  (10) 
as  the  true  one;  and  thus  he  was  repulsed  by  the  Scy- 
thians with  great  loss. 

No.  141, 

Darius  and  Idanthyrsus. 

We  have  related  above,  that  Idanthyrsus,  the  king 
of  the  Scythians,  sent  to  Darius,  instead  of  an  answer, 
some  obscure  signs,  wherein  we  have  followed  Phere- 
cydes  of  Syros,  who  is  said  to  have  recorded  the  fact. 
The  same  thing,  however,  is  related  quite  differently  by 
Herodotus  in  the  following  manner:  As  the  Scythians 
always  withdrew  at  the  approach  (1)  of  Darius,  so  that 
a  battle  could  not  be  fought,  Darius  sent  a  horseman 
as  ambassador  to  king  Idanthyrsus  and  asked  him,  why 
he  fled.  For  if  he  considered  himself  (2)  strong  enough 
to  engage  in  battle  (3)  with  the  army  of  the  Persians, 
he  might  desist  from  his  perpetual  wanderings  (4)  and 
contend  with  him  about  the  sovereignty  in  real  (5)  war- 
fiire.  Then  it  would  soon  become  manifest  by  the  fact 
itself,  to  which  of  them  the  sovereignty  of  the  country 
was  due.  But  if  he  knew  of  his  own  accord,  that  he 
was  weaker  than  Darius,  he  might  consider,  that  by 
that  continual  flight  the  war  would  be  protracted  (6), 
indeed,  but  that  to  the  country  far  greater  damage 
would  be  done.  It  would,  therefore,  be  the  best,  to 
submit  to  the  king  of  the  Persians.  For  that  reason 
he  might  send  to  him  as  (7)  to  his  lord  water  and  earth 
as  presents,  and  he  himself  might  come  to  him  in  order 
to  arrange,  in  a  conference  (8),  the  Scythian  affairs. 

(10)  interpretatio. 

No.  141.  (1)  appropinquare,  Ahlat  absd.  (2)  sibi  videri. 
(3)  confligere.  (4)  error.  (5)  verus,  Justus.  (6)  trahere ,  ducere. 
(7)  ut.    (8)  colloquium  habere,  Ablat  absol. 


Section  xu. 

No.  142. 


181 


Chapter  II. 

Whereupon  Idanthyrsus  gave  Darius  about  the  fol- 
lowing answer:  Neither  had  he  ever  before  fled  for  fear 
of  anybody,  nor  did  he  now  fear  him.     But  if  he  had 
retired  (1)  before  the  army  of  the  Persians,  Darius  might 
not  believe,  that  this  had  been  done  out  of  fear.    Hereby 
he  had  done  nothing,  but  what  he  had  also  been  ac- 
customed to  do  in  time  of  peace.     The  Scythians  had 
no  cities,   nor  crops,   to  make  them   afraid,   that  they 
might  be  laid  waste  (2)  by  the  enemy.     Yet  one  thing 
they  had  in  an  appointed  place,  the  tombs  of  their  an- 
cestors.    Darius  might  search  for  (3)  them  and  destroy 
them;  then  he  would  understand,  whether  they  would 
struggle   with   him   about  (4)   the   tombs  of  their   fore- 
fathers or  not.     But  otherwise  they  would  fight,  when 
it  seemed  good  to  them,  and  not,  when  Darius  wished 
it.    That  Darius  had  called  himself  his  master,  seemed 
to  him  very  foolish;  for  the  king  of  the  Scythians  aknow- 
ledged  no  master,  except (5)  Juppiter,  and  Histia,  the 
queen  of  the  Scythians.     Instead  of  water  and  earth  he 
would  send  him  such  presents  as  seemed  to  be  becoming 
for  a  haughty  (6)  man.    He  announced  (7)  to  Darius,  that 
he  would  regret  it  with  tears  to  (8)  have  called  himself 
king  of  the  Sc3rthians.  —  Which  of  the  two  stories,  we 
have  related,  be  more  genuine (9),  no  one  will  be  able 
to  decide  (10). 

No.  143. 

Necessity  of  a  Good  Education  (1). 
Socrates  was  of  opinion,  that  a  good  education  was 
very  useful  to  all  youths,  but  most  necessary  to  those 

No.  142.  (1)  se  recipere  ab  aliquo.  (2)  vastare,  diripere. 
(3)  requirere.  (4)  de.  (5)  praeter,  nisi.  (6)  insolens,  superbus. 
(7)  denuntiare.  (8)  by  a  claim  with  quod.  (9)  verus.  (10)  di- 
judicare. 

No.  143.    (1)  iustitutio. 


182 


Part  i. 


who  excelled  others  (2)  in  great  talent  (3).  For  even 
horses,  said  he,  that  are  of  the  best  race,  and,  by  nature, 
possessed  of  courage  (4)  and  swiftness,  were  only  (5)  then 
very  useful,  if  they  were  tamed  at  an  early  time  (6). 
If  that  was  not  done,  no  one  would  be  able  to  delight 
in  them.  In  the  same  manner  hunting  (7)  dogs,  even  if 
they  were  naturally  very  excellent,  ought  to  be  train- 
ed (8)  by  art  and  education,  before  hunters  used  them 
for  hunting.  The  same  happened  (9)  to  the  best  natures 
among  men.  For  youths,  who  were  endowed  with  good 
mental  gifts,  if  they  were  well  instructed,  and  diligent 
in  studying,  what,  and  how  ever;yi;hing  ought  to  be 
done,  usually  became  the  best  and  most  useful  citizens; 
but  without  education  and  instruction  (10)  the  same  would 
easily  become  (11)  the  worst  and  most  pernicious  men. 
For  through  ignorance  of  their  duties  they  were  often 
impelled  by  the  desire  of  evil  deeds;  and  as  they  were 
likewise  (12)  proud  and  fierce,  it  was  difficult,  to  restrain 
them  from  their  undertakings  (13).  Hence  it  came  to 
pass,  that  such  men  caused  themselves,  and  their  fellow- 
citizens,  and  even  the  state,  the  greatest  sufferings. 


No,  144. 

Chapter  II. 

There  were  others,  who  prided  themselves  (1)  in  their 
riches,  who  believed  that  it  was  not  necessary (2)  for 
them  to  learn  anything;  their  gold  alone  was  sufficient, 
to  furnish  them  whatever  they  wished.  Honour  on  the 
part  of  men  would  not  be  wanting  to  them,   for  that 


(2)  Gram.  §  195.  Note  2.  (3)  ingenii  facilitates,  ot-  eximiuin 
ingenium,  or  ingenium  alme.  (4)  ferocitas.  (5)  demum.  (6)  ma- 
ture. (7)  venaticus.  (8)  condocefacere.  (9)  mihi  accidit.  (10)  doctri- 
na,  disciplina.  (11)  exsistere,  evadere.  (12)  idem.  (13)  coeptum, 
inceptura. 

No.  14-4.    (1)  superbire.    (2)  opus  esse,  necesse  esse,  debere. 


Section  xii. 


183 


very  reason,  because  they  were  richer.  But  it  was, 
without  doubt,  very  foolish  to  think,  that  he  who  is 
ignorant  and  inexperienced  in  all  things,  should  still  be 
able  to  discern  (3),  what  is  useful  or  hurtful  to  himself; 
for  rightly  to  distinguish  this,  is  generally  the  business 
of  a  learned  (4)  and  wise  man.  Thus  it  happened,  that 
those,  who  were  rich,  indeed,  but  imleamed,  acquired, 
with  their  money,  just  (5)  those  things,  which  were 
most  hurtful  to  them.  Still  much  less  could  it  be  hop- 
ed, that  such  men  judged  rightly  of  other  things,  of 
justice,  of  virtue,  of  the  state.  In  all  these  things  they 
could  give  advice  neither  to  themselves,  nor  to  their 
friends,  and  they  would  generally  do  what  would  rather 
injure  than  benefit  them.  In  such  manner  the  very  (6) 
richest  could  not  even  acquire  what  is  necessary  for  an 
honest  livelihood,  much  less  (7)  could  he  obtain,  that 
true  honour  would  be  attributed  to  him  by  his  fellow- 
citizens.  Therefore  all  men  and  mostly  youths  ought  to 
be  convinced,  that  true  honour  will  never  be  paid  (8)  to 
them,  unless  they  distinguish  themselves  by  true  virtue 
and  learning. 

No.  145. 

Hannibal  and  Antiochus. 

When  Hannibal  had  been  expelled  from  Carthage 
and  come  to  Antiochus,  king  of  Syria,  he  tried,  by 
many  reasons,  to  prevail  upon  the  latter,  to  wage  war 
against  the  Romans.  There  were,  however,  at  the  court  (1), 
some  adversaries  of  Hannibal,  who  excited  the  king  to 
suspicion  against  him.  This  disgrace  (2)  he  bore  silent- 
ly in  the  beginning;  but  afterwards  he  deemed  it  better (3) 
to  free  himself  before  the  king  from  all  suspicion  and  he 


(3)  discernere,    distinguere,    dijudicare.     (4)  docere,  or  bene 
instituere.    (5)  ipse.    (6)  vel.     (7)  nedum.    (8)  ordy  esse. 

No.  145.    (1)  aula  regia.     (2)  contumelia.    (3)  satius,  melius. 


184 


Part  i. 


Section  xii. 


185 


addressed  him  about  in  the  following  manner:  His  father 
Hamilcar,  when  once  sacrificing,  had  taken  him,  being 
still  a  small  boy,  to  the  altar,  and  had  bound  (4)  him 
by  an  oath,  never  to  be (5)  a  friend  of  the  Roman 
people.  Under  (6)  this  obligation  (7)  he  had  been  a  sol- 
dier (8)  for  thirty  six  years;  the  same  obligation  had 
driven  him  from  his  country  in  time  of  peace  and  led  (9) 
as  an  exile  to  the  king  of  Syria.  Obedient  to  this  obli- 
gation he  would,  if  Antiochus  disappointed  his  hope, 
travel  over  (10)  the  whole  earth,  searching,  where  he 
might  find  forces,  where  arms,  where  enemies  of  the 
Roman  people.  He  hated  the  Romans,  and  was  an  ob- 
ject of  hatred  to  them.  Therefore,  if  war  were  made 
against  the  Romans,  he  might  reckon  (11)  Hannibal 
among  his  first  friends;  but  if  he  preferred  peace  with 
the  Romans,  he  might,  indeed,  seek,  for  that  purpose, 
somebody  else,  with  whom  he  might  discuss (12)  the 
afiair.  —  This  speech  moved  the  king,  and  reconciled 
him  again  to  Hannibal. 

No.  146. 

That  the  Messiah  Was  Expected  (1)  by  the  Ancients. 

That  at  the  time  of  Christ  the  Jews  believed  that 
the  Messiah  would  soon  arrive,  and  bring  them  help,  is 
a  known  fact  (2).  Zachary,  Elisabeth,  Simeon,  Anna, 
and  many  others,  with  whom  Anna  conversed  in  the 
temple,  expected  that  Christ  would  soon  bring  deliver- 
ance (3)  to  mankind.  The  Pharisees  sent  messengers  to 
John  to  ask  him,  whether  he  was  the  Messiah  who  was 
to  be  sent;  and  Andrew  told  his  brother  Simon:    ^We 

—  ■  ■- ■-  — —  ■   —  — ■■■ — '-  - ■■  -  -   ■■■     ■■■  ■■  I 

(4)  obligare.  (5)  Gram.  §  268,  2.  (6)  sub.  (7)  sacramen- 
tum.  (8)  militare.  (9)  addacere.  (10)  peragrare,  obire.  (11)  ha- 
bere.   (12)  deliberare. 

No.  146.  (1)  desiderare.  (2)  inter  omnes  constat.  (3)  salu- 
tem  alicui  ferre,  afFerre;  saluti  alicui  esse. 


have  found  the  Messiah".    Especially  on  the  Easter  festi- 
vals (4)  the  Jews  of  that  time  earnestly  implored  (5)  God 
to  send  the  Saviour  (6).     With  what  longing  and   cer- 
tainty (7)  the  learned,  who  shortly  before  the  birth  of 
Christ  and  soon  after  translated  and  explained  the  Holy 
Scriptures  (8) ,  expected  the  Messiah,  follows  from  this, 
that  they  referred  to  him  all  the  passages  which  they 
possibly  could.    We  have  also  spurious  (9)  psalms  which 
are  attributed  to  Solomon,   but   were  composed  in  the 
first   century   before  Christ.     From   the   seventeenth  of 
these  psalms  we  see  that  people  then  most  ardently  im- 
plored (10)  God  to  send  the  son  of  David,  that  he  might 
bring  salvation.    From  the  book  of  Henoch,  which,  as 
it  seems,  must  also  be  attributed  (11)  to  the  time  men- 
tioned, we  learn  the  same.     Nay,  many  learned  Jews, 
who  did  not  embrace  (12)  the  Christian  doctrine,  believed 
that  the  Messiah  had  really  been   bom   in  the  Jewish 
country  at  the  time,  when  the  Jewish  kingdom  perished; 
but  that  on  account  of  the  sins  of  the  people  he  kept 
himself  hidden  (13).     That    the   Samaritans   were    con- 
vinced, that  the  Messiah  would  also  come  to  them  and 
instruct  them  in  the  most  important  afiairs  of  eternal 
salvation,  the  Samaritan  woman  tells   us,   with   whom 
Christ  conversed.     After  she   had   asked,    whether  God 
ought  to  be  adored  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,   or  in 
that  which  stood  on  mount  Garizim,  she  continued,  she 
knew  that  the  Messiah  would  come;  should  he  come,  he 
would  teach  them  (se)  everything.     It  seems,  she  still 
hoped,  that  during  her  lifetime  (14)  the  age  of  the  Mes- 
siah would  come. 


(4)  dies  paschalis,  dies  festus  Paschae(-atis).  (5)  obsecrare 
obtestarique,  implorare  atque  obtestari.  (6)  salvator,  salutis 
humanae  auctor.  (7)  fides.  (8)  libros  divinos  (sacros)  conver- 
tere  et  interpretari.  (9)  subdititius.  (10)  supplicibus  verbis 
orare.  (11)  ponere.  (12)  amplexari.  (13)  delitescere  (=  „#o  iteei) 
(msdf  hidden'').    (14)  Ablat  ahsol.  with  vivus. 


1 


* 


186 


Part  i. 


Xo.  147. 


Section  xn. 


187 


Chapter  II. 

It  cannot  be  denied,  that  there  existed  also  in  the 
East(l)  among  those,  who  did  not  profess  the  Jewish 
creed  (2),  a  desire  for  a  Eedeemer  and  Saviour  (3).    Wit- 
nesses are  the  Magi,  who  came  to  Jerusalem  and  asked, 
where  the  new-born  king  of  the  Jews  was.    They,  there- 
fore, believed  for  certain  that  salvation  would  come  from 
the  Jews.     Flavins  Josephus,  Tacitus  and  Suetonius  re- 
late, that  there  was  spread  (4)  an  old  and  constant  opi- 
nion in  the  East,  which  was  founded  on  ancient  books 
of  the  priests,    that  at  that  time  some  one,    who   was 
coming  from  Judea,   would    obtain   supreme   power  (5). 
Certain  it  is  that  the  religion  of  the  Eomans  and  Greeks 
had   fallen   to   ruin  (6),    that   the   divine    services   were 
dropped  (7)  or  i)erformed  without  reverence  of  the  heart. 
Cicero  praised  that  old  saying  of  Cato  (8),  who  had  said, 
he  wondered  that  a  soothsayer  (9)  did  not  laugh  when 
he  saw  a  fellow-soothsayer.     For  how  many  (10)  things, 
that  they  foretold,  did  happen!    Or  if  anything  happened, 
why  might  it  not  have  happened  by  chance!    At  Rome 
they  endeavoured  to  introduce  foreign  sacred  rites  (11); 
the  heart  had  a  longing  for  divine  and  heavenly  things. 
Even  those  who  denied  the  existence  of  the  Gods,  practised 
magic  arts.    The  Platonists  and  Stoics  thought,  that,  with 
the  coming  of  the  great  year,  which  the  Mathematicians 
had  so  called,    innocence    and   happiness  would   return. 
Virgil  sang  that  the  happy  age,  foretold  by  the  Cumean 
Sibyl,   was  approaching,    and   that  the  expected  author 
of  salvation,   whom   he  regarded   to  be   the  son  of  his 


4 


yo.  147.  (1)  terrae,  regiones  orientis  (solis).  (2)  doctrinam 
Jndaeorum  amplecti.  (3)  liberator  et  salvator.  (4)  percrebrescere 
{Perf.).  (5)  rerum  potiri.  (6)  corruere.  (7)  sacra  intermittere. 
(8)  mly  vetus  illud  Catonis.  (9)  haruspex.  (10)  quotusquisque 
(Sing.).    (11)  peregrina  sacra  suscipere. 


friend  Pollio,  would  take  away  the  traces  of  crime,  and 
free  the  countries  from  perpetual  fear.  Also  in  Caesar's 
time  they  brought  forward  Sibylline  verses,  containing, 
that  they  ought  to  call  him  king,  whom  they  had  as 
king,  if  they  wished  to  be  saved;  by  which  verses  many 
maintained  that  Caesar  was  meant.  The  Egyptian  Her- 
mes had  predicted,  as  St.  Augustine  writes,  that  a  time 
would  come,  when  it  would  seem  foolish,  that  the 
Egyptians  had  worshipped  their  Gods  so  devoutly  and 
so  long,  and  when  all  their  worship  would  be  ridiculed 
and  abolished  (12). 

No.  148. 

Man  Needs  Divine  Instruction  (1). 

Epicharmus,  a  pupil  of  Pythagoras  and  a  comic 
poet  (2),  who  was  bom  in  the  isle  of  Cos  and  died  at 
S^Tacuse,  maintained,  that  man's  reason  had  come (3) 
from  the  divine  reason;  that  the  body  was  earth,  the 
spirit  fire,  taken  (3)  from  the  sun;  that,  if  man  died, 
both  parts  went,  whence  they  had  come,  the  body  to 
the  earth,  the  spirit  upwards.  But  Cicero  says  in  his 
third  book  on  the  state,  that  in  man  the  divine  fire  of 
intellect  and  reason  is,  as  it  were,  concealed  (4).  The 
philosopher  Xenophanes  from  Colophon,  who  lived  about 
the  year  540  before  Christ,  complained,  that  no  one 
knew  anything  certain  about  the  Gods  and  the  world; 
but  that,  if  one  could  say  the  very  best  about  them, 
yet  he  would  not  know,  but  merely  guess  (5)  it.  Par- 
menides  from  Elea  believed,  that  all  men  were  similar 
to  the  blind  and  deaf,  a  race  of  ignorant  fools.  Hera- 
clides  of  Ephesus  confessed,  that  the  human  mind  had 
no  understanding  (6),  only  the  divine  mind  had  it;  that 


(12)  exstinguere. 

Xo.   148.     (1)   doctrina.      (2)  poeta   comicus.     (3)  profectum 
esse,  ortum  esse  a.     (4)  obrui.     (5)  opinari.     (6)  intelligentia. 


188 


Part  i. 


the  opinions  of  men   were   similar   to  the  playthings  of 
boys,  that  even  the  wisest  man  was  a  monkey  in  com- 
parison with  (7)  the  Gods.     Anaxagoras  declared,   that, 
on  account  of  the  weakness  of  our   senses,    it   was   not 
possible  for  us,   to  recognize  what  is  near,    and  Demo- 
critus  even  said,  that  either  nothing  was  true,  or  it  was 
hidden    from    us.     The   Stoic   Cleanthes    asked    of   the 
Gods   to   free   mankind   from    ignorance   and   to   effect, 
that    they   might    learn    to   know   the   truth  (8).     Even 
Aristotle   writes   that   a   full   certainty  about   the  Gods 
cannot   be   obtained  (9)   and   in   his   last  will   he  orders 
big  stone  animals,    four  yards  high,   to  be  sent  to  Sta- 
gira    for    the    protector    Juppiter    and    the    protectress 
Minerva,   which  he   had  vowed  for  the  recovery  of  his 
son  Nicanor.     So  far,  then,  had  the  most  sagacious  man 
been   from   acknowledging   the   true   God  (10)!     Of  So- 
crates we  know  also   that   he,    when  dpng,    ordered  a 
cock  to  be  sacrificed  to  Aesculapius.    Plato,  or  whoever 
has  written   the  dialogue   that   is  inscribed  „the  second 
Alcibiades",  is  of  opinion,  that  God  alone  can,  in  truth, 
be   the   teacher  of  virtue;    that  the  truth  must,    indeed, 
be  sought  for,  but  that  certainty  can  only  be  obtained, 
if  man   is   enlightened   by  a  clearer  light,    if  he  is  in- 
structed by  a  divine  voice;    and  he  adds,    that  Socrates 
had  also  entertained   the  same  opinion.     Euripides  begs 
of  Juppiter  to  teach  him  whence  mankind  had  originat- 
ed,   what  was  the  source  of  evil,   and  to  which  of  the 
immortal  Gods   sacrifices   ought   to   be  offered   in  order 
to   be  freed   from  evil.     Plutarch,  finally,  is  convinced, 
that   man   must   pray   for  all  good  things,   but  in  par- 
ticular  to  become   acquainted   with  the  Gods   as  far  as 
he  is  able. 


(7)  prae.     Gram.  §  164.  9.    (8)  vera.     (9)  nihil  omnino  certi 
de  aliqua  re  scire.     (10)  Gram.  §  272,  ainA  §  275,  2,  2. 


Section  xiii. 


189 


SECTION  xm. 

Use  of  the  Participles. 

(Grammar  §  278—284.) 
No.  149. 

Pear  of  Punishment. 

The  just  and  upright  man,  who  fears  nobody  and 
injures  nobody,  will  always  be  highly  esteemed  by  all 
the  good.  In  such  a  man,  whose  virtue  we  know  and 
have  tested,  we  shall  have  greater  confidence  (1),  if  he 
simply  says  something,  than  in  an  impious  man,  even 
if  he  has  sworn  and  called  (2)  on  God  as  a  witness  of 
the  truth.  Those,  however,  are  not  to  be  considered  as 
just,  who  abstain  from  wrong,  because  they  fear  punish- 
ment; but  those  who  not  even  then  do  wrong  when  it 
can  be  done  with  impunity  (3).  For  even  wild  beasts 
abstain  from  prey  (4)  for  fear  of  the  dogs,  that  watch 
the  flock.  Nevertheless  fear  of  punishment  often  effects 
in  some  way  (5),  that  one  at  length  becomes  a  good 
man.  For  this  fear,  whilst  keeping  a  man  away  from 
a  crime,  by  and  by  accustoms  him  to  obey  the  laws 
and  keep  his  passions  (6)  in  check  (7).  When  he  has 
thus  often  tasted  the  peace  of  soul,  which  is  acquired 
by  innocence,  he  will  be  easily  led,  by  use  itself,  to (8) 
abstain  also  from  wrong,  willingly  and  of  his  own  ac- 
cord. Therefore  the  wisest  lawgivers  deemed  punish- 
ments necessary,  not  only  to  expiate  wrong  that  had 
been  done,  but  still  much  more  to  prevent  wrong. 

No.  149.  (1)  fidem  habere.  (2)  invocare.  (3)  impune.  (4)  ra- 
pina,  raptus.  (5)  nonnihil  conferre,  aliquid  valere.  (6)  libido. 
(7)  domare,    coercere.     Gram.  §  278.   5.      (8)  by  a  clause  with  ut. 


t 


190 


Part  i. 


Section  xiii. 


191 


X4K    150. 

A  Faithful  Slave. 

M.  Anthony,  the  most  renowned  Eoman  orator  be- 
fore the  times  of  Cicero,   had  been  summoned   before  a 
court  on  account  of  a  great  crime,    and   it  seemed  that 
he  was  not  free(l)   from   guilt.     His  accusers  most  ob- 
stinately (2)  demanded,   for  the  investigation (3),  a  slave 
to  be  summoned,   whom   they  maintained   that   he  had 
been  a  witness  of  the  crime  which  had  been  committed 
by  his  master.    Against  the  will  (4)  of  his  master,  how- 
ever,  the  slave   could  not  be  examined  (5).     The  latter 
was,  at  that  time,   still  a  beardless  youth;    but   though 
he   saw,   that   the   affair  was  coming (6)   to  tortures (7), 
yet   he  was   not  terrified  in  his  mind.     Nay  (8),  he  ex- 
horted Anthony,  who  was  troubled  with  fear  of  the  in- 
vestigation,   to  surrender   him   to  the  judges  to  be  tor- 
tured (9),  assuring  him,  that  no  word  would  come  from 
his   lips,   by   which   his   cause   might   be   injured.     Al- 
though Anthony  was   moved   by   such   a    disposition  of 
the   slave,    yet   he   gave   him   up   to   the  judges.     The 
slave,  however,  with  an  incredible  perseverance  (10)  kept 
his  word.    For  though  he  was  lacerated  by  strokes  and 
placed   on   the   rack  (11),   and  burnt  with  red-hot  coals, 
yet  he  guarded  his  master's  safety  and  destroyed  (12)  the 
whole  force   of  the  accusation.     After  Anthony  had,  in 
this   manner,    been   freed   from  the  trial,   he  is  said  to 
have  granted  liberty  (13)  to  that  slave  who  had  so  con- 
spicuously deserved  of  his  master. 

No.  150.  (1)  abesse,  vacare.  (2)  pertinax.  (8)  in  quaestio- 
nem.  (4)  Gmm.  §  284.  3.  (5)  quaerere  de.  (6)  pertinere.  (7)  cru- 
ciatus.  (8)  immo  vero.  (9)  torquere,  cruciare.  (10)  constantia. 
(11)  eculeus.    (12)  clissolvere,  evertere.    (13)  manumittere. 


No.  151. 

Effects  of  Some  Omens. 

Many  instances  are  related  by  ancient  writers,  by 
which  they  endeavour  to  prove,  that  omens  must  not 
be  neglected.  C.  Marius  had  to  flee  from  Rome  for 
fear  of  Sylla.  Being  forced  by  a  storm  to  disembark  (1) 
at  Circeji,  he  himself  and  his  companions  were  in  the 
greatest  distress  (2).  When  the  latter  dispaired  (3)  of 
safety,  Marius  encouraged  them  saying,  that  the  Gods 
had  promised  him  protection.  For  when  as  a  youth 
he  was  living  in  the  country,  an  omen  had  been  given 
to  him  in  the  following  manner:  One  day  the  nest 
of  an  eagle,  with  seven  young  (4),  had  fallen  into 
his  lap.  The  haruspices,  being  asked  by  his  parents, 
had  answered,  that  one  day  he  would  become  the 
most  renowned  man  among  the  mortals,  and  that  he 
would  seven  times  obtain  the  highest  power.  Now, 
as  yet,  he  had  only  had  the  supreme  power  six 
times.  Therefore,  since  the  promises  of  the  Gods  must 
be  true,  he,  and  for  that  very  same  reason,  also  they, 
would  escape  that  danger.  And  so  it  happened.  — 
When  the  same  Marius  had  reached  Mintumae,  he 
was  recognized  and  carefully  watched  in  the  house  of  a 
certain  Fannia.  Doubting  whether  he  should  conceal 
himself  there,  or  seek  safety  on  board  a  ship,  he  observ- 
ed, that  an  ass  neglecting  the  food  (5)  that  had  been 
thrown  before  him,  hastened  towards  the  water.  Believ- 
ing (6),  therefore,  that  this  was  an  omen,  which  had 
been  given  him  by  the  Gods,  he  at  once  embarked  and 
reached  Africa  in  safety.  This  man,  then,  was  saved 
by  omens.  —  After  Pompey  the  Great  had  been  beaten 


No.  151.  (1)  appellere,  with  and  tcithottt  navem.  (2)  in  sum- 
mas  angustias  adduci.  (3)  Gram.  §  194.  4.  (4)  pullus.  (5)  pa- 
bulum.   (6)  reri. 


4 


fll 


192 


Part  i. 


Section  xni. 


193 


* 


by  Caesar  and  taken  to  flight,  he  directed  his  fleet 
towards  the  island  of  Cyprus  there  to  coUect  some 
forces  (7).  Whilst  disembarking  near  the  city  of  Paphus, 
he  beheld  a  magnificent  building  on  the  sea-shore.  He, 
therefore,  asked  the  pHot,  who  was  sitting  near  him, 
what  the  name  of  that  building  was;  and  the  latter 
replied,  that  its  name  was  „the  fated  castle".  Pompey 
who  was  greatly  moved  (8)  by  this  omen,  hastily 
continued  his  flight,  but  soon  met  with  a  miserable 
death  (9). 

Xo.  152. 

The  Poet  Philoxenus. 

AVhen  one  day  the  poet  Philoxenus  had  been  invited 
to  dinner  (1)  by  the  tyvixnt  Dionysius,  and  saw  that  a 
very  large  muUet(2)  had  been  placed  before  (3)  Dionysius, 
but   a   much   smaller   one   before   himself,  he  lifted  his 
own  up  from  the  plate  (4)  and  held  (5)  it  to  his  hear, 
feigning    to  (6)    ask    it    something.      When    Dionysius 
inquired  into  the  reason,   Pliiloxenus  said  to  him:     „0 
king,  I  am  writing  a  poem  on  Galatea;  therefore  I  asked 
of  this  fish  something  about  the  Nereids  wherewith  to 
adorn  my   poem.     But   it   tells   me,   that   it   has  been 
caught  too  young,  and  can  relate  nothing  to  me  about 
the  Nereids  on  account  of  (7)  its  age.     If  I  asked  that 
larger  one ,  which  has  been  placed  before  you,  I  believe, 
it  would  easily  explain  to  me  everything  that  I  wish." 
Dionysius  laughed,  and  sent  the  fish,  placed  before  him, 
over   to   Philoxenus.     In   a   similar   manner  Philoxenus 
very    often    used   a   great    freedom    of   speech   without 
fearing   the   anger   of  the   tyrant.     And   at   that   time, 

(7)  vis  {Plur.).     (8)  percellere,   commovere.     (9)  misere    oc- 

cnmbere. 

No.  152.  (1)  cenae  (coenae)  adhibere.  (2)  mullus.  (3)  ap- 
ponere.  (4)  patina.  (5)  admovere.  (6)  by  a  clause  with  quasi. 
(7)  per. 


indeed,  he  went  away  without  having  suffered  any  harm. 
But  not  long  afterwards  a  heavy  punishment  was  inflict- 
ed upon  him  by  Dionysius  on  account  of  injuring  the 
king's  vanity.    The  tyrant  himself  made  also  poems,  and 
though  they  were  inelegant  and  rude  (8) ,  yet  he  wished 
them   to   be   considered  (9)    excellent.     When   he,    then, 
had  written  a  tragedy,  he  gave  it  to  the  poet  Philoxenus 
for  correction  (10),  if  anything  in  it  displeased  him.    But 
the  reading  (11)  of  the  tragedy  excited  so  great  a  disgust 
to  Philoxenus,  that  he  corrected  the  whole  poem,  from 
beginning    to    end,    by    a    single    stroke  (12),    without 
thinking   how   much   he  would  hereby  hurt  the  vanity 
of  the  tyrant.     Dionysius  was  very. angry  and  ordered 
the  poet  to  be  made  prisoner  and  thrown  into  the  stone- 
quarries  (13)  of  Syracuse.     Those  quarries  were  a  very 
strong  prison,  which  the  Sicilian  tyrants  had  caused  to 
be  cut  (14)  in  huge  rocks.     However  Philoxenus  seems 
not  to  have  been  shut  up  there  for  a  long  time,  and 
he  was,  after  his  deliverance  (15),  again  very  often  with 
Dionysius.    But  when,  one  day  at  dinner,  he  heard  the 
latter  read  his  poems,  Pliiloxenus   rose   from   his    seat, 
whilst  the  rest  were  flattering  and  applauding  the  tj^ant, 
and  said:  „Send  me  from  here  again  into  the  quarries; 
for  it  is  much  more  tolerable  for  an  instructed  man  to 
spend  (16)    his    life    in    a    prison    than    to    hear    such 
miserable  poems." 

Xo.  153. 

The  Story  of  the  Horatii  and  Curiatii. 

After  the  death  of  Nimia  Pompilius,  Tullus  Hosti- 
lius  was  chosen  king,  of  whom  ancient  writers  relate 
that   he   was   even   fiercer   than   Romulus.      Under   the 


(8)  inconcinnus  et  illepidus.  (9)  videri.  (10)  emendare.  For 
cofistr.  see  Gram.  §281.  3,  and  Note.  (11)  legere.  Gram.  §382.  3. 
(12)litura.  (13)  lautumiae.  (14)  excidere.  (15)  liberare.  (16)agere, 
either  Infinitive,  or  after  Gram.  §  282.  3, 

MUller,  Exercises.  13 


i'l 


194 


Part  i. 


Section  xiii. 


195 


reim   of  Tullus   many  wars  liave   been  waged  by   the 
Romans,  especiaUy  a   war  against  Alba  Longa    which, 
in  some  manner,  can  be  called  the  mother  ot  the  city 
of  Eome.    For  by   the  help(l)  of  the  Albans  Rome  is 
said  to  have  been  founded.     After  the  war  1-^  broken 
out,  armies  were  led  forth  on  both  sides.    But  wMst 
all  expected  the  sign  for  the  begimnng(2)  of  the  battle 
Mettus  Fuffetius,  the  leader  of  the  Albans,  stepped  forth 
and  proposed  to  Tullus,  that  the  war  should  be  decided  (3) 
bv  the  contest  of  a  few,  not  by  an  engagement  of  the 
armies.    Tullus  consented (4).    men,  then,  the  generals 
were  seeking  (5),  whom  they  might  choose  best  for  this 
contest,  there  were  perchance  in  both  armies  tliree-twin- 
brothers(6)   who   were   neither   unequal   m   age   nor  m 
strength.     They  were  caUed  Horatii  and  Curiatii      The 
former  are  said  to  have  been  Romans,  the  latter  Albans. 
After  time  and  place  had  been   agreed   upon,  a  treaty 
was  made  between  the  Romans  and  Albans  under  this 
condition(7),  that  that  people  should  have  the  sovereignty 
whose   citizens  would   gain  the   victory.     Both   armies 
were  drawn  up  in  battle-array  in  front  of  (8)  the  camp, 
and  they  expected,  in  suspense  (9),  the  engagement     In 
the  middle  a  large  plain  was  left,  where  the  fighting 
was  to  be  done.     From  the  one  side  the  Horatii,  from 
the  other  the  Curiatii,  came  forth,  armed,  whilst  their 
countrymen   encouraged   them   not   to   forget,   that  the 
safety   of  the   country   depended  (10)    on  their  bravery. 
The  sign  being  given  the  attack  commences (11).     Ihe 
contest  was  very  violent  (12),  both  parties  fightmg  with 
the  greatest  bravery.    The  victory  was,  for  a  long  time 
doubtful.     Blood   and   wounds   were    already   seen(15j, 


5^0.153.    (l)adjuvare.    (2)  committere     (3)  diruuere.    (4;  le. 
placet.     (5)  circumspicere.    (6)  trigemini.    (:^)'^-^^\S' 
animum(--os)suspendere.    (10)  positum  esse.    (11)  ,Ae  att.com.  , 
hy  Pass,  of  concurrere.    (12)  acer.    (13)  spectare. 


when  on  a  sudden  two  Romans  broke  down,  pierced  by 
many  wounds,  under  the  shouting  (14)  of  the  whole 
Alban  army.  An  overpowering  fright  seized  (15)  the 
Roman  legions;  for  after  two  of  theirs  had  been  cut 
down,  it  seemed  scarcely  possible,  that  one  should  hold 
out  against  the  three  enemies. 

No.  154. 

Chapter  H. 

But  whilst  the  three  Curiatii  had  been  wounded 
before,  Horatius  was  unhurt,  and  full  of  courage.  When 
he,  therefore,  saw,  that  he  could  not  withstand  them 
together  (1),  he  took  to  flight  (2)  in  order  to  separate 
them,  and  to  be  able  to  attack  them  one  by  one.  The 
Curiatii  pursued  liim,  when  fleeing,  with  unequal  swift- 
ness, as  each  one  was  permitted  by  the  wounds  of  his 
body.  Horatius  was  not  disappointed  in  his  hope  (3). 
AVlien  he  had  fled  a  while  (4),  he  looks  back  and  sees 
the  enemies  following  at  great  intervals.  At  once  he 
turns  round  (5),  and  making  a  most  vehement  attack,  he 
prostrates  the  first  to  the  ground.  Whilst  the  army 
of  the  Albans  cried  out  (6)  to  the  two  to  bring  help  to 
their  brother,  Horatius  hurries  already  on  to  his  second 
victory.  For  the  second  of  the  Curiatii,  too,  separated 
from  his  brother,  was  cut  down  by  the  Roman,  as  his 
strength  was  weakened  (7).  The  fortune  (8)  having  thus 
been  made  even,  and  only  one  on  either  side  having 
remained,  the  Romans  exulted  and  encouraged (9)  their 
warrior  by  applause  and  acclamation.  He,  however, 
uninjured  as  to  his  body,  and  encouraged  (10)  by  the 
gain  (11)    of   the    two    victories,    beheld    his   adversary 

(14)  conclamare.    (15)  occupare,  invadere. 

No.  154.  (1)  uni versus.  (2)  fugam  capessere.  (3)  spes  me 
non  fallit.  (4)  aliquamdiu.  (o)  se  convertere.  (6)  mclamare 
alicui.  (7)  afficere.  (8)  Mars,  or  fortuna  belli.  .(9)  juvare. 
(10)  excitari,  ferociorem  fieri.    (11)  reportare. 

13* 


i 


196 


Part  i. 


Section  xin. 


197 


I 


worn  out  by  his  wounds  and  already  despairing  of  the 
victory    after    the    fall  (12)   of  his  two   brothers.     The 
Eoman  exultingly  exclaims:   „Two  have  I  given  to  the 
shades  (13)   of  my  brothers,   the   third  I  wiU   give  for 
the   sake  (14)   of  this  war,   that  the  Eoman  may  rule 
over  the  Albans,"  and  after  fixing  (15)  his  sword  in  the 
body   of  the   third    of  the  Curiatu,  he   prostrates  him. 
Thus  was   Alba   subjected   to    the    sovereignty    of   the 
Eomans.    With   the   congratulations  (16)   of  his  feUow- 
soldiers,  Horatius,  adorned  with  the  conquered  arm8(17) 
of  three   foes,   returned  in   triumph   to  Rome.     Before 
the  Capenian  gate  he  was  met  by  his  sister,  who  had 
been  betrothed  (18)  to  one  of  the  Curiatu.     And  as  she 
recognizes,  on  the  shoulders  of  her  brother,  the  miUtary 
cloak  (19),  which  she  herself  had   made  (20),  and   with 
wHch  she  had  presented  her  betrothed,  she  loosens  her 
hair,  and,  in  a  lamentable  (21)  manner,  utters  (22)  the 
name  of  her  slain  betrothed. 

"So.  155. 

Chapter  III. 

The  lamentation  (1)  of  the  sister  in  so  great  a  public 
rejoicing  aroused  the  anger  of  the  fierce  youth;  he 
draws (2)  his  sword  and  pierces  the  girl,  at  the  same 
time  reproacliing  (3)  her.  „Go(4),  ^id  he,  with  your 
untimely  (5)  love  to  your  betrothed.  The  same  shall 
happen  to  every  Roman  (woman)  who  bewails  (Fut)  an 
enemy."  The  deed  was  shocking  (6).  Tlie  king  and  the 
senate  beUeved,  that  Horatius,  though  the  country  had 


(12)  hy  caedere.  (13)  manes.  (14)  in  causani.  (lo)  defigere. 
(16)  congratulari.  (17)spolia.  (18)  despondere,  spondere.  (19  pa- 
ludamentum(=„».iJ.cto.fc").    (20)  conficere.    (21)  flebihs.    (22)  ap- 

pellare.  ^.^^        ,  . 

No.  155.    .(Dcomploratio.     (2)  stringere.     (3)  verbis  mere- 

pare.    (4)  abire.     (5)  intempestivus ,  immaturus.     (6)  atrox. 


been  saved  by  him,  must  be  given  over  to  the  judges^ 
and   the   latter,    after   the   case   had   been  examined  (7), 
condemned  him  to  death.  But  at  the  advice  (8)  of  the  king 
himself  the   youth   said:    „I   aj)peal(9)   to   the  people". 
Thus  the  right  of  appeal  (10)  originated  and  the  highest 
judgment   was   transferred   to    the    people.     While   the 
people  themselves  doubted,  what  was  to  be  done  in  so 
important    an    affair,    the    father    of   Horatius    hastily 
entered   the   court.    At   the   sight   of  the   old  man  the 
multitude  was   very   much   moved.     He   said,    that   his 
daughter,    who    neglecting   the    glory    of   her    relatives 
and  her  country  had  only  bewailed  her  grief,  had  been 
justly   killed.     K  he  judged   otherwise  (11),  he  himself 
would,    in    accordance    with    his    fatherly    right,    have 
punished  (12)  his  son  with  his  own  hand.     They  might 
not  deprive  him,  whom  they  had,  shortly  before,  seen 
adorned  with  a  glorious  (13)  offspring  (14),  altogether  of 
his   children.      After   he   had    said   this,    the    old    man 
embraced  the  youth,  and  cried  with  a  loud (15)  voice: 
„You  would  be  able  (16)  to  lead  him  to  death,  whom 
you,  a  little  while  ago  (17),  after  his  cutting  the  enemy 
to  pieces  and   saving   the   country,  have   honoured  (18) 
as  conqueror!  Go,  lictor;  if  you  have  bound  these  hands, 
which   shortly   before,   whilst   armed,   acquired (19)   the 
sovereignty   for   the  Roman   people,   will   you   afford  a 
more  pleasant  spectacle  to  the  same  people?   If  you  kill 
the  liberator  of  the  country,  will  you  believe  that  satis- 
faction has  been  given  to  the  country?   Give  him  to  the 
father,  give  him  to  the  country!"     The  people,  moved 
by  these  entreaties,  freed  the  guilty  (20)  one  from  the 
judgment  and  returned  him  to  his  father. 

(7)  causam  cognoscere.  (8)  suadere.  (9)  provocare  ad. 
(10)  provocatio  (=  „right  of  app,^).  (11)  aliter.  (12)  animad- 
vertere  in  aUquem.  (13)  egregius.  (14)  stirps.  (15)  magnus. 
(16)  Gram,  g  272.  (17)  modo.  (18)  decorare.  (19)  parere. 
(20)  sons. 


198 


Pakt  I. 


No.  156. 


Two  Dreams. 

The  Carthaginians  besieged  the  city  of  Syracuse^ 
under  the  leadership  of  Hamilcar,  already  for  a  long 
time.  At  that  time  the  general  thought  that  he  heard 
a  voice  in  a  dream  (1)  at  night  which  said,  that  on  the 
following  day  he  would  enter  the  city,  in  the  company 
of  some  friends,  and  take  his  dinner  there.  Therefore, 
full  of  joy,  as  if  the  victory  had  been  promised  to  him 
by  the  Gods (2),  he  believed  that  he  must,  on  the 
advice  (3)  of  the  Gods,  attack  the  city  at  once.  But 
when  the  line  of  battle  had  already  been  formed  (4),  a 
tumult  arose  in  his  army.  The  Syracusans  made  a 
sudden  sally  (5) ,  overpowered  the  enemy,  and  led  Hamil- 
car with  several  friends  bound  into  the  city.  Thus,  more 
disappointed  by  his  hope  than  by  the  dream,  he  dined 
as  captive  at  S3n:acuse.  —  When  Eudemus  from  Cyprus, 
a  friend  of  Aristotle,  was  making  a  journey,  he  fell 
sick  (6)  at  Pherae,  which  city  was  (7),  at  that  time, 
under  the  cruel  dominion  (8)  of  Alexander.  All  the 
physicians  despaired  of  his  recovery.  Then,  in  a  dream, 
a  youth  appeared  to  him,  who  said,  that,  within  a  few 
days,  Alexander  would  die;  but  he  himself  would  soon 
recover (9)  and,  after  five  years,  return  to  his  native 
country.  Alexander  was,  soon  afterwards,  assassinated 
at  the  instigation  (10)  of  his  relatives,  and  Eudemus 
recovered.  But  when,  in  the  fifth  year  after,  he  was 
sailing  to  Cyprus,  and  hoped,  with  the  favour (11)  of 
the  Gods,  to  return  to  his  native  country,  he  was  killed 
on  the  voyage.     Thus  he  did  not  return  to  the  country. 


Xo.  156.  (1)  in  somnis,  or  per  somnum.  (2)  divinitus. 
(3)  auctor.  (4)  aciem  instruere.  (5)  eruptio,  excursio.  (6)  aegro- 
tare,  with  coepisse,  in  morbum  incidere.  (7)  teneri,  with  Ahlat. 
i^under'').  (8)  dominatus.  (9)  convalescere.  (10)  auctor.  (11)  fa- 
vere,  propitius. 


Section  xni. 


199 


which  he  had  hoped  for,  but  to  his  true  country.    This 
is  said  to  have  happened  in  the  lifetime  (12)  of  Aristotle. 

No.  157. 

Something  on  the  Oldest  Homan  Poets. 

Livy  Andronicus  is  said  to  have  been  the  oldest 
Roman  poet,  who  was  the  first,  who  produced  a  play(l) 
at  Rome  under  the  consulship  of  Sempronius  Tuditanus 
in  the  year  240  before  Christ.  It  seems  that  the  same 
translated  (2)  also  Homer's  poems  into  the  Latin  tongue. 
Next  to  him  in  time  is  C.  Naevius,  who  wrote  an  epic 
poem  on  the  first  Punic  war,  which  was  received  with 
great  praise.  But  by  chastizing  (3),  at  the  same  time, 
the  manners  of  many  noble  Romans  on  the  stage,  he 
caused  great  distress  to  himself.  At  the  instigation  of 
the  Metelli  he  was  banished  from  Rome  and  died  at 
Utica  under  the  consulate  of  Cornelius  Cethegus  in  the 
year  204  before  Christ.  Wlien  Livy  Andronicus  was 
still  living  and  Naevius  already  a  youth,  Q.  Ennius  was 
bom,  who  equalled,  or  rather  far  surpassed  the  glory  of 
the  former  two.  His  birth-place  was  Rudiae  in  Calabria, 
whence  he  was  led  to  Rome  by  Cato  the  elder  in  the 
same  year,  in  which  Naevius  died.  He  enjoyed  the 
intimate  friendsliip  (4)  of  the  noblest  Romans,  of  Scipio, 
under  whose  leadership  the  second  Punic  war  had  been 
finished,  of  Laelius,  Cato  and  others.  The  Consul  M. 
Fulvius  Nobilior  marched  with  his  army  to  Aetolia  ac- 
companied by  Ennius  (5).  The  poet's  most  renowned 
poem  is  the  Annals,  in  which  the  second  Punic  war  is 
celebrated.  He  died,  seventy  years  old,  at  Rome,  under 
the  consulship  of  Q.  Marcius  and  Servilius  Caepio  in  the 
year  169  before  Christ.    When  Ennius  was  still  a  youth, 

(12)  vivere,  vivus. 

No.  157.  (1)  fabulam  docere,  or  dare.  (2)  convertere,  ver- 
tere,  transferre.  (3)  exagitare,  perstringere.  (4)  familiaritas. 
Gram.  §  207,  i,  or  with  uti.     (5)  Gram,  §  284,  1, 


I 


200 


Part  i. 


i\ 


M.  Pacuvius  was  bom,  whose  plays (6)  are  praised  by 
Cicero  on  account  of  their  well  elaborated  verses.  He 
is  said  to  have  died  at  the  age  of  ninety  years  under 
the  consulship  of  C.  Claudius  and  M.  Perpema  in  the 
year  130  before  Christ.  L.  Attius  and  Caecilius  Statins 
are  also  mentioned  among  the  oldest  dramatists  (7)  not 
without  praise.  All  of  them,  however,  are  surpassed 
by  T.  Maccius  Plautus,  an  Umbrian,  who  died  about 
eighty  years  before  the  birth  of  Cicero;  under  whose 
consulsliip  this  happened,  is  uncertain.  He  is  said  to 
have  composed  more  than  100  comedies,  of  which,  how- 
ever, already  in  the  time  of  Cicero,  only  twenty  one 
were  considered  as  really  belonging  to  Plautus  (8),  al- 
most all  of  which  are  still  extant.  More  elegant,  than 
Plautus,  is  Terence,  who  as  a  slave  came  from  Carthage 
to  Rome,  and  is  therefore  called  Afer.  He  was  set  at 
liberty  (9)  by  his  master.  From  Terence  we  have  six 
plays  which  are  very  nicely  written  (and)  which  he  is 
said  to  have  polished  with  the  assistance  (10)  of  Scipio 
and  Laelius.  Eenowned  was  also  C.  Lucilius,  a  Eoman 
knight,  the  inventor  of  the  satire,  wliich  Horace  has 
afterwards  perfected.  He  died  when  Marius  was  consul 
for  the  third  time,  in  the  year  103  before  Christ.  Lucre- 
tius Carus  can  also  be  reckoned  among  the  older  poets, 
on  account  of  the  old-fasliioned(ll)  manner  of  writing, 
though  he  was  a  contemporary'  of  Cicero. 


ilf; 


No.  158. 

On  Some  Roman  Laws,  Hostile  to  the  Christians. 
Though  the  Romans  granted  (1)  to  defeated  nations 
the  liberty  to  worship  the  Gods  of  their  country,   yet 
they  did  not  wish  foreign  Gods  to  be  venerated  by  Ro- 


(6)  fabula.    (7)  poeta  scenicus.      (8)  ^belonging  to  Hautus''^  by 
the  A^\  Plautinus.     (9)  manumittere.     (10)  adjuvare.     (11)  priscus. 
No.  158.    (1)  concedere,  dare. 


i 


Section  xiii. 


201 


man  citizens.    During  (2)  the  second  Punic  war  so  much 
foreign  worship    had   crept   into   the  state,    that   either 
men  or  the  Gods  seemed  on  a  sudden  to  have  changed(3). 
But  when  this  had  become  known,  the  senate  ordered 
the  pretor  to  free  the  j^eople  from  these  religious  cere- 
monies.    Then  a  decree  was  passed  by  the  senate,  that 
no  one  should  sacrifice  in  a  public  or  sacred  place  after 
a  new  and  foreign  manner.     When  in  the  year  186  be- 
fore Christ  that  abominable  secret  worship  of  Bacchus 
had  been  discovered,  a  consul  said  in  the  assembled  (4) 
senate:    „How   often,   at   the   time  of  our   fathers   and 
grandfathers,  have  orders  been  given  to  the  magistrates 
to  forbid  (5)  foreign  worship,  to  keep  sacrifices  and  sooth- 
sayers away (6)  from  the  market,  from  the  circus,  and 
from  the  city,  to  gather  and  burn  fortunetelling  books, 
to  abolish  any  method  of  ofiering  sacrificers,  besides  the 
Roman.     For  men,  most  experienced  in  all  divine  and 
human  laws,  were  of  opinion,  that  nothing  would  tend 
more  to  the  destruction  (7)  of  religion,  than  if  sacrifices 
were  offered  up  not  after  the  custom  of  the  country,  but 
of  foreigners".     In  Cicero's  books  on  the  laws  we  'like- 
wise read:    „No  one  shall  have  Gods  separately,  nor  (8) 
new  ones;  foreign  ones  shall  not  be  venerated,   unless 
they  have  been  adopted  (9)  by  the  state". 


If 


No.  159. 

Chapter  II. 
Maecenas  who,  in  Dio  Cassius,  gives  ad\ice  to  Augus- 
tus on  the  administration  of  the  commonwealth,  says: 
^Honour  always  and  everywhere  the  deity  according  to 
the  laws  and  institutions  of  the  forefathers,  and  compel 
all  to  do  the  same.    Despise  and  punish  those  who  wish 


(2)  by  a  clause  with  duin  geritur.  (3)  alium  fieri.  (4)  con- 
vocare  (Ablat.  absol)  (5)  a  republica  prohibere.  (6)  propulsare. 
(7)  destruere.    (8)  ne  quis  —  neve  (,,no  one  —  nor'').    (9)  adsciscere. 


1 


•( 


I 


\ 


202 


Part  i. 


to  introduce  (1)  foreign  divine  worship.    Such  innovators 
seduce  many   citizens   to  change   the   customs   of  their 
country  (2),  and  that  (Relat)  is  the  occasion  of  conspira- 
cies, dangerous  plots  and  societies".     Domitius  Ulpianus 
still  collected  the  decrees  of  the  emperors  in  order  to 
show  what  punishments  ought  to  be  inflicted  upon  those 
men  who  loved  (3)  the  true  God.    Those  old  laws  issued 
for  the  preservation  (4)  of  the  religion  of  the  state  threat- 
ened the  Christians  with  ruin.     Moreover,  it  was  for- 
bidden to  form  associations  (5)  without  the  permission  of 
the   state,    and   this   law   was   also   an  obstacle   to   the 
Cliristians.     It  is  known  that  Constantine  and  Licinius 
issued,  in  the  year  313,  that  famous  edict  (6),  by  which 
they    allowed  the   Christians  to    perform   their   worship 
publicly  and  to  profess  their  religion  freely.    Constantius 
and  Constans,  the  sons  of  the  great  Constantine,  forbade, 
in  the  year  341,  under  punishment  (7)  to  offer  sacrifices 
to  the  Gods,  and  Constantius  ordered  in  the  year  353 
under  pain  of  death  that  their  temples  in  all  cities  and 
everywhere   else   should   be   closed.      Those   laws    were, 
indeed,  little  observed  at  Eome  and  Alexandria,  but  in 
other  cities  the  Gods  ceased  to  be  woi-shipped  (8).     In 
the  country,  too,  many  persevered  in  the  old  superstition, 
wherefore  the  worsliippers  of  the  false  Gods  were  called 
„country-people"  (9).    A  law  issued  in  the  year  399  says: 
„If  temples  are  in  the  country,  they  shall  be  destroyed 
without  din  and  noise;  for  when  they  have  been  pulled 
down  and  removed,  all  inducement (10)  to  superstition 
will  be  destroyed".    Yet  Theodosius  most  strictly  forbade 
to  damage  those  Jews  and  heathens  who  kept  quiet  and 
did   not  commit  any  seditious   actions.     Any   one  who 


No.  159.  (1)  See  138,  9.  (2)  by  the  A(Jj.  patrius.  (3)  Partie. 
Constr.  (4)  tueri.  (5)  sodalitates  esse.  (6)  edictum  proponere. 
(7)  poena  proposita.  (8)  Gram.  §  146.  Note,  (9)  paganus.  (10)  in- 
ch amentum. 


Section  xni. 


203 


'  robbed  them  of  anything,  if  he  was  convicted,  should 
be  compelled  to  return  it  three-  or  fourfold. 

No.  160. 

Take  up  and(l)  Bead. 

With  great  sorrow  had  St.  Monica  seen  her  son 
Augustine,  whom  she  had  brought  up  (2)  with  motherly 
love,  plunge  himself  into  licentiousness  and  vices  (3).  At 
last  God  had  pity  with  the  misery  of  the  unfortunate 
youth,  and  led  him  back  to  himself.  Once,  as  St.  Augus- 
tine himself  tells  us  in  his  „ Confessions"  (4),  he  was 
sitting  in  the  little  garden  near  the  house  together  with 
his  friend  Alypius.  Oppressed  with  grief  at  liis  sins,  he 
made  the  resolution  to  free  liimself  from  them,  and  he 
shed  abimdant  tears  (5).  And  he  said  to  liimself  (6):  „Be 
it  done!  I  must  get  out  of  the  fetters  of  vice".  As 
the  presence  of  the  friend  prevented  the  stream  of  tears, 
he  betook  himself  to  a  remote  place  of  the  Garden  and 
begged  assistance  of  God.  There  he  heard,  as  it  were, 
a  boy  or  a  girl  singing:  „Take  up  and(l)  read!  Take 
up  and  read!"  He  reflected  whether  those  words  oc- 
curred in  some  child's  play(7),  but  he  could  not  remember 
ever  to  have  heard  them.  Believing  (8)  that  this  was  a 
divine  voice,  he  seized  the  Bible (9)  and  opened  it,  for 
he  had  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  with  him  in  the  garden. 
And  he  found,  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  the  words, 
with  which  the  Apostle  gives  the  advice,  to  walk  honest- 
ly as  in  the  day,  to  avoid  impurities,  banquetings  and 
every  kind  of  intemperance,  and  to  imitate  Christ  our 


No.  160.  (1)  „n«<i^'  is  not  to  he  translated.  (2)  Pass.  Partie. 
Cottstr.  Gram.  ^  283.  2.  2.  (3)  intemperantiae  et  flagitiis  se 
dedere.  (4)  in  confessionibus.  (5)  vim  lacrimarum  profundere, 
lacrimas  tenere  non  posse,  se  dare  lacrimis.  (6)  secum  loqui. 
(7)  lusio  puerorum.  (8)  reri.  (9)  divinae  litterae,  libri  divini 
(sacri). 


It 

(i 


« 


'   5 


■ 


! 


204 


Part  i. 


Lord.  This  admonition  vehemently  struck  his  soul,  which 
had  been  given  to  such  vices,  and  he  told  his  friend 
Alypius,  what  had  happened.  Tlie  latter  took  the  book, 
and  continued  reading  in  the  place,  wliich  has  just  been 
mentioned:  „Him  that  is  weak  in  faith (10)  take  unto 
you",  and  he  deemed  himself  to  be  pointed  out  by  these 
words.  Thus  God,  in  his  goodness,  drew  both  young 
men  near  to  himself.  What  joy  did  St.  Augustine,  who 
thus  became  a  faithful  servant  of  Gk)d,  afterwards 
cause  (11)  to  his  pious  mother,  at  whose  death  (12)  he 
was  present  (13)! 


SECTION  XIV. 

Use   of  the   Gerund. 

(Grammar  §  285—289.) 

No.  161. 

On  Settling  Quarrels  (1). 

There  are  two  ways  of  quarrelling (2),  the  one  by  (3) 
discussion  (4),  the  other  by  force;  of  which  the  former 
is  more  'peculiar  to  men,  the  latter  to  animals.  In  a 
discussion  one  must  take  care  not  to  be  more  desirous 
of  gaining  a  \dctory  than  of  stating  (5)  the  truth.  For 
nothing  is  more  obliging,  nothing  more  useful  for  the 
maintenance  (6)  of  peace  than  the  effort  to  acknow- 
ledge (7)  truth  and  justice  also  in  an  adversary.  But  if 
one  abuses  the  art  of  speaking  for  the  oppression  of  his 
adversary,    enmity  and   not  concord  will  result  (8)  from 


(10)  infirmus  fide.  (11)  gaudio  afficere  aliquem.  (12)  hy  the 
Partic.    (13)  adesse. 

No.  161.  (1)  controversias  componere.  (2)  contendere,  cer- 
tare.  (3)  per.  (4)  disceptatio.  (5)  confirmare,  stabilire,  or  in- 
venire.    (6)  tueri.    (7)  conservare.    (8)  effici. 


f^ 


Section  xiv. 


205 


the  discussion.  Therefore  no  one  is  fitter  for  the  set- 
tling (9)  of  quarrels  than  he  who  strives  without  anger 
and  passion  to  vindicate  (10)  the  right  of  both  parties. 
How  distinguished,  in  this  matter,  did  we  find  Menenius 
Agrippa,  who  used  so  great  a  mildness  (11)  of  speaking 
that  he  easily  reconciled  (12)  to  the  fathers  the  most 
quanelsome  (18)  people.  For  all  perceived,  that  he  had 
spoken  only  to  consolidate  the  common  weal,  without 
any  desire  to  prefer  the  other  party.  But  that  other 
kind  of  quarrelling  too,  which  is  carried  on  by  force, 
cannot  always  be  avoided  amongst  men;  one  must  have 
recourse  (14)  to  the  latter,  as  Cicero  says,  if  it  is  not 
allowed  to  make  use  of  the  former.  Therefore  wars 
must,  indeed,  be  waged,  not,  however,  from  a  desire  (15) 
of  oppressing  others,  but  to  be  able  to  live  in  peace 
without  injury.  Yet  after  gaining  the  victory  one  must 
spare  those  who  have  been  conquered,  if  they  did  not 
make  themselves  worthy  of  a  heavier  punishment  by 
their  cruelty  in  carrying  on  the  war.  Thus  the  ancient 
Romans  acted  towards  the  Sabines,  Aequi,  and  Volsci. 
Though  they  had  the  power  of  oppressing  them,  yet 
they  used  the  milder  way  of  forbearing  (16),  and  even  ad- 
mitted them  to  citizenship  (17)  with  equal  rights.  Carthage, 
on  the  contrary,  which  had  conducted  the  war  from  a 
desire  of  ruling,  and  by  frauds  in  acting,  was  entirely 
destroyed.  Likewise  were  they  not  able  to  spare  Nu- 
mantia,  since  the  Numantines  suffered  no  ojiportunity 
to  pass  of  renewing  the  war.  Thus  the  Romans,  by 
sparing  the  conquered  and  crushing  the  proud,  took 
possession  of  the  world. 


(9)  dirimere,  componere.  (10)  vindicare.  (11)  lenitas.  (12)  re- 
conciliare  aliquem  alicui,  also  placare.  (13)  contentionis  cupidus. 
(14)  confugere.  (15)  libido,  or  cupiditas.  (16)  by  parcere.  (17)  ali- 
quem in  civitatem  recipere. 


I.  : 


^1 


I 


^ 


I 


« 


i 


1 


il*i 


III 


206 


Pakt  I. 


No.  162. 


On  the  Desire  of  Learning. 

As  a  bird,  by  its  very  nature,  is  impelled  to  fly, 
and  a  fish  to  swim(l),  so  is  the  mind  of  man  impelled 
to  think.  By  thinking  the  mind  is  nourished  and 
strengthened  (2),  so  that  it  is  able  to  understand  what, 
in  everything,  is  true,  what  false;  another  effect  (3)  of 
thinking  is  also,  that  we  comprehend  with  our  mind 
and  understand  those  tilings  wliich  we  see  or  hear. 
But  as  there  exists  an  immense  multitude  of  tilings,  to 
the  knowledge  (4)  of  wliich  man's  mind  feels  itself 
strongly  attracted,  one  occupies  himself  (5)  with  the  in- 
vestigation (6)  of  these,  the  other  of  other  things;  and 
what  each  one  has  accomplished,  he  communicates  to 
others.  Thus  one  becomes  the  scholar  of  the  other;  for 
to  learn  is  to  tlnnk  under  the  guidance  (7)  of  another. 
But  this  faculty  of  learning,  if  we  search  into  the 
truth (8),  is  found  in  man  alone;  animals  can  only  by 
force  and  practice  (9)  be  brought  (10)  so  far,  that  a  cer- 
tain appearance  of  learning  is  recognized  in  them.  But 
for  men  there  is  not  only  the  noblest  py,  but  also  the 
greatest  advantage  enshrined  (11)  in  learning.  Boys  and 
young  men  ought,  therefore,  not  only  to  learn  much 
by  exercising  their  faculties,  but  also  to  make  them- 
selves fitter  (12)  for  learning.  For  one  must  learn  as 
long  as  there  is  an3rthing  which  one  does  not  know; 
that  is,  as  long  as  one  lives.  There  are  many  examples 
of  the  most  renowned  men,  who,  throughout  their  whole 
life,  preserved (13)  the  desire  of  learning.  Of  Pytha- 
goras, Solon,  and  Plato  it  is  known,  that  they  undertook 


No.  162.  (1)  natare.  (2)  corroborare.  (3)  hy  effici.  (4)  co- 
gnoscere.  (5)  intentum  esse.  (6)  investigare,  indagare.  (7)  du- 
cere,  dux.  (8)  vernm  quaerere.  (9)  assuefacere.  (10)  perducere, 
adducere.  (11)  contineri  (,/or  luew",  Genit).  (12)  paratus,  promp- 
tus.    (13)  tenere,  retinere.' 


Section  xiv. 


207 


the  greatest  and  most  troublesome  journeys,  out  of  love 
for  the  investigation  of  truth.  How  desirous  of  learn- 
ing Solon  was,  may  be  judged (14)  from  that  Penta- 
meter which  ancient  writers  have  often  quoted  (15)  for 
the  encouragement  of  young  people:  yriQaaxw  6^  alel 
noXka  SiSaaxof^isvog,  „I  am  getting  an  old  man,  says 
he,  continually  learning  (16)  many  things."  The  philo- 
sopher Democritus  is  said  to  have  made  a  present  of 
his  paternal  inheritance  (17)  to  his  native  city,  that  he 
might  not  be  drawn  away  (18)  from  his  studies  by  the 
administration  of  his  property.  That  inheritance,  how- 
ever, was  so  large,  that  the  father  of  Democritus,  as  is 
related,  was  able  to  give,  without  difficulty  (19),  a  din- 
ner to  Xerxes  and  his  whole  army.  Very  well  known 
in  this  regard,  —  to  add  but  one  more  instance  — ,  is 
Archimedes.  After  the  taking  of  Syracuse  a  soldier,  in 
order  to  plunder  (20),  had  made  his  way  into  the  house 
of  Archimedes,  and  asked  him  with  his  sword  drawn, 
who  he  was.  But  the  latter  was  so  deeply  engaged  (21) 
in  his  investigation,  that  he  gave  only  this  answer: 
„Do  not  disturb  my  circles."  Thus  he  was  slain  by 
the  soldier. 

\o.  163. 

On  the  Improvement  (1)  of  the  Soul  and  the  Body. 

It  is,  no  doubt,  deserving  of  great  praise,  to  spend 
much  labour  (2)  on  exercising  the  body  and  developing  (3) 
its  strength,  but  it  is  certainly  more  praiseworthy,  to 
bestow  pains  (4)  on  the  cultivation  (5)  of  the  soul.    This 


(14)  existimare,  cognoscere.  (15)  laudare.  (16)  addiscere. 
(17)  patrimonium  (=  „pat.  ink.'').  (18)  abducere,  avocare,  abs- 
trahere.  (19)  molestia.  (20)  praedari,  oi-  praedam  facere.  (21)  in- 
tentus. 

No.  163.  (1)  excolere.  (2)  multum  laboris  impertire.  (3)  per- 
ficere.    (4)  operam  coUocare,  ponere  in.    (o)  See  1. 


206 


ll 


I 


i      '  J 

t 


Part  i. 


No.  162. 


Section  xiv. 


207 


On  the  Desire  of  Learning. 

As  a  bird,  by  its  very  nature,  is  impelled  to  fly, 
and  a  iish  to  swim  (1),  so  is  the  mind  of  man  impelled 
to  think.  By  thinking  the  mind  is  nourished  and 
strengthened  (2),  so  that  it  is  able  to  understand  what, 
in  everything,  is  true,  what  false;  another  effect  (3)  of 
thinking  is  also,  that  we  comprehend  with  our  mind 
and  understand  those  tilings  which  we  see  or  hear. 
But  as  there  exists  an  immense  multitude  of  things,  to 
the  knowledge  (4)  of  wliich  man's  mind  feels  itself 
strongly  attracted,  one  occupies  himself  (5)  with  the  in- 
vestigation (6)  of  these,  the  other  of  other  things;  and 
what  each  one  has  accomplished,  he  communicates  to 
others.  Thus  one  becomes  the  scholar  of  the  other;  for 
to  learn  is  to  think  under  the  guidance  (7)  of  another. 
But  this  faculty  of  learning,  if  we  search  into  the 
truth  (8),  is  found  in  man  alone;  animals  can  only  by 
force  and  practice  (9)  be  brought  (10)  so  far,  that  a  cer- 
tain appearance  of  learning  is  recognized  in  them.  But 
for  men  there  is  not  only  the  noblest  joy,  but  also  the 
greatest  advantage  enshrined  (11)  in  learning.  Boys  and 
young  men  ought,  therefore,  not  only  to  learn  much 
by  exercising  their  faculties,  but  also  to  make  them- 
selves fitter  (12)  for  learning.  For  one  must  learn  as 
long  as  there  is  anytliing  which  one  does  not  know; 
that  is,  as  long  as  one  lives.  Tliere  are  many  examples 
of  the  most  renowned  men,  who,  tliroughout  their  whole 
life,  preserved (13)  the  desire  of  learning.  Of  Pytha- 
goras, Solon,  and  Plato  it  is  known,  that  they  undertook 


No.  162.  (t)  natare.  (2)  corrohorare.  (3)  by  effici.  (4)  co- 
gnoscere.  (5)  intentum  esse.  (6)  investigare,  indagare.  (7)  du- 
cere,  dux.  (8)  verum  quaerere.  (9)  assuefacere.  (10)  perclucere, 
addiicere.  (11)  contineri  (,/ar  wtm",  Genit).  (12)  paratus,  promp- 
tus.    (13)  tenere,  retinere." 


the  greatest  and  most  troublesome  journeys,  out  of  love 
for  the  investigation  of  truth.  How  desirous  of  learn- 
ing Solon  was,  may  be  judged (14)  from  that  Penta- 
meter which  ancient  writers  have  often  quoted  (15)  for 
the  encouragement  of  young  people:  yrigdaxw  6"  aiei 
TioXla  Sidaaxoiisvog.  „I  am  getting  an  old  man,  says 
he,  continually  learning  (16)  many  things."  The  philo- 
sopher Democritus  is  said  to  have  made  a  present  of 
liis  paternal  inheritance  (17)  to  his  native  city,  that  he 
might  not  be  drawn  away  (18)  from  his  studies  by  the 
administration  of  his  property.  That  inheritance,  how- 
ever, was  so  large,  that  the  father  of  Democritus,  as  is 
related,  was  able  to  give,  without  difficulty  (19),  a  din- 
ner to  Xerxes  and  his  whole  army.  Very  well  known 
in  this  regard,  —  to  add  but  one  more  instance  — ,  is 
Archimedes.  After  the  taking  of  Syracuse  a  soldier,  in 
order  to  plunder  (20),  had  made  his  way  into  the  house 
of  Archimedes,  and  asked  him  with  his  sword  drawn, 
who  he  was.  But  the  latter  was  so  deeply  engaged  (21) 
in  his  investigation,  that  he  gave  only  this  answer: 
„Do  not  disturb  my  circles."  Thus  he  was  slain  by 
the  soldier. 

No.  163. 

On  the  Improvement  (1)  of  the  Soul  and  the  Body. 

It  is,  no  doubt,  deserving  of  great  praise,  to  spend 
much  labour  (2)  on  exercising  the  body  and  developing  (3) 
its  strength,  but  it  is  certainly  more  praiseworthy,  to 
bestow  pains  (4)  on  the  cultivation  (5)  of  the  soul.     This 


(14)  existimare,  cognoscere.  (15)  laudare.  (16)  addiscere. 
(17)  patrimonium  (=  ,,V(^t  ink''),  (18)  abducere,  avocare,  abs- 
trahere.    (19)  molestia.    (20)  praedari,  or  praedam  facere.    (21)  in- 

tentus. 

No.  103.  (1)  excolere.  (2)  multum  laboris  impertire.  (3)  per- 
ficere.    (4)  operam  collocare,  ponere  in.    (5)  See  1. 


208 


Part  i. 


i 


i 


i  I 


I 


,M 


was  well  understood  even  by  the  wisest  men  of  anti- 
quity.    Therefore  they  often  blamed  (6)  those  who  were 
more   eager   to   show   the   strength  of  their  body,  than 
(that)    of  their   mind.     Thus,   in  Cicero's   book   on   old 
age,   Cato  justly  censures  (7)  a  certain   Milo  of  Croton, 
who  wept  when  he  saw  some  young  people  exercising 
themselves  in  running,  leaping  and  wrestling,  and  could 
not  take  part  any  more  in  such  exercises  on  account  of 
his  old  age.    For  that  man  seems  to  have  believed,  that 
true   dignity   consisted   not   so  much   in   perfecting  the 
soul  as  in  acquiring  greater  strength  and  nimbleness  (8) 
of  the   body.      Sometliing   similar   is   related   of  Plato. 
A  certain  Anniceris  from  Gyrene  had  occupied  himself(9) 
most  zealously,  for  several  years,  with  the  taming  and 
managing(lO)  of  horses  and  possessed  the  greatest  skill(ll) 
in  riding.     Desirous   of  showing  (12)   his   skill   in   the 
presence  of  many  distinguished  men,  he  gave   one  day 
a  proof (13)    of  it  in  the  academy,  where  Plato  and  a 
great   multitude   had   assembled   to   see    him.      At   full 
speed  (14)  he  drove  his  horses  several  times  around  in 
a  great  circle  (15),  and  whilst  driving  (16)  he  directed 
his  chariot  so  accurately,  that,  in  returning,  the  wheels 
never   deviated    from    the    track  (17)    which    had    been 
marked  out  before.    When,  therefore,  the  crowd,  inclin- 
ed (18)   to   admiration,    applauded  (19)   him   with   great 
acclamation,  Plato  blamed  that  man,  who  had  spent  so 
much  labour  on  learning  a  thing  of  so  little  value.    For 
he  said  that  it  was  not  possible  that  he  who  had  em- 
ployed (20)  his  life  in  practising  such  an  art,  was  not 
entirely   drawn   away    from   thinking.      Besides   virtue, 


(6)  vituperare.  (7)  reprehendere.  (8)  agilitas.  (9)  occupa- 
tum  esse  in  aliqua  re.  (10)  regere.  (11)  peritia.  (12)  ostentare. 
(13)  specimen  edere.  (14)  cursu  incitato,  concitato.  (15)  in  or- 
bem  agitare.  (16)  vehere.  (17)  orbita.  (18)  pronus,  propensus. 
(19)  plaudere.    (20)  consumere  in  aliqua  re. 


Section  xiv. 


209 


however,  only  that  was  deserving  of  admiration,  which 
was  the  product  (21)  of  thinking.  —  Thus  the  hope  of 
being  praised  by  Plato,  disappointed  Anniceris. 

No.  164. 

Solemnities  (1)  of  a  Boman  Triumph. 

The  custom  of  celebrating  triumphs  was  especially 
a  Roman  custom.  Such  a  triumph  was  a  solemn  proces- 
sion (2)  which  a  commander,  who  had  endeavoured  (3) 
to  secure  a  most  important  victory  to  the  commonwealth, 
was  given  the  permission  (4)  of  holding  (5)  through  the 
city  to  the  Capitol.  Romulus  himself  is  said  to  have 
had  the  first  opportunity  of  gaining  such  a  triumph 
and  of  triumphantly  entering  the  city,  when  he  had 
slain  Acron,  the  king  of  the  Caeninenses,  who  desirous 
of  avenging  the  Sabine  virgins,  had  made  war  against 
the  Romans.  After  the  expulsion  (6)  of  the  kings ,  when 
the  people  also  in  some  way  took  part  (7)  in  the  admi- 
nistration of  public  affairs  (8),  the  permission  to  enter 
the  city  in  triumph,  generally  depended  on  the  senate, 
sometimes  on  the  people,  and  was  only  given  to  him, 
who  had  conquered  a  foreign  nation,  slain  at  least  5000 
enemies  in  battle,  and  extended  the  Roman  dominion. 
As  the  fittest  place  for  beginning  the  triumphal  proces- 
sion the  Campus  Martins  was  always  considered.  Thence 
it  moved  by  the  triumphal  road  across  the  Circus  Fla- 
minius  through  the  triumphal  gate  to  the  Capitol ,  those 
places  being  most  convenient  to  display  and  to  view  (9) 
such  a  pageant  (10).  For  the  sake  of  adding  more 
brilliancy  to  it,  all  the  streets  were  strewn  with  flowers, 
and  altars  were  erected  to  bum  (11)  incense.     The  pro- 


(21)  by  gignere,  efficere. 

Xo.  164.  (1)  sollenmia.  (2)  pompa.  (3)operam  dare.  (4)  fa- 
cultas,  potestas.  (5)  agere.  (6)  expellere.  (7)  participem  esse. 
(8)  rem  publicam  administrare.  (9)  spectare.  (10)  See  2.  (11)  Gram, 
§  288.   1. 

MUller,  Exercises.  14 


|l 


I 


■Vt 


i'l 


210 


Pabt  I. 


Section  xiv. 


211 


cession  was  headed  (12)  by  flute-players  and  singers^  who 
sang  triumphal  hymns  (13).     After  them   MW   the 
oxen    by  the  sacrificing  of  which  thanks  should  be  given 
to  the  Gods.    Then  all  the  booty  taken  from  the  enemy, 
statues,    paintings,    precious    vessels,    arms    and   other 
things,  besides  all  the  presents  sent  by  the  aUied  nations, 
were  carried   on  many   waggons.    To   give   the  people 
an  opportunity  of  learning,  what  nations  and  cities  had 
been  conquered,  wooden  tablets,   on  which  the   names 
were  inscribed,  were  carried  here  and  there  between  aU 
those  things.    Then  followed  the  captured  princes   and 
generals  with  their  children  and  relativ^,  the   hctoi^ 
and   a   long   train   of   dancers,   singers,   fumigators  (14j 
and  others. 

No.  165. 

Chapter  II. 

At  some  distance  (1)  came  the  general  Wmself,  clad 
in  purple  garments,  that  is  to  say,  in  an  embroidered(2 
toga   and  the   tunica    pahnata,   carrying   a   g^irland   o 
laLl  around  his  head,  a  laurel-branch(3)  m  the  ngh 
hand,  in  the  left  an  ivory  sceptre,  on  the  top  of  which 
was   a   golden   eagle.     He   stood   on   a   gilt  (4)   chanot 
which  was  adapted  (5)  to  carry  also  the  general  s  chUdren. 
To  (6)    prevent    every    opportunity    of  pride   and   se  t- 
sufficiency(7),  a  slave  stood   belnnd   the   general     who 
continually  whispered  (8)  the  following  words   into   the 
general's    ear:    „Itemember    that    you    are   man.      Ihe 
chariot  by   whose   side   were   the   general's  legates  and 
tribunes  of  war,  was  drawn  by  four  white  horses,  some- 
times   by    elephants.     The    consuls   and   senators,   who 
had,  before  Augustus,  preceded  the  triumphal  clmrio^, 

(12)  aperire,  or  initium  facere.    (13)  carmen.    (14)  suffltor 
No   165     (1)  spatium  intermittere  {AUat.  ab>ol.).     (2)  pictu,. 

(3)  only  laurus.     (4)   auratus.     (5)   accommodatus  ad.     (6)   ad. 

QraZ§  388.  1.     (7)  superbire  et  sibi  placere.     (8)  msusurrare. 


from  that  time  always  followed  it  on  foot  (9).  The 
army,  which,  under  the  generaPs  command,  had  contri- 
buted (10)  so  much  to  gaining  the  victory  and  achiev- 
ing great  things,  closed  the  procession  itself.  But  a 
large  multitude  of  citizens,  very  eager  to  see  such 
splendour,  followed  without  any  order.  The  soldiers 
were  crowned  with  garlands  and  sang  songs  for  the 
glorification  (1 1)  both  of  their  general's  deeds  and  their 
own.  Now  and  then  the  words  „Io  Triumphe!"  were 
inserted  (12),  in  the  repetition  (13)  of  which  the  whole 
crowd  most  enthusiastically  (14)  joined  (15).  When  the 
general  himself  had  nearly  reached  the  Capitol,  he 
ordered  the  captured  princes  and  generals  of  the  enemy 
to  be  thrown  into  prison  and  afterwards  to  be  put  to 
death.  Very  seldom  was  a  general  inclined  (16)  to  spare 
the  life  of  the  captives.  After  thanks  had  been  given 
to  the  Gods  for  the  victory  obtained,  the  general  gave 
his  friends  and  the  noblest  citizens  a  most  splendid 
banquet  on  the  Capitol,  after  which  he  was  conducted 
home  by  the  people  with  music  (17)  and  torch-lights  (18). 
Very  often  all  this  could  not  be  carried  out  in  one  day, 
but  several  days  were  necessary  (19)  to  finish  a  trium- 
phal procession. 

(9)   pedes,   itis.     (10)   valere,   adjuvare   ad.     (11)  celebrare. 

(12)  interponere.     (13)  repetere.     (14)  summo  studio.  (15)  parti- 

cipem  fieri.     (16)  propensus  ad,   also  hy  impellere  ad.  (17)  can- 
tus.    (18)  funale,  is.  n.    (19)  necessarius  ad. 


14' 


■' 


hij 


212  Pabt  I. 

SECTION  XV. 

Use  of  the  Supine. 

(Grammar  §  290  and  291.) 
No.  166. 

C.  Marius  Conquers  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones. 

When  C.  Marius  had  finished  the  Jugurthine  war, 
he  was,  in  the  year  104  before  Christ,  elected  consul 
a  second  time,  and  sent  as  general  against  the  Cimbri 
and  Teutones.  These  nations  (1)  had  come  from  the 
farthest  (2)  North,  and  had  already  cut  to  pieces  four 
Roman  armies,  so  that  a  great  terror  seized  the  minds 
of  all.  It  is  astonishing  to  hear,  how  Marius  prepared 
his  soldiers  for  the  conquest  of  these  terrible  foes.  For 
a  long  time  he  kept  them  in  a  well  fortified  camp  which 
the  enemy  did  not  dare  to  attack.  By  very  hard 
labours  and  strict  military  discipline  he  roused  (3)  the 
courage  of  the  soldiers  and  their  desire  for  fighting.  At 
the  same  time  he  now  and  then  despatched  horsemen  to 
reconnoitre  (4)  what  the  enemy  were  doing.  Yet  those 
did  not  move  from  their  place.  Soon  forage  (5)  and 
water  were  wanting  in  the  camp,  and  the  soldiers 
became  indignant  (6)  that  they  were  kept  so  long  enclosed, 
and  were  in  want  of  (7)  the  most  necessary  things. 
Marius  encouraged  them  to  quit  the  camp  and  to  go  to 
the  Ehone  to  fetch  water  (8).  This  was  easy  to  say, 
but  very  difficult  to  do;  but  the  orders  of  the  commander 
had  to  be  obeyed.  As  often,  then,  as  the  soldiers  went 
to  forage  (9),  they  met  (10)  with  some  of  the  enemy  and 
engaged   in   fighting  (11);    the    same   happened  to  those 


No.  166.  (1)  gens.  (2)  ultimus.  (3)  acuere,  stimulare. 
(4)  speculari,  explorare.  (5)  pabulum.  (6)  indignari.  (7)  carere. 
(8)  aquari.  (9)  pabulari.  (10)  congredi.  (11)  manus  conserere 
{=z  ^to  eng.  in  /*."). 


Section  xv. 


213 


f't 


:l: 


who  were  sent  to  fetch  water;  and  not  rarely  were  the 
Roman  soldiers  victorious  (12).  Marius  had  thought 
this  the  best  to  do,  that  his  men  might  accustom  them- 
selves to  the  sight  of  the  terrible  (13)  barbarians,  and 
that  they  might  cease  to  fear  them.  Soon  the  cour- 
age (14)  of  the  Romans  increased;  in  the  camp  utterances 
were  heard,  that  it  was  a  sin  to  see,  how  much  Roman 
bravery  was  despised  by  the  enemy.  The  general  might 
lead  them  to  battle;  that  it  was  better  to  fall  while 
fighting  than  to  be  killed,  while  being  sent  out  like 
servants  (15)  to  fetch  water. 

No.  167. 

Chapter  II. 

All  this  was  pleasing  to  Marius  to  hear.  He  pre- 
pared with  the  greatest  care,  what  he  thought  necessary 
to  be  done.  As  soon  as  he  found  (1)  a  favourable 
opportunity  for  fighting,  he  attacked,  with  great  courage, 
the  Teutones,  who  had  pitched  their  camp  nearer  to 
him.  The  battle  was  fought  at  Aquae  Sextiae  in  the 
year  102  before  Christ.  By  the  strategetical  skill  (2)  of 
Marius  and  the  military  science  of  the  Romans  the 
barbarians  were  put  to  flight  and  their  camp  taken  by 
storm  (3).  Yet  only  a  few  were  captured  alive.  These 
were  of  such  a  size  of  body,  that  people  hurried  together 
from  all  sides  to  look  at  those  fearful  (4)  men,  whose 
name  had,  shortly  before,  filled  every  one  with  terror. 
It  is  incredible  to  say,  how  great  a  joy  the  news  of 
this  victory  produced  (5)  at  Rome.  But  the  commander 
believed,  that  he  ought  not  to  delay  (6),  and  he  at  once 

(12)  superiorem  discedere.  (13)  atrox.  (14)  animus  {Plur.) 
(15)  calo. 

No.  167.  (1)  nancisci.  (2)  virtus  imperatoria.  (3)  impetu 
facto  expugnare.  (4)  immanis.  (5)  efficere,  excitare.  (6)  cunc- 
tari,  morari. 


■  X 
•   V  I 


214 


Part  i. 


11 


1 


»  ii' 


marclied  with  his  victorious  army  into  Upper  Italy, 
where  the  other  consul  Catulus  was  hard  pressed  (7)  by 
the  Cimbri.  Marius  sent  faithful  men  in  advance  to 
hiTn  to  announce  what  seemed  the  best  to  do.  Thus 
the  two  consular  armies  were  soon  united  to  attack  the 
Cimbri  with  combined  forces.  In  the  Baudian  fields, 
not  far  from  Verona,  in  the  year  101  before  Christ, 
that  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  Cimbri  were  beaten 
and,  wonderful  to  say,  cut  down  nearly  to  the  last 
man (8).  Thus  Marius  had,  within  four  years,  finished 
the  war,  in  which  Rome  seemed  to  be  destined  to 
perish  (9).  The  senate  sent  to  him  noble  (10)  men  to 
congratulate  him;  the  people  hastened  to  all  the  temples 
to  thank  the  Gods;  the  praise  of  Marius  was  endless. 
He  returned  triumphantly  to  the  city,  bringing  with 
him  the  prisoners,  who  though  fettered  were  still  terrible 
to  behold;  and  although  he  had,  against  the  law,  dis- 
charged (11)  the  consulship  already  four  years  in  succes- 
sion (12),  yet  he  was  again  elected  consul  for  the 
following  year.  This  was  his  sixth  and  last  consulship; 
for  the  seventh,  on  which  he  entered  in  the  year  86 
before  Christ,  he  held  but  a  fortnight,  as  he  died  on 
the  Ides  of  January. 


r 
m 


No.  168. 

The  Grateful  Lion. 

It  is  easy  to  understand,  that  gratitude  (1)  is  praise- 
worthy, but  it  is  difficult  to  say,  why  many  are  so 
fiir  from  showing  (2)  it  towards  their  benefactors  (3), 
that  they  even  return  injuries   for  benefits.     Such   can 


(7)  gravissime  urgere.  (8)  ad  unum  omnes.  (9)  ^^to  be  destin- 
ed to  perish^^,  Periphr.  Conjug.  in  —  urus.  (10)  princeps,  or  Superl. 
of  nobilis.     (11)  gerere.     (12)  deinceps. 

No.  168.  (1)  animus  beneficiorum  memor.  (2)  Gram.  §275, 
2,  2.     (3)  hy  a  clmise  ^^thost  tcho^'^  etc. 


m 


Section  xv. 


215 


learn  something  from  animals  {hestia)j  since  it  is  astonish- 
ing to  see,  that  even  animals  are  not  altogether  without 
gratitude  (4).  It  is  on  the  one  hand  (5)  very  pleasant 
to  read,  on  the  other  very  difficult  to  believe,  what 
Gellius  relates  (6)  about  a  lion.  One  day  the  people 
had  assembled  to  look  at  the  himts  (7)  which  were 
exhibited  in  the  Circus  at  Eome.  Many  wild  beasts  of 
an  unusual  size  and  fierceness  had  been  brought  there 
from  difierent  countries  to  delight  the  spectators,  among 
others  also  a  lion,  which  was  terrible  to  behold  (8)  and 
remarkable  for  its  dreadful  roaring  (9)  and  extraordinary 
strength.  A  slave,  Androclus  by  name,  who  had  been 
condemned  to  death,  was  conducted  into  the  Circus  to 
fight  with  that  fearful  beast.  As  soon  as  the  lion  had 
seen  the  slave,  it  looked  at (10)  him  for  a  while,  and, 
it  is  almost  incredible  to  say,  having  approached  him 
in  the  manner  of  a  flattering  dog,  prostrated  itself  at 
the  feet  of  the  slave  and  licked  his  hands.  It  was  easy 
to  see,  that  there  was  something  unusual  in  that  affair. 
The  people,  therefore,  asked  Androclus,  after  he  had 
been  taken  out  of  the  Circus,  how  it  had  come  to  pass, 
that  the  lion  had  not  dared  to  touch  him.  And  Androclus 
told  them,  he  had  been  so  cruelly  treated  by  his  master, 
that  he  had  taken  refuge  in  a  desert  (11).  It  was  diffi- 
cult to  say,  what  hardships  he  had  suffered  there  for 
several  days,  since  he  was  without  food  and  shelter  (12). 
Finally  he  had  found  a  cave,  which  he  had  hardly  en- 
tered, when  a  lion  of  enormous  size  came  after  him, 
limping  (13)  and  groaning  (14) ,  blood  flowing  from  one 
of  its  feet.  Frightened  first  at  the  sight  of  the  ap- 
proaching animal,  he  had,  however,  soon  recovered  cour- 

(4)  beneficiorum  immemor  (=  ^^without  graf^).  (5)  ^^on  the 
one  hand  —  on  the  other'^  by  nt  —  ita.  (6)  memoriae  prodere 
{Perf.).  (7)  venatio.  (8)  aspicere.  (9)  fremitus.  (10)  contem- 
plari.  (11)  loca  deserta.  (12)  deversorium.  (13)  claudicare. 
(14)  gemitus  edere. 


I 


lii 


i 


216 


Pabt  I. 


1 


l» 


in 


age,  when  the  animal  had  raised  its  foot,  asking,  as  it 
were,  for  help.  He  had  plucked  out  (15)  a  thorn  stick- 
ing fast  in  its  foot,  pressed  out  the  matter  (16),  and  thus 
freed  it  from  pain.  For  this,  it  is  almost  incredible  to 
hear,  the  lion  had  been  so  grateful,  that  it  had  remain- 
ed with  him  in  that  cave  for  three  years,  and  had 
brought  him  always  the  best  portions  of  its  prey  to 
sustain  his  life.  One  day,  in  the  absence  of  the  lion, 
he  had  left  that  hiding-place  (17),  had  been  captured  by 
soldiers,  brought  back  to  his  former  master,  and  con- 
demned to  death.  Now,  Androclus  added,  on  entering 
the  Circus,  I  meet  with  that  same  lion,  and,  still  mind- 
ful, as  it  were,  of  the  benefit  received,  it  shows  its 
gratitude  (18)  towards  me.  —  The  people  believed  it 
unlawful  to  punish  the  slave.  Androclus  was  set  at 
liberty;  the  lion  was  given  him  as  a  present,  and  the 
people  so  highly  esteemed  the  grateful  animal,  that, 
when  Androclus  conducted  it  through  the  city,  they 
adorned  it  with  flowers  and  presented  its  leader  witli 
money. 

(15)  evellere.    (16)  sanies.     (17)  latibulum.     (18)  gratiam  re- 
ferre  alicui. 


11 


1 


i  II 


PART  n. 


-iUV- 


Exercises  Based  on  Latin  Authors. 


-^ 


h^ 


M 


SECTION  XVI. 

Esopian  Fables  from  Pliaedrus. 

No.  169. 

A  Few  Preliminary  Remarks  (1)  on  the  Fable  and 

Its  Inventor. 

The  fable  is  that  kind  of  poetry,  which  does  not 
teach  by  proofs,  but  shows,  by  feigned  examples,  what 
is  good  or  bad  (2),  what  useful  or  hurtful.  These  examples 
are  mostly  taken  from  the  lives  of  animals,  of  which  some 
are  very  similar  to  the  lives  of  men  in  one  respect  (3) 
or  another.  But  by  examples  men  are  taught  easiest. 
However,  not  only  the  matter,  but  also  the  language  (4) 
of  the  fable  is  very  simple,  so  that  it  can  also,  without 
any  learning,  be  understood  by  everybody.  But  one 
who,  from  the  example  of  others,  has  learned  what  is 
good  and  useful,  will  try  to  imitate  it  in  liis  life;  and 
one  who  has  understood,  what  is  bad  and  hurtful,  will 
avoid  it.  Thus  a  fable  does  not  only  teach,  but  it  is 
also  useful.  Now  (5),  this  fable  is  commonly  called  the 
Esopian  fable,  because  tliis  whole  kind  is  said  to  have 
been  invented  by  Aesop.  Without  doubt,  in  the  most 
ancient  times  others  have  also  made  use  of  this  kind  of 
teaching;  but  yet  Aesop  is  the  earliest,  whose  name  has 
been  handed  down  to  us,  and  who,  by  his  fables,  has 
acquired  (6)  the  reputation  of  great  wisdom.    Herodotus, 

No.  169.  (1)  pauca  praeponuntur.  (2)  6yhonestus,  and  tur- 
pis.  (3)  res.  Gram.  §  238.  7.  c.  3.  (4)  sermo.  (5)  igitur. 
(6)  sibi  parare,  par^re. 


i 


220 


Part  ii. 


the  most  ancient  historian (7)  of  the  Greeks,  mentions 
him  as  a  renowned  writer  of  fables.  He  also  says,  that 
Aesop  had  been  the  slave  of  a  certain  Jadmon  of  Samos, 
that  he  had  been  assassinated  in  a  criminal  manner  (8), 
and  that  the  oracle  itself  had  caUed  upon  the  friends  of 
Aesop  to  revenge  his  murder  (9).  Finally  from  what 
Herodotus  relates,  we  learn,  that  Aesop  flourished  about 
the  year  560  before  Christ.  Whatever  ebe  is  related 
about  his  life,  is  uncertain:  however  Phaedrus  says,  that 
he  was  a  Phrygian  by  nation.  Also  that  he  was  very 
ugly  (10)  and  deformed,  and  much  more  of  the  same 
kind,  has  been  invented  by  later  writers  (11). 

No.  170. 

Chapter  n. 
But  we  have  no  mind  to  pass  over  in  silence  (1) 
what  Plutarch  of  Chaeronea,  a  distinguished  Greek  writer 
of  the  first  century  after  Christ,  has  related  of  Aesop. 
For  if  we  believe  (2)  him,  Aesop  was,  on  account  of  the 
renown  of  his  wisdom,  invited (3)  by  Croesus,  king  of 
Lydia,  and  came  to  Sardes,  where  great  honours  were 
bestowed  (4)  upon  him.  At  the  same  time  Solon  came 
also  to  Sardes.  When  he  less  admired  the  power  (5)  and 
riches  of  Croesus,  and  deemed  certain  private  men  of 
Greece,  who  had  abeady  died,  happier  than  the  most 
powerful  king,  Aesop  took  his  recklessness (6)  ill  and 
made  reproaches (7)  to  Solon.  „0  Solon,  said  he,  to 
kings  one  must  speak  either  as  little  as  possible  or  in 
the  most  submissive  manner  possible"  (8).  To  which 
Solon  repHed:   „By  no  means  (9);  but  to  kings  we  must 


(7)  rerum  scriptor.  (8)  nefarie.  (9)  ad  ulciscendam  caedem 
excitare.    (10)  foedus.     (11)   only  posterior. 

No.  170.  (1)  tacere  (=  „to  pass  over  in  «Z.").  (2)  fidem  ha- 
bere, credere.  (3)  Participle.  Gram,  §  282.  1.  (4)  tribuere, 
habere.  (5)  opes.  (6)  insolentia,  immodestia.  (7)  alicui  aliquid 
crimini  vertere.    (8)  quam  mitissime.    (9)  minime  vero. 


Ill 


SbCTION    XVI. 


221 


speak  either  as  little  or  as  well  as  possible".  —  That 
the  fables  of  Aesop  enjoyed  (10)  great  authority  in  the 
remotest  time,  can  be  proved  from  many  passages  of 
ancient  writers.  However  those  fables  seem  not  to  have 
been  written  down  by  the  inventor,  but  circulated (11) 
by  oral  tradition  (12).  But  they  were  composed,  not  in 
verse,  but  in  the  language  of  common  life.  Remarkable 
is,  what  Socrates  relates  of  himself  in  Plato.  For  (13) 
he  says,  that,  whilst  in  prison,  he  had  brought (14) 
several  fables  of  Aesop,  which  he  kept  in  his  memory, 
into  verse.  The  same  was  afterwards  done  by  other 
Greeks,  especially  by  a  certain  Babrius,  who,  in  the 
time  of  Augustus,  collected  a  great  many  Esopian  fables. 

No.  171. 

On  the  Poet  Phaedrus. 

The  oldest  fable  (circulated)  among  the  Eomans  is 
that  delightful  story  of  Menenius  Agrippa  on  the  discord, 
which  arose  (1)  between  the  members  of  the  body  and 
the  stomach  (2);  which  fable  not  only  has  been  very 
agreeable,  but  also  very  useful  to  the  Roman  people. 
However  among  the  Romans  Phaedrus  must  be  con- 
sidered the  first  writer  of  fables.  As  he  himself  relates, 
he  was  born  in  Thrace,  which  is  said  to  have  been  a 
very  renowned  abode  of  the  Muses,  and  the  native 
country  of  the  most  ancient  poets  Linus  and  Orpheus. 
Having  been,  by  an  unfortunate  incident (3),  led  away 
into  slavery  (4),  he  came  as  a  youth  into  the  family  of 
Augustus,  and  there  he  displayed  (5)  such  great  learning 
and  so  great  a  fondness (6)  for  the  liberal (7)  arts,  that 
Augustus  granted  him  freedom.     For  this  reason  he  is 

(10)  by  esse.  (11)  divulgare.  (12)  sermo  hominum.  (13)  enim. 
(14)  redigere. 

No.  171.  (1)  by  esse.  (2)  venter.  (3)  adversus  casus.  (4)  in 
servitutem  abducere.  (5)  ostendere.  (6)  studium.  (7)  bonus,  or 
optimus. 


\ 


w 


'  I 


222 


Paet  u. 


Section  xvi. 


223 


usually  culled  Phaedrus,  a  freedman  (8)  of  Augiistus.    In 
most  cases  Phaedrus  has  made  use  of  the  materials  which 
Aesop  had  invented,  and  has  adomed(9)  them  with  verses 
of  six  feet (10).     It  seems,  however,  that  in  some  fables 
he  has  too  sarcastically  (11)  censured  (12)  and  hurt  cer- 
tain distinguished  (13)  men,   among  these  Sejanus,   Uie 
most  powerful  flatterer  of  the  emperor  Tiberius.     The 
poet,  therefore,  was  very  hateful  (14)  to  Sejanus,  and  he 
was  accused  by  him  through  false  witnesses,  and,  as  it 
seems,  thrown  into  prison(15)  by  Tiberius.  It  was  only  (16 
under  the  reign  of  Claudius,  when  he  was  a  very  old 
man  (17),  he  recovered  liberty.  -  The  fables  of  Phaedrus 
are  divided  into  five  books.    It  seems,  that  the  two  first 
were  published(18)  under  the  reign  of  Tiberius;  the  three 
last  the  poet  published  (19)  after  the  death  f  Tiberius 
as  is  understood  from  the  prologue  to  {Gen.)  the  third 
book. 

No.  IT2. 

How  a  Fox  Deceived  a  Raven,  and  Another  Took 

Revenge  on  an  Eagle. 
(Phaedr.  Fab.  I.  13  and  I.  28.) 
One  day  a  raven  had  stolen  cheese,  and  keeping  it 
in  his  beak,  he  flew(l)  into  the  wood.     There  he  sat 
down  on  a  lofty  tree  to  eat  it.     A  fox  saw  him  am 
began  to  praise  him  with  deceitful  words.    „How  bright 
a  plumage  thou  wearest,   o    raven,   said  the  fox,   how 
great  is  the  gracefulness  of  thy  body  and  thy  counten- 
ance!   If  the  voice  were  not  wanting  (2)  to  thee,  I  would 
call  thee  the  king  of  birds".     Deceived  by  this  praise 
the  raven  opened  his  mouth  to  show  also  the  power  ot 


(8)  libertus.  (9)  polire.  (10)  versus  senanus.  (11)^  mm., 
dicaciter.  (12)  notare.  (13)  princeps.  (U)  invisus.  (lo)  in  cai- 
cerem,  or  in  vincula  conjicere.  (16)  demum.  (17)  admodum  se- 
nex.    (18)  edere.    (19)  in  publicum  emittere. 

No.  172.    (1)  avolare.    (2)  deesse. 


his  voice.  The  cheese  fell  down  from  his  beak  to  the 
ground.  The  fox  smilingly  seized  and  greedily  devoured 
it.  —  Another  fox  came  home  and  found  that  her  young 
had  been  taken  away  by  an  eagle.  The  latter  had  flown 
up  to  the  top  of  a  high  tree  to  place  them  before  his 
own  young  to  devour  (3)  them.  The  mother  of  the 
robbed  young  besought  the  eagle  with  many  tears  not 
to  make  her  miserable  by  killing  her  young.  But  the 
eagle  considered  himself,  on  account  of  the  height  of  the 
tree,  safe  from  (4)  all  dangers  and  despised  the  entreaties 
of  the  fox.  Then  the  fox,  overpowered (5)  by  grief, 
snatched  some  firebrands  (6)  from  a  near  altar  and  plac- 
ed (7)  them  around  the  tree,  so  that  it  was  soon  set  on 
fire.  Too  late  (8)  did  the  eagle  see  his  disadvantage,  but 
neither  was  he  himself  able  to  snatch  his  own  young 
away  from  death  nor  did  the  fox  save  her  young. 

The  former  fiible  teaches  us,  that  fools  are  deceived 
by  flatterers,  if  they  listen  to  them;  the  latter,  that  we 
must  never  despise  an  enemy,  of  how  low  a  rank  soever 
he  may  be;  for  revenge  easily  finds  an  opportunity  of 
doing  harm  (9). 

No.  173. 

How  a  Pox  Ck)t  Out  of  a  Well  (1),  and  Another  Was 

Repaid  (2)  by  a  Stork. 

(Phaedr.  Fab.  IV.  9  and  I.  26.) 

A  fox  had  fallen  into  a  well.  He  endeavoured  with 
all  his  might  by  leaping  to  escape  from  that  place;  but 
the  brink  was  too  high,  and  the  poor  (3)  animal  was 
kept  there  inclosed  as  (4)  in  a  prison.  By  chance  a  he- 
goat  came  there  to  drink.    On  seeing  the  fox  he  asked, 


(3)  aliquid  carpendum  apponere.  (4)  ab.  (5)  capere.  (6)  fax 
ardens.    (7)  congerere.    (8)  sero  (=  ntoo  late^).    (9)  nocere. 

No.  178.  (1)  puteus.  (2)  by  parem  gratiam  alicui  referre. 
(3)  miser.    (4)  tamquam,  velut. 


i 


224 


Pabt  II. 


whether  the  water  was  good,  n^®^  sweet,  my  friend, 
said  the  fox;  thou  wilt  hardly  be  able  to  satisfy  thy 
desire  by  drinking".  The  he-goat,  impelled (5)  by  thirst 
and  at  the  same  time  induced  by  the  praise  of  the  water, 
descended 'into  the  well.  The  fox  at  once  leaped  on  the 
horns  of  the  he-goat,  escaped  and  left  the  latter  impri- 
soned. —  One  day  a  stork  had  been  invited  to  dinner 
by  a  fox.  The  latter  placed  everything  on  plates  (6) 
before  the  stork,  and  especially  a  delicious (7)  broth (8), 
so  that  the  hungry  stork  was  hardly  able  to  take  any- 
thing. When  the  stork  had  returned  home  without 
complaining  (9),  he  invited  in  turn  (10)  the  fox  to  dinner, 
but  served  (11)  all  his  delicacies  (12)  in  bottles  (13).  The 
stork  very  easily  took  from  them,  but  the  fox  tried  in 
vain,  and  had  to  leave  very  hungry. 

From  the  latter  fable  we  learn,  that  no  one  must 
be  astonished  at  being  treated  (14)  in  the  same  maimer, 
as  he  treats  others;  from  the  former,  that  we  should 
guard  against  the  shrewdness  of  those  who  try  to  profit 
by  the  disadvantages  of  their  neighbours. 

No.  174. 

Two  Faithful  Dogs. 

(Phaedr.  Fab.  I.  23  and  V.  lO.O 

A  thief  went  about  midnight  (1)  to  a  country-house 
to  steal  there,  if  possible.  He  feared,  however,  the 
old  (3)  dog  who  used  to  go  watching  about  the  coimtry- 
house.  Therefore  he  threw  bread  before  the  dog  in 
order  to  win  (4)  him  by  such  kindness.    But  the  animal, 

(5)  allicere.  (6)  patina.  (7)  suavis  (or  grati)  saporis,  or  Only 
suavis.  (8)  sorbitio.  (9)  queri.  Gram.  §  282.  2.  (10)  revocare. 
(11)  apponere.  (12)  cibi  delicatiores,  or  cuppedia,  orum.  (13)  la- 
goena.    (14)  tractare. 

Xo.  174.  (1)  media  nox.  (2)  furari.  Supine^  or  by  a  clause 
icith  ut.    (3)  vetus.    (4)  placare,  conciliare. 


Section  xvi. 


225 


experienced  in  such  things,  said:  „Thou  art  greatly 
mistaken,  if  thou  believe  that  this  food  will  restrain  my 
tongue;  for  I  am  not  so  inexperienced  and  foolish  that 
I  can  be  deceived  by  thy  unexpected  liberality".  And 
at  once  the  dog  began  to  bark  loudly  (5),  so  that  the 
thief,  frightened,  took  to  flight  (6).  —  Another  dog  had, 
by  his  courage  and  swiftness,  always  done  great  service  (7) 
to  a  hunter  for  many  years;  but  at  length (8),  when  old 
age  heavily  pressed  on  him  (9),  he  grew  languid.  Never- 
theless the  old  dog  even  then  went  still  out  hunting  (10) 
with  his  master.  One  day  he  caught  a  bristly  boar  (11) 
by  the  ear,  but  was  unable,  on  account  of  his  rotten  (12) 
teeth,  to  hold  him  fast.  When  the  boar  had  escaped 
and  the  hunter's  hope  been  disappointed,  the  latter  be- 
came angry  and  reproached  the  dog.  But  the  old  ani- 
mal said:  „I  have  not  forsaken  thee  purposely (13),  but 
my  strength  has  been  diminished  by  old  age". 

Do  not  condemn  him  who  satisfies  you  in  all  things 
as  long  as  it  is  his  duty  (14)  to  satisfy  you,  and  as  long 
as  he  is  able  to  do  it.  This  the  latter  fable  teaches; 
the  former  tells  us,  that  snares  are  laid  in  vain  for  ex- 
perienced people. 

No.  175. 

How  Mockery  (1)  Was  Punished,  and  a  Bash  Flan 

Abandoned. 

(Phaedr.  Fab.  I.  9  and  Append.  I.  2.) 

Nothing  can  be  more  foolish  than  if  he  who  is  not 
on  his  guard  himself,  gives  good  advice  to  others.  This 
we  shall  show  by  the  example  of  the  sparrow  and  the 
hare.  —  An  eagle  surprised  (2)  a  hare  by  a  sudden  attack. 

(5)  magna  voce.  (6)  aufugere.  (7)  multa  officia  praestare. 
(8)  postremo.  (9)  aliquem  urgere.  (10)  Supine.  (11)  setosus  aper. 
(12)  cariosus.     (13)  by  consilium,  Jiere  also  dolus.     (14)  oportet. 

No.  175.     (1)  irrisio.     (2)  opprimere. 

M tiller,  Exercises.  15 


f 


ft 


;r 


^ili 


226 


Pakt  II. 


The  captured  animal  burst  out  into  loud  weeping.  In  tliis 

calamity  reproaches  were  made  to  the  hare  by  a  sparrow, 

who  mockingly  (3)  asked  him:    „Why  didst  thou  delay? 

Why  didst  thou  not  make  use  of  that  known  swiftness  of 

thy  feet?"  But  hardly  had  he  thus  spoken,  when  he  liimself 

was  seized  by  a  hawk,  and,  whilst  crying  aloud,  torn  to 

pieces  (4).    Thus  the  sparrow  perished  by  the  same  fate, 

for  which  he  had  just  before  ridiculed  the  hare,  by  Ms 

foolish  advice.  —  From  the  following  fable   we   learn, 

how  useful  it  is  for  those,  who  believe  their  misfortune 

too  great  to  be  borne,  to  look  at  others;  for  he  who 

does  that  in  the  right  manner (5),  will  soon  find,  that 

he  is  not  the*  only  one  who  suffers,  and  from  this  he 

will  learn  patience  in  misfortune.    Owing  to  the  din  of 

dogs  and  hunters   the   hares   had   been   seized  with   so 

great  a  terror  (6),  that  they  wished  rather  to  die  than 

to  live  thus  in  continual  fear.     Therefore  the  plan  was 

formed,    that  all  should  throw  themselves  into  a  lake. 

When  the  whole  train  arrived,  in  great  haste,  on  the 

shore,  a  large  multitude  of  frogs,  sitting  in  the  grass, 

threw  themselves,  frightened (7)  by  the  approaching (8) 

throng  of  hares,  without  delay  into  the  lake.     Then  an 

old  hare  said:    „Behold,   my  friends,   others  have  als(» 

their  fears.     Let  us,  then,  as  the  other  animals,  stick  to 

that  life,  which  has  been  granted  us  by  nature". 

(3)   irridere.     (4)    laniare,   lacerare.     (5)   only   recte.     (6)  ky 
terror  alicui  injicitur.     (7)  exterrere.    (8)  adventare. 


Ill 


Section  xvii. 


227 


SECTION  xvn. 

Greek  Generals  from  Nepos. 

No.  1J6. 

A  Pew  Preliminary  Remarks  (1)  on  the  Life  and 
Writings  of  Cornelius  Nepos. 

Cornelius  Nepos  was  bom  in  Northern  Italy,  wliich 
was  called  Gallia  Cisalpina,  of  the  illustrious  family  (2) 
of  the  Comelii.  His  birthplace  is  said  to  have  been 
Hostilia,  a  village  (3)  near  Verona;  this,  at  least,  is  cer- 
tain, that  in  the  Middle  Ages  (4)  the  Veronese  erected 
a  statue  to  Cornelius  Nepos  as  (5)  their  distinguished 
townsman  (6)  among  the  other  Veronese  in  the  city- 
hall  (7).  The  year,  in  which  he  was  bom,  cannot  be 
accurately  determined  (8) ;  however  (9),  his  life  doubtless- 
ly falls  within  the  period  of  time  (10)  from  the  year 
100  to  30  before  Christ.  Even  as  a  boy  Nepos  seems 
to  have  been  taken  (11)  by  his  father  to  Rome;  and  it 
is  probable,  that  he  spent  (12)  his  whole  life  in  the  city 
or  in  neighbouring  villas.  From  his  very  boyhood  (13) 
he  likewise  seems  to  have  entirely  devoted  himself  to 
the  study  of  letters,  and  especially  of  those,  which  per- 
tain to  history.  In  liis  youth  as  well  as  in  his  man- 
hood (14),  this  love  of  arts  and  letters  was  so  great, 
that  he  never  sought  (15)  nor  discharged  (16)  any  public 
office,  but  spent  (17)  all  his  time  in  those  studies.  He(18) 
was  a  man  of  the  highest  integrity  and  sweetness  of 
manners,  and  enjoyed  the  intimate  friendship  (19)  of  the 


No.  176.  (1)  See  169,  L  (2)  gens.  (3)  vicus.  (4)  media 
aetas  (SiM^i/.).  (5)  ut.  (6)  civis,  or  popularis.  (7)  curia.  (8)  de- 
finire.  (9)  verumtamen.  (10)  in  id  tempus,  quod  est.  (11)  de- 
ducere.  (12)  degere.  (13)  jam  a  puero.  (14)  by  adolescens,  and 
vir.  (15)  petere.  (16)  administrare.  (17)  tempus  consumere  in 
aliqua  re.     (18)  idem.     (19)  uti  familiaritate  et  amicitia. 

15* 


.J 


I 

i 


228 


Part  n. 


noblest  Romans,  especially  of  M.  Tullius  Cicero  and 
T.  Pomponius  Atticus.  Q.  Valerius  Catullus  of  Verona, 
by  no  means  an  obscure (20)  Latin  poet,  has  dedicated 
his  poems  to  Cornelius  Nepos,  either  (21)  because  they 
were  fellow-countrymen,  or  because  Nepos,  as  Catullus 
himself  says,  had  always  highly  esteemed  those  lyric  (22) 
poems. 

No.  1?7. 

Chapter  II. 

Of  (1)  all  his  writings  Nepos  seems  to  have  edited 
first  the  three  books  of  chronicles  (2) ,  in  which  he  had 
collected  (3)  the  memorable  events  (4)  of  all  peoples, 
especially  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  The  poet  Catullus, 
with  great  admiration,  calls  these  books  learned  and 
laborious  ones.  A  second  work  of  Nepos  was  the  three 
books  of  examples,  in  which  he  described  the  customs 
and  institutions  of  the  ancient  peoples.  But  the  most 
extensive  (5)  and  the  most  celebrated  work  of  Nepos  was 
that  on  illustrious  men.  This  work  is  said  to  have  been 
distributed  into  sixteen  books  and  to  have  treated  (6)  of 
renowned  kings  and  generals,  lawyers  (7)  and  orators, 
poets  and  historians  (8),  philosophers  and  grammarians  (9), 
both  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans.  Of  these  works 
of  Nepos  none  is  (10)  complete  (1 1).  But  of  the  books 
on  illustrious  men  five  and  twenty  biographies  (12)  have 
been  preserved  to  us,  which  are  usually  inscribed  „vitae 
excellentium  imperatorum" ,  although  not  all  of  them 
treat  of  generals.  Many  learned  men,  however,  believe 
that  those  biographies,  except  (13)  the  biography  of  Atti- 
cus, have  been  abridged  (14)  by  a  certain  Aemilius  Pro- 

(20)  ignobilis.  (21)  „either  —  ar",  sive  —  sive.  (22)  lyricus, 
melicus. 

No.  177.  (1)  ex.  (2)  chronica,  orum.  (3)  complecti.  (4)  res. 
(5)  amplus.  (6)  agere.  (7)  juris  consultus.  (8)  historicus. 
(9)  grammaticus.  (10)  exstare,  superesse.  (11)  integer.  (12)  oiili/ 
vita.    (13)  praeter.     (14)  contrahere. 


Section  xvil 


229 


bus,  who  lived  at  the  close  (15)  of  the  fourth  century 
after  Christ,  under  the  reign  of  Theodosius  the  Great; 
others  even  maintain,  that  they  have  been  written,  for 
the  greatest  part  (16),  by  this  man.  But  neither  of  the 
two  opinions  can  be  established  (17)  by  sure  proofs.  It 
is  rather  probable,  that  Cornelius  himself,  and  no (18) 
other,  is  the  writer  of  that  famous  little  book. 

No.  178. 

Chapter  III. 

It  cannot,  indeed,  be  denied,  that  in  the  biographies 
of  Nepos  some  errors  are  found.  For,  the  writer  has, 
sometimes,  confounded  (1)  men  of  the  same  name  (2). 
To (3)  give  one  example,  in  the  first  two  chapters  of  the 
life  of  Miltiades,  he  has  reported  of  this  conqueror  of 
Marathon,  what,  for  the  greatest  part,  pertains  to  liis 
uncle  Miltiades,  the  son  of  Cypselus.  In  other  things, 
too,  both  historical  and  geographical  (4) ,  he  has  some- 
times erred.  But  the  whole  style  (5)  is  so  far  from  the 
manner (6)  of  the  Theodosian  time,  that,  at  least  at  this 
age,  without  doubt,  no  one  has  attained  a  like (7)  sim- 
plicity and  sweetness  (8)  of  language.  The  writer  de- 
scribes the  most  important  (9)  things  with  the  greatest 
conciseness  and  clearness (10);  his  language,  without 
afiected  beauty,  is  so  charming  and  pleasant,  that  a 
certain  natural  beauty  (11)  everywhere  appears.  Nepos 
has  not  aimed  at  the  refined  elegance  (12)  of  the  Cicero- 
nian language,  but  he  desired  to  use  the  familiar  and 
almost  common (13)  kind  of  language;  and  in  this  he  is 


(15)  sub  finem.  (16)  maximam  partem.  (17)  confirmare,  sta- 
bilire.     (18)  Gram.  §  165.  Note  5. 

No.  178.  (1)  commutare.  (2)  ejusdem  nominis,  or  Adject. 
cognominis.  (3)  ut.  (4)  historicus,  —  geographicus.  (5)  scri- 
bendi  genus.  (6)  ratio.  (7)  par.  (8)  sua  vitas.  (9)  gravis.  (10)  per- 
spicuitas.  (11)  nativa  venustas.  (12)  exculta  elegantia.  (13)  quo- 
tidianus.  . 


230 


Part  ii. 


so  excellent,  that  lie  has  always  greatly (14)  delighted 
the   minds   of  his    readers.  —  Nepos    himself   tells  us, 
whence  he  has  taken  (15)  the  materials  (16)  for  the  com- 
position of  his  biographies.    Foremost  of  all  is  Thucy- 
dides,  who  is,  without  doubt,  one  of  the  greatest  histo- 
rians (17)   not   only   of  the  Greeks,   but   of  all  ancient 
nations.     Besides   Thucydides,    Nepos    made    use    of   a 
panegyric  (18)  of  Agesilaus,  which  was  formerly  believed 
to  have  been  composed  by  Xenophon.     But  it  is  very- 
probable,  that  it  has  not  been  written  by  him.     Among 
the   other   writers,   from  whose  writings (19)  Nepos   has 
taken   many   things,   the   most  worthy   of  mention  are 
Theopompus,   who   was    bom    in   the  year  405   before 
Christ,  and  wrote  a  history (20)  of  the  Greeks;  Dinon, 
who   lived  a  little   later   and   wrote   a  Persian   history; 
Timaeus,  who  wrote  a  history  of  Sicily  and  Italy;  and 
Polybius,   the   friend   of  the   younger  Scipio,  of  whose 
great  work  only  the  first  five  books  are  extant. 


ft 


Xo.  1?9. 

Hiltiades  and  Histiaeus. 

(Nep.  Milt.  Ch.  1—3.) 
Miltiades,  Cimon's  son,  of  Athens,  has  increased 
the  glory,  received  from  his  forefathers,  by  his  virtues. 
Elected  general  by  his  fellow-citizens  to  organize  (1)  the 
Thracian  Chersonese,  he,  on  the  journey  itself,  reduced 
Lemnus  and  other  islands  under  the  power  of  the 
Athenians.  By  justice,  bravery  and  good  fortime  he 
obtained,  in  the  Chersonese,  within  a  short  time,  an 
almost  royal  authority.  But  when  the  Persian  king 
Darius  came  there  (2)  to  make  war   upon  the  Scythians, 


(14)  maximopere.  (15)  snmere,  or  sibi  comparare.  (16)  re- 
rum  copia.  (17)  rerum  scriptor.  (18)  laudatio.  (19)  scriptum, 
also  liber.    (20)  res  gestas  scribere,  also  historiam  scribere. 

No.  179.    (1)  constituere.    (2)  illuc. 


Section  xvii. 


231 


he  (3)  gave  Miltiades  the  perpetual  sovereignty  over 
those  regions.  After  a  bridge  had  been  built  on  the 
river  Hister,  the  king  led  the  army  across  (4)  and  left 
as  guardians  of  the  bridge  Miltiades  and  other  Greeks, 
whom  he  had  made  princes  in  the  cities  of  Ionia  and 
Aeolia.  For  by  this  contrivance  (5)  he  hoped  to  effect, 
that  the  princes  would  believe  their  own  welfare  to  be 
included  (6)  in  that  of  the  king,  and  would  keep  Asia 
under  his  power.  Darius  had  ill  luck  (7)  against  the 
Scythians.  Messengers  after  messengers  brought  the 
news  (8),  that  the  army  was  in  the  greatest  danger  (9), 
that  the  king  had  taken  to  flight.  Then  Miltiades 
believed,  that,  by  fortune  itself,  an  opportunity  had 
been  given  to  them  of  freeing  Greece.  He  called  upon 
the  princes  to  break  the  bridge  down,  and  showed (10) 
that,  if  that  were  done,  the  whole  army  with  the  king 
himself  would  perish  within  a  short  time;  the  Greeks 
in  Europe  would  be  safe,  those  in  Asia  would  be  free 
from  all  fear  of  the  Persians.  Not  a  few  of  the  princes 
acceded  to  this  plan;  but  Histiaeus  of  Miletus  opposed 
it.  „0n  the  dominion  of  Darius,  said  he,  our  power, 
too,  rests.  If  the  king  perishes,  what  hope  will  you 
have?  Which  of  you  prefers  to  be  punished  by  his  fellow- 
citizens  to  ruling  under  (11)  Darius?"  Histiaeus  prevail- 
ed (12).  But  though  Miltiades  was  conscious  that  he  had 
been  more  a  friend  of  common  freedom,  than  of  his 
own  sovereignty,  he  did  not  believe  himself  safe  enough 
any  more  (13)  in  the  Chersonese,  and  returned  to 
Athens. 


(3)  hie.  (4)  trajicere,  traducere.  (5)  ars,  artificium.  (6)  po- 
nere.  (7)  adversa  fortuna  uti.  (8)  only  afferre.  (9)  discrimen, 
also  periculum.  (10)  docere,  demonstrare.  (11)  sub.  (12)  vincere. 
(13)  „not  —  any  more^^,  non  amplius. 


232 


Part  u. 


No.  180. 

The  Battle  at  Marathon. 

(Nep.  Milt.  Ch.  4—5.) 
Under  the  leadership  (1)  of  Datis  and  Artaphemes, 
Darius  had  despatched  an  army  of  200,000  foot  and 
10,000  horse  with  a  fleet  of  500  ships  to  subdue  (2) 
Greece.  After  Euboea  had  been  conquered  (3),  the 
immense  army  marched  into  Attica,  and  pitched (4)  their 
camp  in  the  plain  of  Marathon.  The  Athenians,  terri- 
fied by  the  nearness  of  so  great  a  danger,  at  once  (5) 
sent  a  courier  to  Sparta,  and  asked  the  Lacedaemonians 
to  come  most  speedily  to  their  help.  At  home  ten 
generals  were  chosen  to  lead  the  army  and  defend  the 
city,  among  them  Miltiades.  And  since,  by  liis  valour 
and  experience  in  military  affairs,  he  (6)  had  the  greatest 
influence (7)  with  all,  it  was  determined  by  his  advice (8) 
to  attack  the  enemy  in  the  open  plain.  Miltiades  knew 
the  minds  of  the  Persians;  he  hoped  tliat,  if  he  could 
begin  the  battle  at  once  (9),  his  own  soldiers  would  be 
superior  to  them.  The  army  of  the  Greeks  consisted 
of  9,000  Athenians  and  1,000  Plateaus;  of  the  other 
states  none  had  come  to  the  help  of  the  Athenians. 
Miltiades  had  chosen  (10)  a  suitable  place  for  fighting 
at  the  foot  of  a  mountain;  by  hills  and  trees  the  hostile 
cavalry  was  hindered  from  surrounding  the  small  body  (11) 
of  the  Greeks.  But  the  leaders  of  the  Persians  also, 
trusting  in  the  number  of  their  army,  were  very  eager 
to  fight  (12),  and  led  their  troops  to  battle.  In  this 
engagement  it  was  perceived,  how  much  more  was 
effected  (13)  by  the  bravery  of  the  Greeks  than  by  the 


^0.  180.  (1)  Gram.  §  284,  1.  (2)  opprimere.  Gram.  §  288, 
1.  (3)  Ahlat.  absol.  (4)  ponere.  (5)  statim.  (6)  Bdative.  Gram. 
§  238.  6,  esp.  Note.  (7)  valere  (=  „fo  have  in/?.").  (8)  Gram. 
§  284.  1.  (9)  quam  primum.  (10)  by  capere.  (11)  manus. 
(12)  Gram.   §  286.    (13)  Subjunctive. 


Section  xvii. 


233 


vast  number  of  the  barbarians.  The  Persians  were 
completely  defeated  and  so  much  frightened ,  that,  aban- 
doning (14)  their  camp,  they  hastened  in  a  quick  flight 
to  the  ships  and  returned  to  Asia.  What  victory  has 
ever  been  more  illustrious  (15)  than  this?  With  a  small 
body  Miltiades  had  overthrown  the  tenfold  number  of 
Persians  and  liberated  Athens  and  the  whole  of  Greece 
from  the  danger  of  servitude.  So  much  more  power 
has (16)  the  love  of  country  and  freedom,  than  the  desire 
of  sovereignty. 


Xo.  181. 

Death  of  Miltiades. 
(Nep.  Milt.    Ch.  7—8.) 
Most  of  the  islands  of  the  Aegean  sea  had  sun^en- 
dered  themselves  and  their  j^roperty  to  the  Persians,  and 
supported    them    in    the    war    against    the   Athenians. 
Therefore  Miltiades  was   sent   with  a  fleet   of  70  ships 
to    bring    them    back  (1)    under    the    dominion    of   the 
Athenians.    Many  returned  of  their  own  accord  to  their 
duty,    others   were   conquered   by   force;    the   island   of 
Paros   resisted   most   vigorously.     Already  was   its    city 
surrounded  by  siege  works  and  cut  off*  from  all  supplies; 
already  were  the  sheds  and  pent-houses  erected  and  the 
besiegers  (2)  seemed  to  be  on  the  point  of  taking  posses- 
sion of  the  city:  when  on  a  sudden  at  night  a  mighty 
fire  was  seen  far  off',  wliich  both  armies  believed  to  be 
a   sign   given   by   the   fleet   of  the  Persians.     Miltiades 
feared    to    be    surrounded    by    them,    and,   raising   the 
siege  (3),   returned  with   all   his   ships   to  Athens.     The 


(14)  omittere.  Ablat.  absol.  (15)  praeclarus.  (16)  „fo  have 
power''^,  posse,  or  valere. 

No.  181.  (1)  reducere.  (2)  Transl.  „and  it  seemed  to  be  on 
the  point  (in  eo),  that  the  besiegers  {here  by  hostis)  took  p."  etc. 
(3)  obsidionem  omittere.     Ablat.  absol. 


234 


Pakt  II, 


Section  xvii. 


235 


Athenians  were  much  offended  by  the  return  of  Miltiades. 
Therefore  they  accused  him  of  treason,  since  he  had, 
bribed  by  the  money  of  the  Persians,  abandoned (4)  the 
siege  of  Paros  without  bringing  the  affair  to  an  issue. 
He  himself  was  prevented  (5)  by  the  wounds  received 
in  that  war  from  pleading  his  cause  (6)  before  the  judges; 
but  still  his  brother  Stesagoras  effected  so  much  by  his 
speech,  that,  on  inquiring  into  the  matter,  he  was 
acquitted  of  the  capital  charge.  Nevertheless  they 
deemed  him  deserving  of  punishment,  and  condemned 
hiTTi  to  a  fine  of  50  talents;  and  as  this  (7)  sum  was  so 
great,  that  he  could  not  pay  it,  they  threw  him  into 
the  state  prison,  where  not  long  afterwards  the  conqueror 
of  Marathon  died.  But  all  agree (8)  in  this,  that  he 
was  not  condemned  on  account  of  the  crime  at  Paros. 
He  had  frequently  filled  (9)  the  highest  offices,  had  had, 
in  the  Chersonese ,  the  sovereignty  and  name  of  a  tyrant, 
and  seemed  to  have  obtained  (10)  too  great  a  power  to 
be  content  (11)  with  the  position  of  a  private  man. 
Therefore,  from  fear  of  the  tyrannis,  they  condemned 
that  man,  who,  according  to  the  testimony  of  all,  was 
possessed  of  no  less  gentleness  and  kindness  (12),  than 
of  the  valour  and  virtue  of  a  general  (13). 

No.  182. 

Themistocles  and  the  Battle  at  Salamis. 

(Nep.  Them.     Ch.  1—5.) 

Themistocles   had,    in   the   beginning   of  youth,  so 

much    estranged  (1)    his    parents    from    himself  by   too 

independent  a  life,  that  they  disinherited  him.    But  his 

(4)  discedere  ab.  (5)  impedire.  Gram.  §  253,  (6)  causam 
dicere,  also  se  defendere,  or  verba  facere.  (7)  Relative.  Gram. 
§  238.  6.,  esp.  Note.  (8)  consentire.  Ace.  with  Inf.  (9)  versari. 
(10)  adipisci.  (11)  by  quam  ut,  and  posse.  (12)  comitas  atque 
humanitas.     (13)  by  the  Adj.  imperatorius. 

No.  182.     (1)  abalienare. 


courage  was  not  broken  by  this (2)  disgrace,  but  raised. 
He  began,  with  the  greatest  activity,  to  devote  himself 
to  state  affairs,  and  by  his  prudence  and  eloquence 
proved  himself  so  very  dexterous  (3)  both  in  the  assembly 
of  the  people  and  in  the  discharge  of  business,  that,  in 
a  short  time,  no  one  was  preferred  to  him.  The  first 
public  office,  which  he  discharged  (4) ,  was  that  of  a 
general  in  the  Korcyrean  war.  At  that  time  he  per- 
suaded the  people  to  increase  the  fleet  by  100  ships. 
And  when  these  had  been  built  with  the  greatest  rapid- 
ity, he  conquered  the  Korcyreans,  crushed  (5)  the  pirates, 
and  brought  (6)  great  riches  to  Athens.  It  was,  however, 
to  the  greatest  advantage  of  the  Athenians,  that (7)  they 
had  become,  by  the  advice  of  Themistocles,  very  skilled 
in  naval  affairs.  For  Xerxes,  king  of  the  Persians,  had 
already  set  out  with  innumerable  forces  and  a  fleet  of 
1,200  men-of-war (8)  against  Greece  to  make  good (9) 
the  disgrace  of  the  defeat  at  Marathon.  Not  unjustly 
did  the  Athenians  fear  that  they  especially  were  aimed 
at  (10).  Moved  by  this  fear  they  sent  messengers  to 
Apollo  to  consult  the  oracle  what  was  to  be  done.  The 
answer  of  Pythia,  that  the  Athenians  would  be  safest(ll) 
behind  wooden  walls,  was  obscure.  Themistocles  alone 
understood,  what  (12)  those  wooden  walls  meant  (13), 
and  he  convinced  his  fellow -citizens,  that  the  fleet  was 
pointed  out  by  Apollo.  Therefore  they  betook  themselves 
with  (14)  all  their  property  on  board  the  ships  and 
abandoned  the  city,  after  handing  over  the  castle  to 
the  priests  and  a  few  aged  (15)  men.  Meanwhile  Leoni- 
das  with  300  Spartans  had  perished  at  Thermopylae 
fighting  most  bravely.     Thus (16)  it  happened,  that,  on 

(2)  Relative.  f3)  promptus.  (4)  (munere)  fungi,  (munus)  ca- 
pessere.  (5)  delere,  opprimere.  (6)  conferre.  (7)  quod.  (8)  navis 
longa.  (9)  sarcire.  (10)  petere.  (11)  tutus.  (12)  quo.  (13)  by 
valere.  (14)  by  que  (See  Nepoa).  (15)  Comparative.  (16)  Transl. 
yf>y  ivhich^. 


236 


Part  ii. 


the  ad\dce  of  Themistocles,  fighting  was  done  on  board 
the  ships.  As  the  common  fleet  of  the  Greeks  number- 
ed (17)  but  300  ships,  of  which  200  belonged  to  the 
Athenians,  Themistocles  kept  himself  in  the  straits  of 
the  sea,  that  the  multitude  of  the  enemy  might  not  be 
able  to  surround  him. 


No.  183. 

Chapter  II. 

Tlie  first  naval  battle  was  fought  near  Artemisium. 
Neither  of  the  two  parties  obtained  the  victory.  Never- 
theless Themistocles  believed  it  necessary  to  retire  (1) 
from  Artemisium,  that  the  enemy,  after  doubling (2) 
Euboea,  might  not  press  the  fleet  of  the  Greeks  by  a 
twofold  danger.  Therefore,  after  abandoning (3)  Arte- 
misium, the  ships  were  drawn  up  opposite  Athens  near 
Salamis.  In  the  meantime  the  land-forces  of  the  Persians 
had  arrived  at  Athens.  By  order  (4)  of  Xences  the  city 
and  castle  were  at  once  destroyed  by  fire.  By  its  blaze 
the  Greek  sea-forces  were  frightened  in  such  a  maimer, 
that  all,  except (5)  the  Athenians,  wished  to  go  home 
and  to  defend  themselves  behind  their  walls.  Themistoc- 
les alone  convinced  the  generals,  that  the  Greeks,  united, 
would  be  a  match (6)  for  the  Persians,  but  disunited 
would  have  no  hope  of  safety.  But  all  this  was  insuf- 
ficient to  move  (7)  Eurybiades,  the  general  of  the  Spar- 
tans; therefore  Themistocles  used  a  stratagem  to  force 
the  united  fleet  of  the  Greeks  to  fight.  He  informed  (8) 
the  king  of  the  Persians  through  the  most  faithful  of 
his   slaves,    that   the   Greeks   intended  (9)   to   depai-t   in 


i 

•  i 


(17)  habere.  • 

No.  183.  (1)  discedere.  Periphr.  Conjug.  (2)  superare.  Ablat. 
absol.  (3)  relinquere.  Ablat.  absol.  (4)  Gram.  §  221.  2.  !.<,  or 
§47.  II.  1.  (5)  praeter.  (6)  parem  esse  aliciii.  (7)  minus  rno- 
vere.    (8)  nuntiare,  or  certiorem  facer e.    (9)  id  agere  ut. 


Section  xvii. 


237 


various  directions.  They  could  be  altogether  easily 
overwhelmed,  if  it  pleased  the  king  to  attack  them  at 
once;  but  if  he  allowed (10)  them  to  go  home  one  by  one, 
the  war  would  become  greater  and  of  longer  duration. 
When  Xerxes  heard  these  things,  he  resolved  (11)  at 
once  to  fight  on  the  following  day.  But  on  the  one 
hand  the  place  was  so  favourable  to  the  Greeks,  and 
on  the  other  so  unfavourable  to  the  Persians,  that 
Themistocles  with  a  small  number  of  vessels  completely 
defeated  the  largest  fleet  within  (12)  the  recollection  of 
men.  But  as  Xerxes,  even  after  this  defeat,  had  still 
such  large  forces,  that  it  was  to  be  feared,  he  might 
be  able,  even (13)  with  these  to  oppress  Greece,  Themis- 
tocles, through  a  second  messenger,  inspired  (14)  him 
with  the  fear,  that  his  return  to  Asia  might  be  cut 
ofi*(15),  since  the  Greeks  had  determined  to  destroy  the 
bridge  across  the  Hellespont.  Thus  it  happened,  that 
XeiTces  returned  to  Asia  as  quickly  as  possible. 


No.  184. 

Life  and  Pate  of  Themistocles  after  the  Battle  at 

Salamis. 

(Nep.  Them.  Ch.  6—10.) 
The  victory  at  Salamis,  which  was  won(l)  less  by 
the  arms  of  the  Greeks  than  by  the  prudence  of  Themis- 
tocles, is  not  unjustly  compared  with  the  trophies  of 
Marathon.  But  no  less  great  did  Themistocles  show 
himself  in  peace.  The  Athenians  had,  at  that  time, 
only  the  Phalerian  harbour,  which  Themistocles  deemed 
neither  large  enough  nor  good  enough.  He,  therefore, 
efiected  by  his  advice,  that  they  built  the  triple  harbour 
of  Piraeus,  and  surrounded  it  with  walls.    He  caused  (2) 


(10)  pati.  Ace.  with  Inf.     (11)  constituere.     (12)  post.    (13)  vel. 
(14)  injicere  alicui  aliquid.    (15)  aliquem  reditu  excludere. 

No.  184.   (1)  parerePer/:  (2)  curare.  Gram.  §.281.  3.  and  Note. 


238 


Part  ii. 


1 


also  the  walls  of  the  city  to  be  restored.  But  the  Lace- 
daemonians, who  tried  to  prevent  this  being  done,  he 
deceived (3)  by  a  stratagem,  whereby  he  effected,  that 
the  city  was  enclosed  (4)  by  the  strongest  walls,  before 
the  Lacedaemonians  were  able  to  hinder  it.  For,  on 
his  advice,  the  Athenians  had  prosecuted (5)  the  work 
with  so  much  ardour,  that  they  spared  neither  sanctuar- 
ies, nor  tombs,  but,  for  the  construction (6)  of  the  walls, 
brought  (7)  everything  that  seemed  fit  for  the  fortification. 
Thus  Athens  was  far  better  fortified  than  formerly.  By 
these  achievements  (8)  the  authority  of  Themistocles  had 
grown  so  much,  that  he  could  as  little (9)  escape  the 
envy  of  his  fellow-citizens,  as  Miltiades.  Tlierefore, 
they  sent  him,  by  ostracism,  into  exile.  But  as  he  en- 
joyed (10)  great  honour,  even  as  an  exile,  while  living 
at  Argos,  he  was,  during  his  absence,  accused  of  trea- 
son by  the  Lacedaemonians,  because  he  had  given  ad- 
vice to  the  king  of  the  Persians  about  (11)  the  over- 
throw (12)  of  the  freedom  of  Greece.  This  being  done, 
the  Athenians  condemned  him  to  death.  Therefore 
Themistocles  fearing,  that  he  might  not  be  able  to  live 
safely  at  Argos,  fled  (13)  first  to  Corc;yTa,  then  to  Ad- 
metus,  king  of  the  Molossians,  who  after  offering  his 
right  hand  as  a  pledge  (14)  received  him  under  his  pro- 
tection. The  king  performed  what  he  had  promised; 
for  when  the  Athenians,  in  the  name  of  the  state,  de- 
manded from  him  the  surrender  (15)  of  Themistocles,  he 
secretly (16)  sent  him,  with  a  guard,  on  board  a  vessel 
to  Pydna. 

(3)  fallere,  frustrari.  (4)  saepire,  also  cingere.  (5)  facere 
(opus).  (6)  exstruere.  Gram.  §  288.  1.  (7)  congerere.  (8)  hy 
res  gerere.  (9)  Gram.  §  175.  Note  8.  (10)  hy  esse  in  honore. 
(11)  de.    (12)  opprimere.    (13)  confiigere.    (14)  only  dextram  dare. 

(15)  aliquem    exposcere    (=    „to   dem.   the  mrr.   of  somebody''^). 

(16)  clam. 


Section  xvn. 

No.  185. 


239 


Chapter  H. 

On  this  journey  a  great  storm  arose  and  drove  (1) 
the  ship  towards  the  island  of  Naxos,  which  was,  at 
that  time,  being  besieged  (2)  by  the  Athenians.  It  was 
evident,  that  Themistocles  must  perish,  if  he  were  re- 
cognized by  them.  Therefore,  by  many  promises,  he 
prevailed  (3)  on  the  ship-master  to  keep  the  ship  at 
anchor  at  a  distance  from  the  island.  A  few  days  after- 
wards they  arrived  at  Ephesus,  where  Themistocles  dis- 
embarked. Thus  he  came  to  Asia  under  the  reign  (4) 
of  Artaxerxes  and  at  once  sent  a  letter  to  that  king, 
in  which  he  asked (5)  for  his  friendship.  He  said,  he 
had,  indeed,  fought  with  the  king  Xerxes  in  the  battle 
at  Salamis  to  defend  his  country;  after  saving  (6),  how- 
ever, his  country,  he  had  effected  by  his  advice,  that 
the  king,  too,  had  been  freed  from  a  great  danger. 
For  by  a  letter  from  him  the  king  had  been  informed 
of  the  plan  of  the  Greeks  to  destroy  (7)  the  bridge. 
Should,  therefore,  Artaxerxes  receive  him,  who  had  been 
expelled  from  all  Greece,  under  his  protection  (8) ,  he 
would  be  to  him  no  less  a  good  friend,  than  his  father 
had  experienced  in  him  a  brave  enemy.  Artaxerxes 
who  admired  the  great  virtues  of  Themistocles,  was 
eiisily  persuaded  to  promise  his  friendship  to  such  a  man. 
After  Themistocles,  then,  had  spent  (9)  the  space  of  two 
years  in  learning  the  language  of  the  Persians,  he  him- 
self went  to  the  king  and  is  said  to  have  conversed 
with  him  no  less  easily  than  even  the  most  accomplish- 
ed (10)   of  the   Persians.     Most   agreeable  was   to  Arta- 


No.  185.  (1)  ferre,  agere.  (2)  obsidere,  obsessum  tenere. 
(3)  commovere,  adducere.  (4)  regnare.  Ahlat.  ahsol.  (5)  petere. 
(6)  servare.  Ahlat.  absol.  (7)  dissolvere,  rescindere.  Gram.  §286. 
(8)  in  fidem  recipere.  (9)  consumere  aliquid  in  aliqua  re. 
(10)  eruditissimus  quisque. 


240 


Part  ii. 


xerxes  tlie  ad\ice,  which  Themistocles  laid  before  him 
about  the  subjection  (11)  of  the  Greeks.  Being  splen- 
didly rewarded  he  returned  to  Asia  Minor  and  fixed 
his  abode  at  Magnesia,  where  he,  as  Thucydides,  the 
best  authority  (12)  in  these  things,  has  handed  down 
to  posterity,  died  of  sickness.  In  the  market-place  at 
Magnesia  a  statue  was  erected  to  him;  his  tomb  is  not 
far  distant  from  the  city;  but  his  bones  are  said  to 
have  been  brought  (13)  to  Attica  by  friends  and  there 
secretly  buried. 

No.  186. 

Something  (1)  about  Aristides. 
(Nep.  Arist.     Ch.  1—3.) 
Aristides,  a  contemporary  of  Miltiades,  with  whom 
he  had   been   general   in   the   battle   at  Marathon,   dis- 
tinguished himself  so  much  above  (2)  all  the  rest  by  his 
justice,  that,  for  that  very  reason,  he  was  exiled  from  the 
state   by   the   Athenians.     However,   this   was   brought 
about  more  by  the  eloquence  of  Themistocles,  who  was 
his  rival  (3),    than   because  (4)  Aristides   seemed   worthy 
of  any  punisliment.    Even   as  an  exile   the  latter  tried 
to  benefit   his   country  as  much  as  (5)  he  could.     After 
the  naval  victory  near  Salamis   he  was  recalled   by  the 
people  and  fought,  together  (6)  with  Pausanias,  the  gene- 
ral of  the  Lacedaemonians,  at  Plataeae  against  the  army 
of  the  Persians.     Under  their  leadership  (7),    then,  Mar- 
donius  was  defeated  (8)  and  slain;    and  this  is  the  most 
illustrious   achievement   of  Aristides   in  military  affairs. 
But   how   great   his   innocence  and  justice  was,   can  be 


(11)  subjicere.  Gram.  §.  289.  2.  (12)  by  auctor  alicujus  rei. 
(13)  deferre,  deportare. 

No.  186.  (1)  quidam.  (2)  inter,  or  Dative.  (3)  obtrectator, 
aemulus.  (4)  quod  (Subjunct).  (5)  utcumque.  (6)  simul.  (7)  Gram. 
§  284.  1.    (8)  profligare,  fugare. 


Section  xvn. 


241 


learned  from  many  examples.  The  Lacedaemonians  had, 
up  to  this  time,  been  the  leaders  of  the  Greeks  not  only 
on  land,  but  had  also  maintained (9)  the  supremacy  at 
sea.  Aristides  who  was  the  commander  (10)  of  the 
ships  of  the  Athenians,  won (11),  by  his  moderation, 
the  hearts  of  all  the  Greeks,  whereas  Pausanias,  the 
leader  of  the  common  fleet,  estranged  them  from  him- 
self (12)  by  his  haughtiness.  Whereby  it  happened,  that 
most  of  the  states  transferred  (13)  the  chief  command 
of  the  common  fleet  of  Greece  to  the  Athenians,  the 
more  easily  to  repel  the  barbarians,  if  war  were  re- 
newed. Aristides,  whose  justice  was  known  to  all,  was 
chosen  to  determine  the  amount  of  money  (14),  which 
was  to  be  paid  by  each  state  into  the  common  treasury. 
The  surest  sign,  however,  that  he  was  a  man  of  the 
greatest  moderation,  is  this,  that  (15)  he,  though  he  had 
often  held  (16)  the  chief  command,  yet  hardly  left  so 
much,  when  dying,  wherewith  to  be  buried.  He  died, 
however,  in  the  fourth  year  after  the  expulsion  (17)  of 
Themistocles. 

No.  187. 

Cimon's  Prudence  and  Merit  as  a  General  (1). 

(Nep.  Cim.    Ch.  1—2.) 

Cimon,  the  son  of  Miltiades,  experienced  a  very  hard 
youth.  For  when  his  father  had  died,  the  son  was  kept 
in  the  public  prison,  till  (2)  he  had  paid  the  determined 
fine.  That  he  might  be  able  to  effect  this,  Cimon  gave 
his  sister  Elpinice  in  marriage  to  Kallias,  a  very  rich 
citizen,  who  promised  to  pay  the  money  for  him.    Being, 


(9)  obtinere.  (10)  praeesse,  praefectum  esse.  (11)  sibi  con- 
ciliare.  (12)  abalienare  a  se.  (13)  deferre.  (14)  only  constituere 
pecuniam.  Gram.  §  288.  1.  (15)  quod.  (16)  fungi,  or  by  prae- 
esse.   (17)  by  post,  and  expellere. 

No.  187.     (1)  virtus  imperatoria.    (2)  dum. 
Milller,  Exercises.  ^" 


u 


242 


Part  ii. 


Section  xvn. 


243 


in  this  manner,  restored  to  liberty,  Cimon  succeeded  (3) 
in   soon   attaining   to   the   highest   station  (4).     For   he 
distinguished  himself  not  only  by  eloquence,    but  also 
by  the  greatest  liberality,   and   was  no  less  skilled  in 
civil  law,   than   in  military  affairs.     Already  from  his 
boyhood  he  had  lived  much  with  his  father  in  the  camp 
and  among  soldiers;  whence  it  happened,  that  liis  autho- 
rity with  the  army  was  always  held  highest.     His  first 
achievements  (5)  as  general  he  accomplished  on  the  river 
Strymon  against  the  Thracians;  after  he  had  put  these  (6) 
to  flight,  he  founded,  as  Nepos  reports,  the  city  of  Am- 
phipolis,  which  he  assigned  (7)  to  the  Athenian  colonists. 
But  Thucydides   says,   that   that   city  was  founded  by 
another  general  of  the  Athenians.     The  most  illustrious 
deed  of  Cimon  is  the  battle  near  the  river  Eurymedon, 
from  which  he,  in  one  day,  obtained  (8)  a  double  victory. 
For  after  he  had,  at  daybreak,  attacked  the  fleet  of  the 
Persians,  and  taken  possession  of  almost  all  the  ships, 
he  at  once  disembarked  his  troops  to  attack  the  land- 
forces  of  the  enemy;  after  whose  defeat  (9)  he  also  took, 
on  the  same  day,  their  camp  and  returned  home  laden  (10) 
with  immense  booty.    On  this  journey  he  brought  those 
islands,  which  had  attempted  to  fall  off  from  the  do- 
minion of  the  Athenians,  back  to  their  duty;   the  well- 
disposed   he   confirmed   in   their   allegiance.     Wlien   he 
came  to  Scyrus,  he  expelled  by  force  of  arms  the  Dolo- 
pians,  who  were  disaffected  towards  (11)  the  Athenians, 
out  of  the  city  and  island.    The  Thasians,  who,  trusting 
in  their  strength,  had  fallen  off,  willingly  submitted  (12) 
to  him  on  his  arrival.     Of  the  booty  a  great  part  was 


(3)   contingit.     Gram.  §  276.    2.     (4)  summum   locum  asse- 
qui,  also  hy  pervenire,  and  principatus.    (5)  only  res.    (6)  Relative. 

(7)  tradere,   tvith   incolere,   or   habitare.     Gram.  §  281.  3.   Note. 

(8)  reportare,   potiri.     (9)  devincere.    Ablat.  ahsol.     (10)  onustus. 
(11)  abalienatus  ab.    (12)  se  subjicere. 


spent  (13)   on  embellishing  and  fortifying  the  castle  of 
Athens. 

No.  188. 
Banishment  (1),  Death  and  Character  (2)  of  Cimon. 

(Nep.  Cim.    Ch.  3—4.) 
But  the  Athenians,  abhon-ing  too  great  a  power  (3) 
in  one  man,  could  not  endure,    that  Cimon  was  alone 
distinguished  in  the  state,  wherefore  they  sent  him  for 
ten  years  into  exile    by   ostracism.     But   they   quickly 
repented  of  this  injustice.     Tlierefore,  in  the  fifth  year 
afterwards,    when  they  had  to  wage  (4)   war   with   the 
Lacedaemonians,  they  recalled  him  to  Athens.     But  as 
Cimon  deemed  it  best  to  reconcile  the  two  most  power- 
fid  states  of  Greece  to  each  other  (5),  he,  of  his  own  ac- 
cord,  went  to  Sparta,    and,  by  his  prudence,  restored 
peace.     Not   long   afterwards   he    was    elected  (6)   chief 
commander  by  the  Athenians  and  (6)  sailed,  with  a  fleet 
of  203  sliips,  to  Cyprus;  but  after  he  had  conquered  a 
great  part  of  the  island,  he  was  woimded  and  died  at 
the  siege  (7)  of  the  city  of  Cittium.     The  Athenians  are 
said  to  have  deeply  felt  the  loss  of  (8)  Cimon  for  a  long 
time  even  after  his  death  (9).    No  one  equalled  him  in 
liberality.    Wherever  he  betook  himself,  he  ordered  ser- 
vants to  follow  him  with  money  (10),  that,  should  any- 
body ask  anything  of  him,  there  might  not  be  wanting(ll) 
to  him  means  at  once  to  give  to  the  needy  {Sitig).     In 
his  gardens  and  estates  no  one  was  hindered  from  using 
the  fruits  and  the   other   things  according  to  his   own 
good  pleasure  (12).     Daily  he   invited   many   to   dinner 


(13)  conferre  ad  aliquid,  consumere  in  aliqua  re. 

No.  188.  (1)  exsilium.  (2)  mores.  (3)  nimia,  or  nimis  magna 
potentia.  (4)  Petiphr.  Conjng.  (5)  inter  se.  (6)  Gram.  §  282.  1. 
(7)  hy  oppugnare.  Gram.  §  289.  2.  (8)  cum  dolore,  or  vehe- 
menter  desiderare.  (9)  Gram,  g  236.  1.  (10)  nummus  {Flur.). 
(11)  deesse.     (12)  hy  a  Bdative  clause  with  velle. 

16* 


244 


Part  n. 


and  scarcely  a  day  was  suffered  to  pass,  on  which  those 
who  were  in  the  market-place  uninvited,  were  not  in- 
vited (13)  by  himself.    And  he  is  said  to  have  been  even 
of  such  a  kind  nature  (14),  that,  when  he  saw  a  poor  man 
less  well  dressed,  he  often  gave  him  his  own  overcoat 
He  refused  nothing  to  any  one  (15);  many  became  nch 
through  him;  poor  people  were  not  unfrequently  buried 
at  liis  expense.    Therefore  it  is  not  at  aU  to  be  wonder- 
ed at,  that  he,  by  thus  conducting  himself  (16),  won  for 
himself  the  hearts  of  liis  fellow-citizens. 

Xo.  189. 

MiUtary  Talent  (1)  of  Iphicrates. 
(Nep.  Iphicr.    Ch.  1—3.) 

IpHcrates  of  Athens  was  a  man  of  a  large  bodily 
frame  (2)  and  a  commancUng  (3)  appearance.     But  most 
of  all  did  his  military  talent  shine  forth,  whereby  he 
effected  so  much,  that,  through  his  fault,  nothing  has 
ever  been  carried  out  badly.     In  military  affairs  he  in- 
vented many  things,  others  he  improved;  he(4)  was  the 
first  to  make  arrangement,   that  the  footsoldiers   made 
use  of  longer  spears  and  swords;  the  shields  and  corselets 
he  made  lighter,  and  yet  took  care,  that  they  not  the 
less  (5)  well  covered  the  body.    By  this  arrangement  the 
sol.iers  became  more  nimble  for  action(6).     As  genera 
he  exercised  (7)  the  greatest  severity  of  discipline.  His(8 
soldiers  were  not  only  the  best  exercised  {S„verM.),  but 
also  the  best  in   obeying  their  general's  command;    as 
soon  as  the  sign  was  given  for  battle,  aU  stood,  without 
great  trouble,  arrayed  in  their  place,  so  that  the  most 


(13)   devocare.     (14)   benignitas.     (15)  Gram.  §  68.    Note  3. 

^'"^  '4o^m''  (1)  ingenium.  (2)  corpus  (=  ^^^y  ff^^  ^^^^ 
peratorius.  (4)  Uc.  (5)  literally,  or  hy  aeque.  (6)  res  gerere. 
Gram.  §  288.  1.    (7)  uti.    (8)  hy  ipse. 


!! 


Section  xvii. 


245 


skilled  general  seemed  to  have  drawn  them  up  one  by 
one.  After  the  army  had  thus  been  drilled  (9)  by  this 
discipline,  he  gained  (10)  for  himself  great  glory  in  that 
war,  which  the  Athenians,  at  that  time,  waged  against 
the  Lacedaemonians.  Several  times  he  put  their  troops 
to  flight;  one  division  of  the  Lacedaemonians  he  inter- 
cejited,  a  thing  which  (11)  caused  the  greatest  admiration 
among  all  the  Greeks.  Having  been  placed,  with  the 
permission  (12)  of  the  Athenians,  by  Artaxerxes  over  the 
mercenaries,  whom  the  king  used  in  a  war  against  the 
Egyptians,  he  trained  them  with  such  great  success,  that 
the  Ij)hicratian  soldiers  in  Greece  were  no  less  prais- 
ed (13),  than  afterwards  the  Fabians  among  the  Romans. 
After  he  had  returned  to  Greece,  he  was  sent  to  the 
help  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and,  by  his  speedy  arrival, 
prevented  Sparta  from  being  destroyed  by  Epaminondas. 
Hence  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  Iphicrates  is  either  to 
be  preferred  to,  or  to  be  believed  equal  (14)  to  the  first 
generals  of  the  Greeks.  He  was  also  (15)  a  good  citizen 
and  dear  to  his  friends;  therefore  it  happened  to  liim, 
what  happened  to  few  Athenian  nobles  (16),  that  he  lived 
to  an  advanced  age  without  any  punishment. 


f 


No.  190. 

Personage  and  Character  of  Epaminondas. 

(Nep.  Epam.    Ch.  1—7,  Beg.) 

In  presenting  (1)  a  picture  of  Epaminondas  nothing 

must   be  passed  over,  which,    after  the  manner  of  the 

Greeks,  ought  not  to  be  wanting  in  the  person  of  the 

first   man   in   the  state,    though  it  be  considered  more 

(9)  erudire.  (10)  comparare,  parere.  (11)  Gram.  §  238.  5. 
(12)  pennissu.  Gram.  §  221.  2.  1,  (13)  in  laude  esse.  (14)  pa- 
rem  putare,  or  only  comparare,  conferre.  (15)  „/ie  —  a/so",  idem. 
(16)  prinoeps, 

No.  190.     (1)  exprimere. 


<iul 


246 


Part  ii. 


'"V. 


X 


Section  xvn. 


247 


ii 


; 


?! 


trifling (2)  among  other  nations.  He  was  bom,  indeed, 
of  poor  parents,  though  his  ancestors  were  noble,  and 
was  taught,  by  the  most  illustrious  teachers,  all  the  arts, 
in  which  the  best  youths  were  usually  instructed.  On 
the  arts  of  dancing,  singing  and  playing  on  the  cithern 
he  spent  so  much  labour  (3),  that  he  surpassed  (4)  all  his 
contemporaries  in  the  knowledge  (5)  of  these  arts.  The 
greatest  application,  however,  he  bestowed  (6)  upon  the 
study  of  philosophy,  in  which  he  had  Lysis  of  Taren- 
tum,  a  Pythagorean,  for  a  teacher.  With  him  (7)  he 
exercised  himself  so  long  and  with  such  diligence,  that 
he  was  not  only  dearest  to  liis  teacher,  but,  according 
to  the  agreement  (8)  of  all,  by  far  the  most  distinguished 
of  his  school-fellows.  As  a  youth  he  proved  himself,  in 
wrestling  and  running,  a  match  for  the  most  practis- 
ed (9);  in  the  use  of  arms  he  was  very  skilful.  Tliese 
endowments  (10)  of  the  body  were  surpassed  by  many 
virtues  of  the  heart.  For  he  distinguished  himself  no 
less  by  modesty  and  prudence  than  by  patience  and 
greatness  of  mind (11);  he  was  temperate,  gentle,  and, 
even  in  manhood,  very  desirous  of  learning;  when  in 
company  a  conversation  was  held  (12)  on  philosophy  or 
the  administration  of  the  commonwealth,  he  never  re- 
pented of  the  time  spent  in  listening  to  these  conversa- 
tions. He  himself,  indeed,  was  poor,  but  he  took  the 
want  (13)  of  riches  very  easy.  Nevertheless  he  very 
often  supported  others  with  money.  For  if  any  one  of 
his  fellow-citizens  needed  help,  Epaminondas  conducted 
himself  so  (14),   that  he   seemed  to  have  all  things   in 

(2)  levis.  (3)  operam  conferre  ad,  or  in  aliquid^  operam  na- 
vare  alicui  rei.  (4)  superare,  antecedere.  (5)  peritia,  scientia. 
(6)  See  3.  J  or  studium  consumere  in  aliqua  re.  (7)  Relative, 
(8)  consensus.  Gram.  §  221,  2,  1,  (9)  exercitare.  (10)  bonum. 
(11)  literally,  or  magnus  animus.     (12)  sermonem  habere,  dispu- 

tare,   disserere.     (13)  facile  carere  (=  „fo  take  the  want  of 

easy^^).    (14)  sic  se  gerere,  or  talem  se  praestare. 


common  with  his  friends.  For  he  liimself  prescribed  (15), 
how  much  of  his  property  each  of  the  friends  should 
contribute  to  support  (16)  the  needy  {Sing.).  But  he 
always  effected,  that  he  who  received  knew,  by  whom 
each  thing  in  particular  had  been  given. 

Xo.  191. 

Chapter  II, 

Of  his  disinterestedness  Epaminondas  gave  an  illus- 
trious example,  when  king  Artaxerxes  attempted  to  bribe 
him  with  gold  through  a  certain  Diomedon.  Diomedon 
had  brought  (1)  with  him  an  immense  amount  of  gold 
to  Thebes,  and  he  hoped  that  Epaminondas  could  be 
won  over  to  his  side  (2)  by  the  aid  of  a  youth  Micjrthus, 
whom  he  (3)  exceedingly  (4)  loved.  And  Micythus,  in- 
deed, was  easily  won  (5)  by  Diomedon.  But  as  Epa- 
minondas heard  of  the  affair,  he  summoned  both  before 
him  (6),  and  ordered  Micythus  at  once  to  give  back  the 
money  which  he  had  received.  Diomedon,  indeed,  he 
forgave  for  (7)  having  held  him  on  a  level  with  himself, 
and  for  believing,  that  he  would  prefer  gold  to  the  love 
of  his  country;  but  yet  he  sent  him  quickly  out  of  the 
city,  that  he  might  not  also  tempt  (8)  others  with  that 
money.  He  caused  even  Diomedon  to  be  brought,  with 
a  guard,  to  Athens.  And  he  said,  that  he  did  this,  not 
on  account  of  Diomedon,  but  for  his  own  sake;  for  if 
that  gold  were  taken  away  from  him  (9),  it  could  easily 
be  said,  that  Epaminondas  himself  had  taken  the  stolen 
money,  which,  when  offered,  he  had  refused.  —  Epa- 
minondas is  also  deserving  of  the  greatest  praise  on  ac- 
count of  his  love  of  truth  which  was  so  great  in  him. 


(15)  imperare,  praecipere.    (16)  Gram.  §  288.  1, 
Xo.  191.    (1)  afferre.     (2)  ad  voluntatem  perducere.    (3)  ille. 
(4)  maxime.     (5)  capere.     (6)  ad  se  vocare.     (7)  by  a  clause  with 
quod  and  Suhjund,    (8)  temptare  (tentare).    (9)  ille. 


248 


Pabt  n. 


that  he,  not  even  for  the  sake  of  a  joke,  ever  uttered  a 
lie.  In  suffering (10)  offences  he  was  ver}^  patient,  and 
to  be  angry  either  with  one's  friends  or  country  he 
deemed  unlawful.  But  although  the  Thebans  were  in- 
ferior to  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  in  eloquence,  yet  Epa- 
minondas  proved  himself  so  terse  (11)  in  his  answers  and 
so  elegant  (12)  in  speech,  that  he  was  considered  equal  (13) 
to  the  most  renowned  orators  of  his  time.  The  most 
brilliant  specimen  of  eloquence  he  gave  as  ambassador 
of  the  Thebans  at  Sparta,  before  the  battle  at  Leuctra 
For  by  that  speech,  which  he  delivered  in  the  presence* 
of  the  embassies  of  most  of  the  Grecian  states,  he  effect- 
ed, that  many  of  them  soon  afterwards  detached  them- 
selves (14)  from  the  alliance  with  the  Lacedaemonians, 
and  he  impaired  their  power  thereby  almost  as  much, 
as  by  the  very  victory  at  Leuctra.  With  (Ahlat.)  tliis 
character,  therefore,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  if 
Epaminondas,  in  the  time  of  peace,  was  considered  the 
first  man  in  the  state. 

No.  192. 

Military  Exploits  (1)  and  Death  of  Epaminondas. 

(Nep.  Epam.    Ch.  7—10.) 

When  the  Lacedaemonians,  expelled  from  Tliebes 
by  Pelopidas,  invaded  Boeotia  with  a  select  (2)  body  of 
troops,  Epaminondas  was  sent  as  chief  commander  with 
an  army  to  repel  them.  He,  then,  fought  that  famous 
battle  at  Leuctra,  by  wliich  the  power  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians was  overthrown  (3) ,  and  not  only  was  Thebes 
saved  from  ruin,  but  the  freedom  of  the  other  states  of 
Greece  was  also  restored.    Not  long  afterwards  the  The- 

(10)  ferre,  perferre.  Gram.  §  289.  2.  (11)  concinnus,  promp- 
tus.  (12)  ornatus.  (13)  parem  putare.  (14)  discedere,  se  se 
parare. 

^a.  192.  (1)  ^Military  exploits''''^  by  res  bello  gerere.  (2)  de- 
ligere.    (3)  prosternere. 


"Section  xvii. 


249 


bans,  from  envy,  chose  another  leader,  who  was  very 
inexiDcrienced  in  war.     Epaminondas  was   in  the  army 
as  a   common   soldier  (4).     Under  (5)   that  leader,   how- 
ever, such  great  mistakes  were  made,  that  the  army  of 
the  Thebans  was  shut  up   in  a  very  narrow  place    and 
besieged   by  the   enemy.     Most   despaired  (6)  of  safety; 
of  Epaminondas  alone  it  was  believed   that  help  should 
be  asked.     He,   then,    unmindful  of  the  disgrace  receiv- 
ed,  conducted  the  army  with  such  great  care  (7),   that 
he  freed   it  from   the  greatest  danger   and   restored  (8) 
it   unimpaired   to   his  country.  —  Very  famous  is  that 
capital  trial  (9),  which,  through  the  envy  of  his  adver- 
saries, Epaminondas  had  to  undergo  (10).     As  chief  com- 
mander he  had,  with  two  colleagues ,  one  of  whom  was 
Pelopidas,  marched  the  army  of  the  Thebans  into  Pelo- 
ponnesus.    But   his   adversaries  at  home   persuaded   the 
people,   to   give  (11)   the   management (12)   of  that  war 
over   to   other   generals.     Epaminondas,   who   had   per- 
ceived  their   inexperience  in  warfare,   believed   that  he 
should  not  obey (13)   the  decree  of  the  people,   lest  the 
whole   army  might  perish.     Therefore  both   he   himself 
and  his  colleagues  kept  the  chief-command  four  months 
longer,   than  they  had  been  conmianded  by  the  people. 
Then,    after   the  war,    which   he   had    undertaken,    had 
been  successfuUy  finished  (14),   he,    with   his  coUeagues, 
led  the  army  back  from  Peloponnesus,  and,  after  he  ar- 
rived  at  Thebes,   he   laid   down  (15)  the  chief-command 
in  the  assembly  of  the  people. 


(4)  gregarius  miles,  or  privatus  numero  militis.  (5)  Only 
Ahlat.  (6)  desperare  aliquid,  or  de  aliqua  re.  (7)  diligentia. 
(8)  reducere.  (9)  causa  capitis.  (10)  subire.  PeHphr.  Conjug. 
(11)  tradere,  committere.  (12)  gerere.  Gram.  §  281.  3.  Note. 
(13)  parere.  Beriphr.  Conjug.  (14)  feliciter  gerere.  (15)  se  abdi- 
care.    Gram.  §  282.  2.  1. 


250 


Part  n. 


No.  193. 

Chapter  II. 
By  a  law  of  the  Thebans  capital  punishment  had 
been   established,  if  any   one   kept   the   chief- command 
longer,  than  a  decree  of  the  people  allowed  (1).    Accord- 
ing to (2)  this  law,  then,  the  adversaries  of  Epaminondas, 
omitting (3)   him,  accused   his   colleagues.     But  by  the 
latter  the  whole  affair  was  thrown  (4)  upon  Epaminondas, 
what   he   himself  had   ordered   them   to  do.     Therefore 
they,  indeed,  were  acquitted,  but  he (5)  was  summoned 
before  the  court (6).     Here  he  frankly  (7)  said,  that  he 
must   confess   to   whatever    had  been   laid    as   a   crime 
upon  him;  there  was,  then,  no  doubt,  that,  according 
to  (8)  the  law,  he  could  be  punished  with  death.     But 
one  thing  he  would  ask  of  the  judges,  that  they  might 
make  him  an  inscription  to  this  effect:   „Theban  judges 
have  condemned  Epaminondas  to  death,  because  he  has 
freed  Thebes  and  all  Greece   from   the   tyranny   of  the 
Spartans;  because  he  has  overthrown,  by  that  one  battle 
at  Leuctra,  the  most  powerful  (9)  enemies  of  the  common 
liberty  and  invested   their  city;    because   by   his   chief- 
command  he  has  so  much  increased  (10)  the  glory  and 
power  of  the  state,  that  the  Thebans  have  obtained (11) 
the  principality  of  all  Greece."     After  these  words  he 
was  dismissed  from  the  court  amid  (12)  the  laughter  of 
all,  and  with  the  greatest  glory,  as  none  of  the  judgts 
was  willing  to  pronounce  sentence  upon  him.    Towards 
the   end  (13)    of    his    life   Epaminondas    led,    as    chief 
commander,  for  the  fourth  time,  an  army  of  the  Thebans 
into   Peloponnesus.     The   battle   was    fought   with    the 
Lacedaemonians  near  Mantinea.     Epaminondas,  himself 

:No.  193.  (1)  per  populi  scitum  licet.  (2)  otUy  AUat.  (3)  praeter- 
mittere.  (4)  transferre.  (5)  hie.  (6)  in  judicium  vocare.  (7)  li- 
bere,  ingenue.  (8)  secundum.  (9)  potens.  (10)  amplificare. 
(11)  adipisci,   or  pervenire  ad.     (12)  cum.     (13)  Gram.  §  2S7.  3. 


Section  xvin. 


251 


fighting  most  bravely  among  the  first  after  drawing  up 
the  battle-line,  was  recognized  by  the  enemy.    As  these 
beHeved,    that    the    Thebans'   entire    hope    of  victory 
rested(14)  on  Epaminondas  only,  they  unitedly  ruslied(15) 
upon  him  alone  with  so  violent  an  attack,  that,  on  both 
sides,  a  vast  slaughter  was  made  and  many  were  kiUed 
Epaminondas   himself  fell  (16),   pierced   with   a   deadly 
weapon.     The  iron-point  of  the  spear  remained  in  the 
body.    He  could  not  doubt,    that   he   must   die (17),  as 
soon  as  it  were  drawn  out.     Therefore,   he   kept   it  in, 
as  long  as  the  fight  continued.     But  after  the  victorj^ 
of  the  Thebans  had  been  announced,  he  said:   „I  have 
lived  long  enough;   for  I  die  unvanquished".     Then  he 
ordered   the  iron   to   be   drawn  out  and  so  died.     And 
with  (18)  him  sank  the  splendour  (19)  of  Thebes,  which, 
having  been  made  by  him  the  head  of  all  Greece,  neither 
before  his  birth,  nor  after  his  death  has  ever  been  frea 
from  foreign  dominion. 


SECTION  xvin. 
Various  Stories  from  Ovid. 

No.  194. 

The  Poet  P.  Ovidius  Naso. 
PubUus  Ovidius  Naso  is  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished poets  of  the  age  of  Augustus.  Of  his  life  he 
himself  relates  the  following:  He  was  bom  at  Sulmo, 
in  the  country  of  the  Paelignians,  in  the  year  43  before 
Christ,  under  the  consulship  of  Hirtius  and  Pansa,  one 
of  whom  was  kiUed  in  the  battle  of  Mutina  against 
M.  Antonius,   the   other   was   wounded   and  died  after- 

(14)  positum  esse,  also  situm  esse.  (15)  irruere  in  aliquem, 
petere  aliquem.  (16)  concidere.  (17)  Feriphr,  Conjug.  (18)  simul 
cum.    (19)  majestas. 


m 


252 


Pabt  n. 


I 


wards.  He  belonged  (1),  from  the  time  of  his  fore- 
fathers, to  the  equestrian  order.  His  brother  was  one 
year  older,  than  himself,  but  was  bom  on  the  same  day, 
so  that  this  day,  as  0\dd  liimself  relates,  was  celebrated  by 
two  cakes  (2).  It  is  also  mentioned  by  the  poet,  that  his 
birthday  was  on  a  certain  festival (3)  of  Minerva,  —  which 
feastday(4)  was  called  Quinquatrus  by  the  Eomans,  — 
whence  we  learn,  that  he  was  bom  en  the  20^^^  of  March(o). 
The  two  brothers  were,  as  boys,  first  instmcted  at 
Sulmo;  but  the  fother,  a  wealthy  (6)  and  pmdent  man, 
soon  brought  (7)  them  to  Eome,  and  entrusted  them, 
for  further  refinement  (8),  to  the  most  renowned  teachers. 
At  Eome  the  elder  brother  devoted  himself  (9)  with  the 
greatest  eagerness  to  eloquence,  and  exercised  himself 
much  and  diligently  in  the  schools  of  the  rhetoricians  (10), 
that  he  might  become,  according  to  (11)  the  father's 
wish,  a  useful  orator  and  pleader  of  causes (12).  But 
Publius  found  no  delight  (13)  in  these  occupations,  and 
gave  himself  entirely  up  to  poetry,  which  the  had 
loved  (14)  from  his  boyhood.  This  was  displeasing  to 
the  fiither.  „Wliy  do  you  practise  (15)  this  useless  occu- 
pation, said  he,  from  which  you  will  have  no  profit? 
Homer  himself  left  no  wealth  behind  him."  Moved  by 
such  admonitions  he  resolved  (16)  to  give  up  (17)  his 
poetical  occupations  and  devote  himself  to  eloquence. 
But  his  speech  turned(18)  of  itself  into  proper  rythms(19). 
„ Whatever  I  attempted  to  say,  was  a  verse",  says  he  him- 
self; and  therefore  he  persevered  (20)  in  the  same  pursuit, 
to  which  nature  impelled  him,  even  then,  when,  together 
with  his  brother,  he  had  taken  the  manly  gown. 

Xo.  194.  (1)  esse,  tvith  Genit.  (2)  libum.  (3)  dies  festu?. 
(4)  here  Phir.,  dies  festi.  (5)  See  Gram.  §  347.  (6)  locuples. 
(7)  deducere.  (8)  excolere.  Gram.  §  281.  3.  with  Note.  (9)  in- 
cumbere  ad,  or  in  aliquid.  (10)  rhetor.  (11)  ex.  (12)  patronus 
causarum.  (13)  non  delectari.  (14)  adamare.  (15)  tractare. 
(16)  constituere.  (17)  omittere,  relinquere.  (18)  venire.  (19)  nu- 
merus.     (20)  permanere. 


Section  xvni. 


253 


No,  195. 

Chapter  II. 

The  brother  of  the  poet  died  at  the  age  of  twenty 
years,  and  Publius,    to   obey   his   father,    again   betook 
himself  to  the  study  of  eloquence.     He  listened  to  the 
lectures  (1)    of   the   most   renowned   rhetoricians   of  his 
time,  of  Porcius  Latro  and  Arellius  Fuscus,  and  exercised 
himself  with (2)  them  in  speaking(3).    The  rhetorician  M. 
Annaeus  Seneca,  who  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Latro^ 
relates  the  following  about  Ovid:  „I  remember  to  have 
heard  (4)  Naso  declaim  (5)  with  the  rhetorician  Arellius 
Fuscus,    whose    hearer    he    was.      He    was    also  (6)    an 
admirer  of  Latro,  though  he  pursued  a  different  kind 
of  speaking.    His  speech,  then,  could  not  be  considered 
anything   else   but  a  poem   without   metre  (7).     But   he 
so  eagerly   listened   to   Latro,    that   he   has   transferred 
many  of  his  maxims  (8)   into  his  own  verses.     He  was, 
however,  considered  a  good  orator,   and,  as  it  seemed 
to  me,  he  delivered  that  controversial  discourse (9)  far 
more    ingeniously  (10),    than    Arellius    Fuscus,    except, 
that  (11)  he  went  through  the  single  points  (12)  without 
a  certain  order".     A  little  later  Seneca  thus  continues: 
„But  Naso  very  seldom  delivered  controversial  discourses; 
he  rather  liked  to  pronounce  hortatory  speeches  (13);  all 
argumentation    was    annoying    to    him.      He    used    the 
words,  by  no  means,  without   restraint (14) ,    except  in 
poems,  in  which  he  did  not  ignore  his  faults,  but  he 
loved   them.     Once   his   friends   requested   him   to   blot 
out (15)  from  his  poems  three  verses,  which  displeased 
them.     He   himself,   in   return  (16),   requested   them   ta 


Xo.  195.  (1)  declamatio.  (2)apud.  (3)  declamare.  (4)  Gmm. 
.f  274,  2,  (5)  Gram.  §284.4.2.  (6)  idem.  (7)  solutus  (=  ,,with- 
out  m.").  (8)  sententia.  (9)  controversia.  (10)  ingeniosus.  (11)  ex- 
cepto  eo,  qiiod.  (12)  per  locos  discurrere.  (13)  suasoria.  (14)  li- 
center.    (15)  tollere.     (16)  contra. 


J; 


m 


H 


254 


Pabt  II. 


accept  three  verses,  against  which  nothing  should  be 
objected  by  them.  The  condition  (17)  seemed  fair.  The 
former  secretly  wrote  down  the  three  verses  which  they 
wished  to  be  blotted  out  (18),  the  latter  those  which  he 
wished  to  remain  intact.  After  the  papers  had  been 
opened  (19),  on  both  sides  the  very  same  verses  were 
found  written."  Seneca  adds  also:  „ Hence  it  follows, 
that  to  this  man  of  the  highest  talent  not  the  judgment 
was  wanting  for  restraining  his  licentiousness  (20)  of 
language,  but  the  will (21).  Sometimes  he  said,  that 
that  fac3  was  handsomer  (22) ,  on  which  there  was  some 
blemish  (23)."  Now,  after  we  have  inserted (24)  what 
Seneca  has  recorded,  let  us  return  to  the  narration  of 
the  poet  himself.  After  finishing (25)  liis  studies,  he 
began  to  discharge  cartain  little  offices;  but  soon  he 
was  so  much  disgusted  with  all  business,  that  he  ab- 
andoned (26)  it  altogether,  and  again  devoted  himself 
entirely  to  poetry.  He  was  a  familiar  friend  of  the 
most  illustrious  poets  of  that  time,  especially  to  Pro- 
pertius,  Aemilius  Macer,  Cornelius  Bassus.  „Melodiout 
(27)  Horace  fascinated  (28)  also  our  ears,"  says  he.  He 
only  saw  Virgil,  who  was  much (29)  older;  „a  sad 
fate  (30)"  kept  him  away  from  the  poet  Tibullus.  His 
first  poems  acquired  for  Ovid  the  greatest  renown  in 
all  Rome;  but  they  were,  for  the  most  part,  as  the 
life  of  the  poet  itself,  full  of  frivolity  (31)  and  lasciv- 
iousness  (32) ,  and  he  threw  many,  with  his  own  hand, 
into  the  fire. 

(17)  lex.  (18)  Gram.  §  274.  3.  (19)  codicillos  aperire. 
(20)  compescere  licentiam.  Gram.  §  288.  L  (21)  animus.  (22)  de- 
cens.  (23)  naevus.  (24)  interponere.  (25)  absolvere.  (26)  ab- 
jicere.  (27)  numerosus.  (28)  tenere.  (29)  aliquanto.  (30)  „amara 
fata".    (31)  levitas.    (32)  lascivia. 


Section  xvm. 


255 


No.  196. 

Chapter  III. 

When  Ovid   was   about   fifty  years   old,   a  serious 
calamity    befeU   hiin(l).     By  some   misconduct  (2) ,  the 
nature  of  which (3)  is  entirely  unknown,  he  aroused  the 
most  violent  anger  of  Augustus,  and  was  sent  away(4) 
by  him  as  an  exile  to  Tomi,  a  city,  which  is  situated 
m  Moesia,  on  the  Euxine  Sea.     Rome  and  the  pleasures 
of  the  great   city  had   always   rendered   the   poet   most 
happy  (5);  the  more  violently  he  was  cast  down  by  this 
banisliment,  in  which  he,  excluded  from  aU  intercourse  (6) 
^-ith  friends  and  learned  men,  was  forced  almost  exclu- 
sively to  live  among  barbarians.     Ovid's  father,  an  old 
man   of  ninety  years,   likewise   his    mother,   had   died 
shortly  before,  and  the  son  consoled  himself  somewhat  (7) 
in (8)  the  grief  of  his   exile   by   the   thought,    that  his 
parents  had  not  participated  in  that  grief     But  he  had 
to  leave  his  wife  and  his  daughter    at  Eome.     All   en- 
treaties and  lamentations  of  the  poet,  all  intercession  (9) 
of    his    friends    were    ineffectual    and    useless;    neither 
Augustus  nor  Tiberius  allowed  him  to  return  to  Eome, 
nor  even  (10)  to  choose  another  abode;  and  thus  he  died' 
after  an  exile  of  ten  years,  in  the  year  17.  after  Christ^ 
at  Tomi,   and  was  bimed  in  the  same  place.  —  Ovid, 
from   his   early    youth,    wi'ote    very   many  poems,   the 
earnest  of  which  chiefly  treated  (11)  of  love-affairs  (12). 
When  about  thirty  years  old,  he  published  a  tragedy, 
Medea,  of  which  QuintiHan  says,  that  it  showed,  how 
much  that  man  might  have  been  able  to  accomplish,  if 
he   had   preferred  (13)  to  restrain  (14)  his  talent  instead 


Xo.  196.  (1)  affligere.  (2)  facinus.  (3)  quod  quale  fuerit. 
(4)  relegare.  (5)  beatus.  (6)  consuetude  et  usus.  (7)  aliquan- 
tulum.  (8)  consolari  aliquid.  (9)  deprecatio  {Plur.)  (10)  aut 
saltern.  (11)  versari  in  aliqua  re.  (12)  amores.  (13)  malle. 
(14)  temperare. 


256 


Part  ii. 


of  (15)  indulging  it  (16).     The  most  celebrated  of  all  tlie 
poems  of  Ovid  are  the  fifteen  books  of  Transformations, 
in  which  the  poet  sets  forth  (17)  selected  fables  of  the 
ancients  on  the  changes  (18)  of  things  from  the  origin 
of  the  world  to  that  time,   at  which  JuHus  Caesar  is 
said  to  have  been  changed  into  a  star.    In  this  poem 
Ovid  used  the  heroic  metre,  whereas  he  preferred   the 
elegiac  metre  in  his  other  poems.     When  the  Metamor- 
phoses  had    hardly    been    finished,   and    the   poet   was 
occupied  with  the  composition  of  another   great   poem, 
which    is    entitled    Fasti,    that    misfortune    happened, 
whereby  he  was  sent  into  exile.     Thus  it  came  to  pass, 
that  of  the  Fasti,  in  which  the  origin  of  the  festivals 
and  religious  rites  (19),  with  the  Romans  is  described, 
only  six  books  have  been  finished  (20),  which  refer  (21) 
to  the  six  first  months  of  the  year.    In  the  exile  itself 
Ovid  wrote  still  two  larger  collections  (22)  of  poems,  viz. 
five   books   of  Tristia,   and   four  books  of  Epistolae  ex 
Ponto.    In  these  poems  are  partly  described  the  dangers 
and  sufferings  of  the  voyage  and  the  sad  life  at  Tomi, 
partly  are  his  friends  entreated  to  ask  (23)  of  Augustus 
a  more   tolerable   situation  (24)   for   the  poet.    Many  of 
his  letters,  especiaUy  those,  which  he  wrote  to  his  wife, 
are   of   exquisite    tenderness  (25)   and    beauty  (26);    but 
from  each  (27)  shines  forth  the  greatest  sorrow  and  an 
ardent  yearning  for  his  native  country.  -  All  the  poems 
of  Ovid  have   come   forth  (28)   from   the  richest   talent, 
and  been  written  with  so  much  faciUty  and  charm  (29), 
that  hardly  anything  similar  can  be  found.     But  espe- 
ciaUy the  Metamorphoses  have,  at  all  times,  been  much 
read  (30),   and    must   always    be  most  particularly  (31) 

recommended  (32)  to  boys  and  youths. 

(15)  here  quam.  (16)  indulgere  alicui.  (17)  explicare.  (18)  com- 
mutare.  (19)  caerimonia  {=  „relig,  rite-).  (20)  absolvere,  adfinem 
perducere.  (21)  pertinere.  (22)  volumen,  corpus.  (23)  iinpetrare. 
(24)  sors.  (25)  suavitas.  (26)  venustas.  (27)  singuli.  (28)  pro- 
ficisci.  (29)  gratia.  (30)lectitare.  (31)maxiinopere.  (32)  commendare. 


Section  xviii. 

No.  197. 


257 


The  Pour  Ages  of  the  World. 
(Ovid.  Metain.  I.  89—130.) 
Under  the  reign  of  Saturn,  who  was  the  oldest  of 
the   Gods,    the   Golden   Age   is   said   to   have   been   on 
earth.     Men    practised   virtue    and    righteousness,    and 
abstained  from  all  evil  deeds  out  of  love  of  rectitude, 
not  for  fear  of  punishment.     There  was  no  need(l)  of 
laws  and  judges;  without  them  people  lived  in  safety. 
Contented  with  that  food,  which  the  earth  produced (2) 
of  its  own  accord,  they  passed  through  (3)  life  without 
molestation    and    labour.      Navigation    at    sea,    to    get 
acquainted  with  foreign  shores,  was  unknown;  unknown 
were  helmet  and  sword;  no  soldiers  were  required;   no 
war  was  feared;  all  enjoyed  tranquillity,  free  from  care. 
Tliere  was  a  perpetual   spring   on   earth,   so   that   men 
were  not  in   need  (4)   of  houses.     The   fields   were   not 
ploughed,  and  yet  they  produced  fruits;   there  was  no 
seed  (5)  sown,  and  yet  the  fields  were  covered  with  the 
most  beautiful  flowers.     The  earth  was  flowing  (6)  with 
milk  and  honey,  and  it  yielded,  without  any  compulsion, 
that  which  everybody  wished.     When,  after  the  expid- 
sion(7)  of  Saturn,  Jupiter  had  taken  possession  of  the 
dominion    of    the    world,    the    golden    times    at    once 
ceased  (8);  in  their  stead  came  (9)  the  Silver  Age.    Many 
things  soon  became  worse.     Jupiter  made  four  seasons 
of  the  year;  the  heat  (10)  of  summer  followed  the  short 
spring,  and  after  unsteady  autumns  cold  winters  return- 
ed.   Then  for  the  first  time  did  men  long (11)  for  houses, 
and   they   lived   partly  in   caverns,  partly  in  huts  (12), 
made  of  twigs.     The  fields  now  began  to  be  ploughed, 


No.  197.  (1)  opus  est.  (2)  ferre.  (3j  degere.  (4)  indigere 
egere.  (5)  semen  (Plur.).  (6)  affluere.  (7)  expellere,  exigere. 
(8)  desinere.  (9)  subire  in.  (10)  ardor  {Plnr.).  (11)  quaerere, 
petere.     (12)  casa,  tugurium. 

MUller,  Exercises.  17 


258 


Part  ii. 


and  seed  to  be  sown;  labour  and  exertion  were  necessary 
to  obtain,  what (13)  to  live  on.  But  crimes  were  absent, 
and  virtue  was  honoured;  concord  and  peace  united  (14) 
men  with  one  another.  In  the  Brazen  Age  weapons 
were  already  used,  and  wars  were  waged,  but  without 
cruelty  and  perfidj^  But  in  the  fourth  or  the  Iron  Age 
all  wickedness  broke  out  (15)  among  men;  virtues  took 
to  flight;  fraud  and  artifice  succeeded  in  their  place,  and 
the  whole  of  human  life  was  changed  (16).  This  Iron 
Age  seems  still  to  thrive  (17)  in  our  own  time. 


Xo.  198. 

The  Flood  of  Deucalion  (1). 
(Ovid.  Metam.  I.  260—347.) 
Men  had,  by  crimes (2)  and  impiety,  aroused  the 
anger  of  the  Gods,  so  that  Jupiter  resolved  to  destroy 
the  whole  race  by  a  vast  flood.  After  he  had,  therefore, 
locked  up  the  other  winds,  that  they  might  not  di'ive 
away  the  clouds  from (3)  the  sky,  he  despatched  Notus. 
and  ordered  him  to  fill  the  whole  air  with  dark  clouds, 
and  to  pour  out  a  dense  shower  on  the  earth.  The 
latter  obeyed  with  so  great  alacrity,  that,  in  a  short 
time,  the  crops  lay (4)  prostrate,  and  the  husbandman 
saw  and  lamented  the  long  labours  of  a  whole  year 
ruined;  but  the  enraged  Jupiter  prepared  (5)  still  greater 
suflerings(6)  for  men.  He  called  his  brother  Neptune, 
the  God  of  the  seas  and  rivers,  to  his  aid.  In  a  short 
time  the  whole  (7)  earth  was  flooded  (8),  and  everj^thing 
seemed   to   be   one    immense    sea.      Then    sad    wondei*s 


(13)  AUat,  or  unde  (mth  Verb,  finit),  (14)  conjungere,  or 
conciliare  inter  se.  (15)  erumpere  inter,  or  irrumjjere  in.  (16)  com- 
mutare.     (17)  vigere. 

No.  198.  (1)  diluvium  Deucalioneum,  or  Deucalionis.  (2)  sce- 
lus,  flagitium.  (3)  de.  (4)  jacere.  (5)  parare,  meditari.  (6)  ma- 
lum, calamitas.     (7)  uni versus.     (8)  inuudare. 


Section  xviii. 


259 


happened.    Where  some  tower  or  hill  was  standing  out, 
it  was  taken  possession  of  by  men;   others  were  sitting 
on  trunks  of  trees  (9),  or  in  boats,  sailing,  without  hope 
on  the  surface  of  the  waters.     Fishes  were  seen  to  hang 
on  the  trees,  stags  to  swim  through  the  waves;  wolves 
were  carried  about  among  sheep,  tigers  among  lambs; 
cities  and  groves  were  buried  beneath  the  waters;   and 
on  (10)  the   highest   mountains   sea-calves   and   dolphins 
were  pasturing.    Frightened  (11)  birds  were  flying  about, 
and  after  they  had   been   long   seeking  a  place,    where 
they   might    be    able   to   alight (12),    one   after (13)    the 
other  dropped  into  the  waters,  their  wings  being  wearied 
out (14).     Men  and   beasts   were   buried   in   the   waves; 
the  destruction  spared  no  one;  he  who  seemed  to  escape 
death  in  the  waves,  succumbed  to  hunger  and  cold;  all 
life  on  earth  perished.      Only   on   one   man   out   of  so 
many  thousands,  and  only  on  one  woman  Jupiter  had 
mercy,   and   resolved   to    save   them.      None  had   been 
better  on   earth   than   these  two.     In  a  small  boat  (15) 
Deucalion,   the   son   of  Prometheus,   with   Pyrrha,    his 
wife,  was  borne (16)  uninjured (17)  over  the  surface  of 
the  waters,  and  carried (18),  by  the  will  of  Jupiter,  to 
the   highest   top   of  Parnassus.     Then  Jupiter   sent   the 
north-wind  to  scatter  the  clouds  and  open  the  serene  sky; 
he  restrained  also  the  anger  of  the  sea  and  rivers,  and 
ordered  the  waters  to  subside.     Soon  the  mountains  and 
hills  and  forests  came   forth  (19)   from   the   waters;    the 
earth  itself  appeared,  and  the  old  order  of  things  seemed 
to  return. 


(9)  only  truncus.  (10)  per,  or  super,  or  in.  (11)  anxius,  pa- 
Jidus,  trepidus.  (12)  considere.  (13)  super.  (14)  lassare,  de- 
tatigare.  (15)  cymba.  (16)  vehi.  (17)  incolumis.  (18)  deferre. 
(19)  exire,  prodire. 


t 


17* 


:i. 


260 


I 


Part  ii. 


No.  199. 


Section  xvni. 


261 


Origin  of  the  New  Human  Baee. 
(Ovid.  Metam.  I.  349—415.) 
The  whole  earth  was  covered  (1)  with  deep  silence, 
and  bore  but  two  living  beings  (2).    Not  even  these  had 
a  sure  confidence  in  their  lives,  and  the  dangers,  through 
which  they   had  passed  (3),  terrified  their  minds.     They 
saw,  that  in  both  of  them  the  whole  human  race  remain- 
ed;  and  what   could   console   the   surviver,   if  the   one 
were  taken  away  from  the  other  by  death?    „0h  that 
I  might  also  be  able,  said  Deucalion,  as  my  father  Pro- 
metheus, to  form  men  from  clay  (4)  and  pour  souls  into 
them!"*    While  they  thus  were  weeping  in  their  sadness, 
they  asked  the  Gods  for  help.     It  pleased  them  to  con- 
sult   the    oracle,    which    Themis,    the    oldest    Goddess, 
possessed    at    the    foot  (5)    of   Mount    Parnassus.      The 
Goddess  suffered  herself  to  be  moved  by  their  piety  and 
prayers,  and  answered   them   thus:    „Depart   from   this 
temple,  and,  with   covered   heads,   throw   the    bones  of 
the  great  mother  behind  your  backs  (6);  and  to  you  will 
be  given  what  you  have  desired".    They  were  amazed(7) 
at  this  answer,  and  it  seemed  to  them  a  sin  to  do  what 
the  Goddes  had  advised;  Pyrrha  believed  that  she  must 
fear  to  injure  the  shade  of  her  mother,  if  she  threw  her 
bones    about.      But   Deucalion    frequently  (8)    repeated 
within  himself  the  obscure  words  of  the  Goddess,  and 
finally   seemed   to   understand   their  meaning:    „ Oracles 
are  not  impious,  said  he  to  his  wife;  the  great  mother 
is  the  earth,  but  her  bones  are  the  rocks,  and  we  have 
been  commanded  by  the  Goddess  to  throw  stones  behind 


No.  199.  (1)  obtinere.  (2)  animans  (=  ..living  heing"").  (3)  de- 
fungi  (=  „fo  pass  through  — ".).  (4)  limus.  (5)  radices.  (6)^  post 
tergum,  or  terga.  (7)  obstupefieri ,  obstiipescere.  (8)  identidem, 
frequenter. 


our  backs".  Doubtful,  indeed,  of  what  would  happen(9), 
they  resolved  to  make  the  attempt  (10).  And  they  saw 
a  new  miracle  come  to  pass.  For,  the  stones,  which 
were  cast  by  the  hand  of  Deucalion,  were  changed  into 
men;  but  those,  which  Pyrrha  threw,  became  women. 
And  from  this  origin  all  have  sprung,  who  have  lived 
afterwards.  What  wonder,  then,  if  men  are  a  hardy 
race,  and  too  often  similar  in  their  hearts  to  stones? 

No.  200. 

Origin  of  the  City  of  Thebes. 
(Ovid.  Metam.  III.  1—130.) 
Europa,  the  daughter  of  Agenor,  king  of  the  Phoe- 
nicians,  had  been  ravished  (1)  and  carried  away  (2)  by 
Jupiter  to  another  part  of  the  world.     From  a  yearning 
for  his  lost  daughter,  the  father  ordered  his  son  Cadmus 
to  search  the  whole  earth,  until  (3)  he  found  his  sister; 
and  if  he  did  not  find  her  (4),  Agenor  proposed  to  him 
the   punishment   of  exile.     After  Cadmus   had   in   vain 
wandered  through  all  coimtries,  he  went  to  Delphi  to 
the   oracle    of  Apollo,   to    consult    the   God,   in   which 
country   he   should  (5)    remain    and   live.     And   ApoUo 
answered  him:  „FoUow  the  cow,  which  you  wHl  see  (6) 
coming  to  meet  you.     Under  her  guidance  you  will  find 
the  land,  where  the  walls  of  a  new  city  must  be  built 
by  you.  But  the  country  itself  shall  (7)  be  called  Boeotia 
after  the  cow."     On  this  answer  of  the  oracle  Cadmus 
descended  from  Mount  Parnassus  and  determined  to  do 
what  had  been  commanded  him  by  the  God.     Scarcely 
had   he    come    down    into   the   valley,    when   the   cow, 


(9)  fieri;  but  for  Fut.  StibJ.  see  Gram.  ^  144.  i,  end.  (10)  pe- 
riculum  facere. 

Xo.  200.  (1)  rapere.  (2)  deducere.  (3)  dum.  (4)  Relative, 
Gram.  §  238.  6.  (5)  Feri;pJir.  Conjug.  (6)  Gram.  #  J28L  4.  2. 
(7)  Future. 


262 


Part  ii. 


Section  xviii. 


263 


r 


announced  (8)  by  the  oracle,  presented  herself (9)  to  his 
eyes.  Unguarded  she  went  along  (10),  and  seemed  never 
to  have  borne  a  yoke.  He  joyfully  followed  her  foot- 
steps, and  thanked  Apollo,  who  had  sent  him  this  leader 
of  the  way.  After  they  had  left  Phocis,  and  come  to 
an  unknown  region,  the  cow  stood  still  and  filled  the 
air  with  great  bellowings;  and  looking  around  (11)  at 
those  who  followed  her,  she  lay  down  upon  the  ground. 
Then  Cadmus  perceived,  that  this  land  had  been  given 
him  by  the  Gods.  He  thanked  them,  kissed  the  stranger 
land,  and  saluted  the  unknown  grounds  and  fields.  But 
when  he  was  about  to  offer  up  sacrifices  to  Jupiter,  his 
servants,  who  had  been  ordered  to  fetch  (12)  water,  were 
killed  by  a  huge  serpent.  Cadmus  himself,  however, 
pierced  the  serpent  with  a  spear,  and,  at  the  advice  of 
Minerva,  he  sowed  (13)  its  teeth  in  long  furrows  (14), 
out  of  which  at  once  armed  men  grew  up  (15).  But 
these  made  war (16)  upon  one  another,  and  the  one  fell 
by  the  sword  of  the  other.  Only  five  survived;  and 
these  Cadmus  took (17)  as  companions,  when  he  built 
the  castle  of  Thebes. 

No,  201. 

Haughtiness  and  Fall  of  Niobe. 

(Ovid.  Metam.  VI.  146—312.) 
Niobe,  the  daughter  of  Tantalus,  king  of  Phrygia, 
had  married  Amphion,  king  of  Thebes.  The  renown  of 
her  husband,  the  nobility  of  her  fiimily,  power  and 
beauty,  and  above (1)  all  this  a  progeny  of  seven  sons 
and  seven  daughters,    might (2)  have  rendered  her   the 

(8)  indicare,  promittere.  (9)  se  offerre,  apparere.  (10)  in- 
cedere.  (11)  circumspicere  aliquem.  (12)  petere.  (13)  spargere. 
(14)  sulcus.  (15)  procreari,  gigni.  (16)  oppugnare,  bello  persequi. 
(17)  uti,  sumere. 

No.  201.     (1)  super.     (2)  posse.     Gram.  §247.  II.  2, 


happiest  of  mothers.    But  this,  indeed,  puffed  her  up  (3) 
with  so  much  pride,  that  she  was  unwilling  to  yield  (4) 
even  to  the  Gods.    Once  when  the  prophetess  (5)  Manto, 
the  daughter  of  Tiresias,    urged   by   a   divine  impulse' 
exhorted   the  Theban   women   to   offer   up   sacrifices   to 
Latona  and  her  two  children,  and  to  celebrate  a  festive 
day,  all  obeyed,   adorned  the  temples  with  foliage  and 
garlands,  and  wliile  praying (6)  burned  frankincense  on 
all  the  altars.    But  this  piety  aroused  the  pride  of  Niobe. 
With  a  large  attendance  she  came  into  the  assembly  (7), 
most  brilliantly  attired  in  garments  and  gold;  but  her 
anger  hindered  her  from  appearing  beautiful.    Haughtily 
casting  her  eyes  around  (8),   she  stood  in  the   midst  of 
the  crowd,  and  by  her  very  look  she  seemed  to  demand(9) 
for  herself  divine  honours.     „What  madness,  said  she, 
has  taken  hold  of  your  minds?     Wliy  do  you  worship 
Gods  that  you  have  only  heard  of  (10),  and  neglect  those 
whom  you  see?    Why  is  frankincense  burned  to  Latona 
rather   than   to   my  Godhead?     I   am   the  daughter   of 
Tantalus,    who    alone   of  the    mortals   was   allowed   to 
dine  (11)  with  the  Gods;  the  handsomest  of  the  Pleiades 
is  my  mother,  and  Atlas  and  most  high  Jupiter  are  my 
grand-sires.    Me  all  Phrygia  worships,  me  the  palace  of 
Cadmus  acknowledges  as  mistress,  by  me  and  my  hus- 
band the  people  of  Thebes  are  governed.     I  have  im- 
mense  riches;    in  beauty  I  yield  to  none  of  the  God- 
desses.    To  this  add  my  seven  sons  and  as  many  daugh- 
ters, and  the  daughters-in-law  and  the  sons-in-law,  who 
will  soon  be  added  (12),  and  I  ask,  whether  (13)  I  cannot 
justly  be  proud.    Who  will,  therefore,  dare  to  place  me 
after  Latona,  the  mother  of  fourteen  children  after  the 


(3)  inflare.  (4)  cedere,  inferiorem  esse.  (5)  vates.  (6)  pre- 
cari.  (7)  contio.  (8)  circumferre.  (9)  efflagitare,  exposcere. 
(10)  audire  de  aliquo.  (11)  cenare  (coenare),  accumbere.  (12)  hy 
accedere.     (13)  ^whether  —  mt'',  Gram.  §  176,  1. 


264 


Part  u. 


Section  xvin. 


265 


I 


I 


mother  of  two?  I  am  too  happy  to  (14)  fear  fortune; 
and  though  it  (15)  takes  from  me  some  of  the  children, 
yet  I  shall  never  be  as  bereft  as  Latona.  Therefore  lay 
down  the  garlands,  and  go  away  to  your  homes'*. 

No.  202. 

Chapter  II. 

Without  performing  (1)  the  sacrifices  the  women  left 
the  temples,  and  having  returned  home,  they  worshipp- 
ed the  Goddess  in  silent  prayers.    But  Latona  grew  in- 
dignant (2)  at  the  haughtiness  of  Niobe,  and  on  the  top 
of  Cynthus  she  thus   addressed   her  cliildren:     „1   have 
always   considered  (3)   myself  the   happiest   of  mothers, 
because  you  are  my  children.     But  now  I,   who  am  in- 
ferior in  dignity  only  to  Juno,  have  been  despised  by  a 
mortal  woman,  and  if  you  do  not  come  to  my  aid,   I 
shall,   for  the  future (4),  be  without  the  sacrifices  and 
the  honours  of  the  Gods.     And  that  is  not  yet  enough; 
the  daughter  of  Tantalus  added  also  abusive  words,  pre- 
ferred her  children  to  you,  and  called  me  cliildless.    Oh 
that  this (5)  calamity  may  fall  back  on  her  own  head!'* 
When  Latona  was  going  to  add  still  entreaties  to  these 
complaints,   Phoebus   and   Diana   unanimously  (6)    said: 
„Cease,  mother,  to  say  more.    The  punishment  of  haugh- 
tiness will  not  delay".     And  gliding  down  through  the 
air  in  swift  flight  (7)  they  seated  themselves  (8) ,  armed 
with  bow  and  arrows,  on  the  top  of  the  castle  of  Thebes. 
Near  the  castle  there  was  an  extensive  plain,  where  the 
noble  youths  of  the  Thebans  were  wont  to  amuse  them- 
selves  with   riding  (9)   and   dri\'ing  (10).      The   sons    of 


(14)  Gram.  §  257,  end.    (15)  Bdatix-e. 

:No.  202.  (1)  ^wifhmt  perf.'',  by  infectus.  Ablat  absol.  (2)  in- 
dignari  de  aliqua  re.  (3)  putare,  existimare,  or  sibi  videri. 
(4)  in  posterum.  (5)  Bdative.  (6)  uno  ore.  (7)  volatus.  (8)  con- 
jsidere.    (9)  equitare.    (10)  vehi. 


Niobe  were  also  there,  given  up  to  toil  and  play.    Sud- 
denly out  of  the  cheerful  crowd  of  the  players  a  melan- 
choly (11)  cry  was  heard.    „Woe  to  me,  the  poor  (fellow) 
said,  and  pierced  by  the  arrow  of  Phoebus,   the  oldest 
of  the  sons  of  Niobe  feU  dying  down  from  the  horse. 
The  second  immediately  followed  liim.     The  third  and 
fourth  had  gone  (12)  to  the  exercises  of  the  palaestra 
and,  wrestling,  had  embraced  each  other;   one  arrow  of 
the  God  pierced  them  both.    And  the  fifth  and  the  sixth 
had  also  fallen,  when  Hioneus,  the  youngest  of  the  whole 
crowd,  suppliantly  lifted  liis  hands  towards  heaven  and 
said:    „0  all  ye  Gods,  spare  me,  the  wretched!"     But 
the  arrow  of  Phoebus  had  already  been  despatched  (13), 
and  the  God,  though  he  was  moved  by  compassion,  was 
not  able  any  more  (14)  to  call  it  back. 

No.  203. 

Chapter  III. 

Wlien  Niobe  was  informed  of  this  terrible  calamity, 
she  was  not  broken  in  heart,    but   became  enraged (1)' 
that  the  Gods  had  dared  to  commit  so  great  an  atrocity! 
While  she  was  thus   using   insulting   language  (2),    the 
news   was  brought,   that  Amphion,   her   husband,   had 
thrust  his  sword  through  his  own  breast,  and  ended  his 
gi'ief  together  with  his  life.    Alas,  that  miserable  Niobe! 
Still  a  little  while  before,    she  beHeved,    that  she  was 
envied  by  the  Goddesses  themselves,  and  now  she  was 
to  be  pitied  (3)  by  her  very  enemies.    But  her  pride  was 
not  vanquished  yet.     „Glut  yourself,  cruel  Latona,  with 
my  sorrow;   I  shall,  however,  not  acknowledge  you  as 
conqueror.     Even  in  my  misery,  after  so  many  of  mine 


(11)  maestus.  (12)  se  conferre,  also  transire.  (13)  emittere. 
(14)  „not  —  any  more'',  non  amplius,  non  jam. 

No.  203.  (1)  incendi  ira,  irasci.  (2)  maledicere,  impia  verba 
jactare.    Partic  Constr.    (3)  misericordia  dignus,  miserandus. 


266 


Part  ii. 


have  been  killed,  more  children  remain  to  me,  than  to 
you".     Mourning (4),  attired (5)  in  black  garments,  the 
sisters  stood,  weeping,  before  their  killed  brothers.    Then 
a  noise  (6)  was  heard  from  the  bow  of  Diana ,  and  the 
first   of  the   maidens   sank   down  (7),   dying,   upon   the 
bodies   of  her   brothers.     All   were   struck  with  terror, 
except  Niobe  alone.     And  a  second  time  the  arrow  of 
the  Goddess  sounded,  and  a  second  time,  pierced  through 
the  midst  of  her  breast,  the  second  maiden  sank  dead  (8) 
to  the  ground.     Already    did  Niobe   see    six   daughters 
prostrated  by  the  arrows  of  the  Goddess,  and  only  the 
last  and  youngest  still  remained.    But  then  the  courage  (9) 
of  the  proud  woman  failed.  Wrapping  the  little  daughter 
in  her  garments,  and  covering  her  with  her  whole  body, 
she  besought  (10) ,   overwhelmed  (11)  with  grief,  Latona. 
„This  one,  at  least,  said  she,   leave  to  me;   one  out  of 
the  whole  number,    and   that  the  smallest,   do  I  ask^. 
But  whilst  she   was  thus  entreating,   the  last  fell  also 
down,    and    the  childless   mother   sank  back,   stiff(12), 
among   the   bodies   of  her  sons  and  daughters.     Blood 
fled  from  her   face,   her  eyes   stood   unmoved   in   their 
sockets (13).     No  sign  of  life  could  be  perceived;  neither 
neck,  nor  arms,  nor  feet  could  be  moved;   the  tongue 
itself  was  stiifened,  and  the  blood  in  the  veins  had,  as 
it  were  (14),    congealed;    the  whole  body  of  Niobe  had 
been  changed  into  stone;  however  tears  streamed(15)  from 
her  eyes.    Then  Jupiter  sent  mighty  winds  to  carry  her 
over  to  her  native  land;   and  on  the  top  of  Sipylus  is 
still  seen  (16)  the  marble  Niobe   distilling  (17)  abundant 
tears. 


(4)  maestus.  (5)  induere,  velare.  (6)  sonitus.  (7)  coucidere, 
collabi,  corruere.  (8)  Partic.  of  exaniinare.  (9)  animus.  (10)  sup- 
plicare.  (11)  opprimere.  (12)  rigidus;  also  ^became  stiff  (obri- 
gescere)  and  sank  back^.  (13)  cavum.  (14)  tamquam.  (15)  ma- 
nare,  profluere.     (16)  conspicere.     (17)  profundere. 


Section  xix. 


267 


SECTION  XIX. 

Historical  Sketches  from  Julius  Caesar. 

No.  204. 

Something  about  C.  Julius  Caesar. 

Cajus  Julius  Caesar  is,  by  the  glory  of  his  achieve- 
mens  and  his  talent,    so   conspicuous  among  the  most 
Illustrious  men  of  all  antiquity,    that  it  seems   neither 
necessary  nor  convenient,  in  this  place,  to  give  a  full 
descnption  (1)  of  his  life.    But  in  order  that  those,  who 
first  enter (2)  upon  reading   his  writings,   may   not   be 
Ignorant  how  great  a  man  he  was,  it  will  not  be  un- 
reasonable,    to   put   here  together  some  few  things,    at 
least,  to  characterize  the  man  (3).     Caesar  was  bom  at 
Rome  of  an  old  and  noble  family,  under  the  consulship 
of  the  orator  M.  Antonius  and  A.  Postumius  Albinus 
m  the  year  99  before  Christ,   on  the  12*^  of  QuintiHs! 
which  month  was  afterwards  called  July.     But  he  was 
assassinated  in  the  senate-house  by  conspirators,  of  whom 
Bnitus  and  Cassius  were  the  leaders  (4),  and,  pierced  (5) 
with  twenty   three  wounds,   he   sank   down   before   the 

f^th'^^'L  T^^^'  ^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^^^^  C^i«t,  on  the 
lo  of  March.  When  a  boy,  Caesar  was  educated,  with 
gi-eat  care,  by  his  mother  Aureha,  a  very  judicious  (6) 
woman,  and  instructed  in  the  sciences,  and  exercised  in 
eloquence  by  M.  Antonius  Gnipho,  a  distinguished  (7) 
rhe  orician.  On  account  of  the  enmity  of  the  dictator 
Sylla,  to  whose  will  Caesar  as  a  youth  did  not  wish  to 
submit,  he  left  the  city  for  some  time  (8),  made  several 
journeys,  and  went  also  to  Ehodes,  where  he  heard,  with 


r...  ^.^^^''.''^''''^^^''^'■^^^''^•    (2)accedere.    (3)  describere- 

personam.      (4)  prmceps.      (5)  confodere.      (6)  prudens.     (7)  non 
Jgnobihs.     (8)  in  aliquod  tempus  relinquere,  or  aliquamdiu  abesse 


' 


268 


Pakt  II. 


SECTION    XIX. 


269 


■  t 


great  eagerness  and  advantage,  as  did  Cicero  shortly 
before,  Apollonius  Molon,  who,  at  that  time,  was  con- 
sidered the  most  distinguished  orator  and  teacher  of 
eloquence.  After  the  death  of  Sylla  he  returned  to 
Eome,  and  soon  obtained  (9)  the  highest  honours.  When 
he,  in  the  year  59  before  Christ,  fiUed  (10)  the  consulship, 
he' had,  by  his  authority,  by  far  the  greatest  influence 
at  Eome.  But  the  extraordinary  (11)  greatness  of  this 
man  began  especially  to  shine  forth,  when,  the  consul- 
ship being  at  an  end  (12),  he  was  sent  as  proconsul  to 
the  province  of  Gaul. 

No.  205. 

Chapter  II. 

From  the  time  of  his  entering  (1)  into  this  province 
down  to  that  of  his  death  the  whole  life  of  Caesar  is 
an  ahnost  uninterrupted  (2)  series  of  wars  and  victories. 
If  we   are   allowed   to   follow   the   authority   of  Pliny, 
Caesar   fought   fifty   pitched   battles  (3),    and   came   out 
victorious  in  almost  aU  engagements.  Duiing  eight  years 
he  stayed  (4)  among  the  many  and  very  fierce  tribes  of 
Gaul,  until  he  had  subjected  all  of  them  to  the  Roman 
dominion;  and  at  the  same  time  he  completely  defeated 
the  Helvetians,  Ario\ist,  the  TJsipetes  and  Tencteri;  he 
crossed  the  Ehine  twice,  and  penetrated  into  Germany, 
crossed  the  Ocean  twice,    and   penetrated   into  Britain, 
and  performed  achievements,   which  no  one  would  have 
deemed  possible  (5).    After  these  years  full  of  glory,  the 
civil   wars   followed,   in  which  Caesar   proved   himself, 
indeed,  no  less  great,  but  less  affectionate  (6)  and  respect- 
ful (7)  towards  his  country,  whose  magistrates  and  laws 


(9)  pervenire.  (10;  gerere,  fungi.  (11)  ingens.  (12)  finire. 
•  No.  205.  (1)  ab  introitu.  (2)  continuatus.  (3)  by  collatis 
signis,  or  acie  instructa  pugnare.  (4)  versari.  (5)  fieri  posse; 
for  constr,  see  Gram.  §  247,    11.  2,    (6)  plus.     (7)  verecundus. 


he  subjected  to  his  will  and  his  caprice  (8).    After  Caesar 
had  crossed  the  Eubicon  and  made  war  upon  the  country, 
Pompey,   the  head  of  the  opposite  party  (9),   fled,  with 
his  partisans,  to  Greece.     Eome  and  Italy  submitted  to 
Caesar.    After  he  had  made  (10),  as  speedily  as  possible, 
the  most  necessary  arrangements  (11),  he  soon  afterwards 
crossed  over,  with  a  small  army,  although  the  sea  was 
very    boisterous  (12),    into    Greece    to    pursue    Pompey 
,Fear  nothing!     You   carry  Caesar   and   his   fortunes^ 
With  these  words   he   encouraged  (13)   the  terrified  (14) 
boatman.    At  Pharsalus,  then,  he  defeats,  with  an  army 
of  22,000  soldiers,  Pompey,  who  had  45,000  armed  men, 
pursues   the   fugitive   to   Egypt,    takes  Alexandria,    re- 
estabhshes  the  kingdom  of  Cleopatra,  marches  into  Asia, 
and  defeats  and  pursues  Pharnaces,  king  of  Pontus,  ap-' 
points  kings  and  expels  them,  and  settles  (15)  the  affairs 
of  Asia  after  his  own  judgment  (16)  and  will.    Meantime 
at  Eome  unheard  of  honours  are  decreed  for  Caesar,  the 
consulship  for  five  years,  the  tribunitial  power  for  ever  (17), 
the  dictatorship  for  a  whole  year. 

No.  206. 

Chapter  III. 

After  returning  to  Eome  Caesar  quickly  made  the 
necessary  arrangements  (1),  and  crossed  over,  with  small 
forces,  to  Africa,  where  the  Pompejans,  in  connection  (2) 
with  Juba,  king  of  Numidia,  had  collected  a  large  army. 
At  Thapsus  he  put  them  completely  to  flight  in  the  year 
46  before  Christ;  their  leaders  were,  for  the  gi-eater  part, 
slain  in  battle,  M.  Cato  the  Younger,  despairing  of  thJ 


(8)  arbitrium,  libido.  (9)  altera  factio,  factio  adversariorum. 
(10)  constituere.  Ahht  ahsol  (11)  res.  (12)  iniquus.  (13)  ani- 
mos  addere.  (14)  pavidus.  (15)  componere.  (16)  suo  unius  con- 
silio.     (17)  in  perpetuum. 

No.  206.  (1)  quae  necessaria  videntur  constituere.  (2)  con- 
jungere.    Partic. 


1 


270 


Part  ii. 


liberty  of  the  commonwealtli ,  inflicted  death  upon  him- 
self (3)  at  TJtica.     All  the  states  of  Africa  quickly  sur- 
rendered themselves  to  Caesar.     As  ^dctor  he  returned 
to  Rome,   and  celebrated (4)   four   triumphs  over  Gaul. 
Egypt,  Phamaces,  and  Africa,  and  delighted  the  people 
with  the  most  magnificent  games.     New  honours  were 
bestowed  (5)  on  him;   he  was  appointed  dictator  for  ten 
years  and  praefectus  morum.     But  as,  in  the  meantime, 
Cn.  and  Sex.  Pompey  (6),  the  sons  of  Pompey  the  Great, 
had  collected  large  troops  in  Spain,  Caesar  marched  there 
with   incredible   celerity,    and   vanquished   his   last   ad- 
versaries in  a  very  fierce  (7)  engagement  at  Munda.    In 
this  battle  T.  Labienus  fell,  who,  in  the  Gallic  war,  had 
been   Caesar's   bravest   lieutenant  (8)    and   most   faithful 
friend.    After  accomplishing  these  deeds  Caesar  celebrat- 
ed his  fifth  triumph.     By  the  Senate  he  was  declared 
dictator  for  ever,  and  sacred  and  inviolable  (9) ,  and  the 
name   „Father(10)  of  liis  country",    and   the   perpetual 
surname  „Imperator''   were  given  to  him.     He  was  on 
the  highest  pinnacle  (11)  of  good  fortune  and  power,  and 
this  one  man  had  so  much  influence  over  (12)  the  whole 
earth,  as  neither  before  nor  after  him  any  one  else  ever 
obtained  (13).     But  not   content   with  tliis  dignity   and 
power,  he  longed  (14)  also  for  the  name  of  a  king,  which 
was  most  odious  to  the  Eomans.     Thus,  by  about  sixty 
zealots  of  liberty  (15),  a  conspiracy  was  set  on  foot  against 
him.    In  the  year  44  before  Christ,  on  the  Ides  of  March, 
Servilius  Casca  inflicted  the  first  wound  on  him  in  the 
curia   of  Pompey,    at   a   numerous  (16)   senate -meeting. 
Caesar  attempted  to  defend  liimself;  but  when  he  beheld 

— ■   ■       — '  — —  ^       — — .— 1  -■" 

(3)  mortem  sibi  consciscere,  se  interimere,  manus  sibi  in- 
ferre.  (4)  agere  triumphum  de  aliquo.  (5)  cumulare.  (6)  Gram. 
§  191.  7.  (7)  acer.  (8)  legatus.  (9)  sacrosanctus.  (10)  Gram. 
§  210.  2.  2.  (11)  fastigium.  (12)  per.  (13)  consequi.  (14)  con- 
cnpiscere,  afFectare.  (15)  libertatis  studiosus.  (16)  frequens  {only 
Ablat.). 


Section  xix. 


271 


even  M.  Brutus,  whom  he  had  loved  most  of  all,  among 
the   conspirators,    he   covered   his   face  (17)   exclaiming- 
„Thou,  too,  my  son  Brutus!"  and  sank  down,  pierced 
with  twenty  three  wounds.  Though  Caesar  had  passed  (18) 
tlie  greatest  part  of  his  life  in  arms  and  public  affairs 
yet,  according  to  the  greatness  of  his  mind,  he  had  also 
busied  himself(19),  with  the  greatest  praise,  about  arts 
and  sciences.     His  speeches  are  celebrated,   by  his  con- 
temporaries, as  elegant,  brilliant,  magnificent,  and,  in  a 
certain  manner  (20),  excellent  (21).    Cicero  writes  to  Cor- 
neHusNepos;    „What?    Whom  will  you  prefer  to  Caesar 
even  of  those  orators,  who  have  done  (22)  nothing  else? 
who  is,  as  to  thought,  either  acuter  or  conciser  (23),  who, 
as  to  words,  more  adorned  or  more  tasteful?" 

No.  207. 

Chapter  IV. 

Besides  speeches  Caesar  published  also  letters;  again 
two  grammatical  books  de  analogia  to  M.  Tullius  Cicero, 
m  which  he  declared  the  selection  of  words  the  founda- 
tion of  a  good  style (1);  moreover  two  speeches,  which 
he  called  Anticatones,  against  a  book  of  Cicero,  wliich 
was  entitled  Cato,  and  extolled  Cato  of  Utica;  and  some 
others.  Of  those  writings,  however,  only  fragments  have 
been  preserved  to  us.  But  seven  books  of  commentaries 
on  the  Gallic  war  and  three  books  of  commentaries  on 
the  civil  war  are  still  extant  complete.  Passing  over  (2) 
the  commentaries  on  the  civil  war,  we  believe  that 
something  must  be  said,  in  this  place,  of  that  other 
work.  Of  the  commentaries,  then,  on  the  GaUic  war  the 
single  books  comprise  the  exploits  of  the  single  years. 

(17)  caput  obvolvere.    (18)  consumere.    (19)  versari.    (20)  quod 
ammodo.    (21)  generosus.    (22)  agere.    (23)  creber. 

Xo.  207.    (1)  bi/  bene  scribere  (Germid.)    (2)  oniittere.   Ablat 
msol. 


f 


r^sm^s^^^^ 


272 


Pabt  u. 


\ 


But  though  Caesar  was  in  Gaul  nearly  nine  years,  yet 
he  himself  has   described   only   the  events  (3)    of  seven 
years.     The  eighth  book  has  been  added  by  a  certain 
Hirtius  or  Oppius,  by  whom  the  books  on  the  Alexandrine, 
the  Spanish,  and  the  African  wars  have  also  been  com- 
posed (4).  But  the  Commentaries  of  Caesar  are  exceeding- 
ly pleasant  (5)  especially  on  that  account,   because   the 
most  important  things  are  related  in  no  less  choice,  than 
familiar  language,  without  affected  beauty,  with  the  great- 
est perspicuity,  by  the  very  one,  who  has  performed  and 
accomplished  them.    Not  unjustly  has  the  judgment  been 
passed  (6)  on  him,  that  he,  who  has  surpassed  all  in  mili- 
tary glory  (7),   and   most   by   his  ability  (8)  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  commonwealth ,  at  the  same  time  (9) 
has  obtained,  that,  in  beauty (10)  of  style,  hardly  any 
has  been  preferred,  very  few  are  considered  equal  (11)  to 
him.     I  may  be  allowed  here  to  add  the  judgment  of 
Cicero,    the    most   trustworthy  (12)   authority    in    these 
things,    on   Caesar's   manner   of  speaking   and   writing. 
„0f  Caesar  I  judge  so,  says  he,  that  of  almost  all  ora- 
tors,   he  speaks  Latin  most  elegantly;   and  this  he  has 
obtained  not  only  by  domestic  conversation  (13),  (though 
this  is  also  something  important  (14)),   but  also  by  ex- 
tensive and,  indeed,  profound  (15)  and  exquisite  scientific 
training  (16),  and  by  the  utmost  exertion  and  applica- 
tion^     And  again:    ^Caesar's  speeches  have  my  fullest 
approval  (17);    I   read  several  of  them.     But  the  Com- 
mentaries on  his  exploits,  which  he  has  written,  I  con- 
sider eminently  recommendable(18j,    for  they  are  sim- 
ple (19),  correct  (20),  and  graceful  (21),   stripped  (22)   of 


(3)  res.  (4)  conficere,  scribere.  (5)  maximopere  gratus,  dul- 
cis.  (6)  facere.  (7)  laus  imperatoria.  (8)  virtus,  with  Genit  of 
Gerund  (9)  by  idem.  (10)  virtus  {Bur.).  (11)  par.  (12)  locuples. 
(13)  consuetude.  (U)  magnus.  (15)  reconditus.  (16)  litterae 
(=  ,,scient  train.'').  (17)  valde  probari  alicui.  (18)  probandus. 
(19)  nudus.    (20)  rectus.    (21)  venustus.    (22)  detrahere.  Ahlat.  abscl 


Section  xix. 


273 


almost  all  ornament  of  language.  But  whilst  he  wished 
that  others  might  have  (the  materials)  prepared,  whence 
they  might  be  able  to  take,  if  they  were  willing  to  write 
a  history,  he  has  perhaps  done  a  favour (23)  to  fools, 
who  wish  to  dress  it  up  with  flourishes  (24) ;  reasonable 
men,  indeed,  he  has  deterred  from  writing;  for  nothing 
is  more  charming  in  history,  than  a  plain  and  clear  (25) 
conciseness". 

No.  208. 

The  Helvetian  War. 
(Cacs.  Bell.  Gall.  I,  5—29.) 
In  the  year  58  before  Christ  the  Helvetians  resolved 
to^  leave  their  country  and   seek  new  abodes  in  Gaul. 
After  (1)  everything,  that  seemed  to  be  necessary  for  that 
emigi-ation,  had  been  prepared,  the  leaders  persuaded  the 
I^eople  to  bum  all  their  cities  and  villages,  that  no  one 
might  be  able  to  retain  the  hope  of  returning  into  his 
country;  for  tliis  hope  being  taken  away  (2),  they  believ- 
ed that  all  of  them  would  be  readier  to  endure  (3)  the 
hardships  of  the  journey  and  of  the  war.     But   there 
were  two  roads  by  which  they  were  able   to  go   from 
their  territory  into  Gaul,  the  one  through  the  country 
of  the  Sequani,  the  other  through  the  Eoman  province. 
As  they  knew  of  the  one(4j   that  it  was  narrow   and 
difficult,  of  the  other  (4)  that  it  was  far  easier  and  more 
imimpeded:   they  agreed  all  to  assemble  on  the  banks 
of  the  Ehone  on  an  appointed  (5)   day,   and  thence  to 
march  (6)  through  the  territory  of  the  Allobrogians.    For 
they  did  not  doubt,  that  these,  who  were  only  by  com- 
pulsion under  the  Eoman  dominion,  could  be  easily  per- 


(23)  gratum  facere.  (24)  calamistris  inurere  (Cic.)  (25)  il- 
lustris. 

No.  208.  (1)  All  absol.  (2)  tollere.  (3)  perferre,  subire,  susci- 
pere.  (4:)  Gram.  ^  2ii8.  3.  (5)  dicere,  also  certus.  (6)  ire,  iter 
facere. 

Muller,  Exercises.  Ig 


fl 


274 


Part  ii. 


Section  xix. 


r 


III 


suaded  not  to  hinder  tlieir  march  (7).    As  soon  as  Caesar 
had  been  informed  of  the  plan  of  the  Helvetians,  he  left 
Eome  and  came,  with  a  few  troops,  by  forced  marches, 
to  Genava,    where  the  Helvetians  intended   to  cross  (8) 
the  Ehone.     At  once  he  caused  the  bridge,  which  was 
across  the  river,  to  be  broken  down.     When  the  Helve- 
tians perceived  this,   they  sent  ambassadors  to  him  to 
ask  permission  (9)  to  march  through  the  i^rovince;  there 
was  no  other  way;  he  might  trust,  that  they  would  use 
the  given  permission  without  any  harm.  Caesar  believed, 
that  he  ought  to  refuse  them  this,  since  he  knew  well (10), 
that  the  Helvetians  had  always  been  of  a  hostile  mind 
towards  the  Eoman  people.     But  as  he  had   only   one 
legion  with  him,  he  answered  the  ambassadors,  that  he 
must  consider  the  matter  more  diligently,  wherefore  they 
might  return  to  him  after  some  days.    Thus  the  ambas- 
sadors were  dismissed.     But  Caesar  hoped,   that,  in  the 
mean  time,  the  soldiers  would  come,  whom  he  had  order- 
ed the  province  to  furnish.    He  caused,  at  the  same  time, 
a  trench  and  wall  to  be  constructed  from  the  lake  of 
Genava  to  Mount  Jura,   and  fortified   it  by   gan-isons, 
stationed  here  and  there (11),  that  the  enemy,  if  arms 
must  be  used,  could  the  more  easily  be  repelled. 

No.  309. 

Chapter  II. 
On  the  appointed  day  the  ambassadors  of  the  Hel- 
vetians returned  to  Caesar,  who,  in  a  few  words (Ij, 
declared,  that  he  would  not  allow  them  to  march  through 
the  province;  should  they,  against  his  will (2),  attempt 
to  do  it,  he  would  hinder  them.  Thereupon  the  Hel- 
vetians attempted,  in  several  places,  to  cross  the  Ehone, 

(7)  iter.  (8)  Periph:  Conjug.  (9)  facultas.  (10)  non  igno- 
rare,  also  »on  oblitum  esse.    (11)  disponere. 

Xo.  209.  (1)  paucis,  Kith  or  icithout  verbis.  (2)  Gram. 
§  284.  3. 


275 


but  were  repelled  by  the  garrisons  and  weapons  of  the 
Roman  soldiers,   and   forced  to  desist   from   this   hope 
Therefore  they  chose  the  other  way  through  the  country 
of  the  Sequani,  though  it  was  not  unknown  to  them 
that  this  was  narrow,  that,  against  the  will  of  the  in- 
habitants of  this  country,  they  could  not  go  by  it     By 
the  intercession  of  the  Aeduan  Dumnorix,  however,  they 
obtained,  that,  after  giving  hostages,  not  to  do  mischief 
they  were  allowed  to  march  through  the  territory  of  the 
Sequani.    When  this  was  reported  to  Caesar,  he  beUeved 
that  he  must   not   aUow(3)  warlike  men  to  take  their 
march  so  near  to  (4)  the  province  and  to   seek   abodes 
for  themselves.     He,  therefore,  hastened,  leaving  T   La- 
bienus(5)  as  commander  of  the  fortiiication,    which  he 
had  constructed,  to  Italy  to  levy  new  troops  and  return 
with  a  larger  army  to  keep  off(6)  the  enemy.     He  re- 
turned to  Gaul  with  five  legions  by  the  speediest  pos- 
sible marches  and  led  the  army  across  the  Rhone     In 
the  mean  time  the  Helvetians,  having  passed  (7)  the  nar- 
row defiles  of  the  country  of  the  Sequani,  had  already 
arrived  in  the  territory  of  the  Aeduans,  who  were  not 
able  to  defend  their  fields  and  cities  against  their  attack. 
Iherefore  ambassadors  were  sent  by  them  to  Caesar    to 
ask  him  to  come  to  their  help,  since  they  (8)  had  always 
very  well  deserved  of  the  Roman  people;  for  their  fields 
were  laid  waste  by  the  Helvetians,  their  children  dragged 
away  into  slavery.    The  Ambarri  and  other  nations  had 
also  recourse  (9)  to  Caesar,  as  they  were  not  able  to  de- 
tend  (10)  themselves  and  their  property  against  the  Hel- 
vetians.    Therefore   Caesar   believed   that   he   ought   to 
hasten,  that  the  Helvetians  might  not  oppress  the  friends 
ot  the  Roman  people.    He  sent  scouts,  who  should  inform 


(3)  committere,  P^riphr.  Cmjuff.  (4)  prope  ab.  (5)  Ablaf.  absol. 
(^)  depellere.  (7)  superare.  (H)  ReMire.  (9)  confugere.  (10)  tueri 
ab  ahquo,  or  contra  aliquem. 

18* 


:| 


276 


Part  ii. 


him  as  speedily  as  possible,  where  the  enemy  were  and 
what  they  were  doing.  When  by  these  (11)  the  news 
was  brought,  that  the  Helvetians  were  crossing  the  river 
Arar  on  joined  rafts,  and  that  after  conveying  over  (12) 
the  other  troops  only  one  fourth  of  them  was  on  this 
side  of  the  river,  he  resolved  to  attack  these  at  once. 

No.  210. 

Chapter  III. 
Caesar,    therefore,    set  out  with  part  of  the  anny 
about  midnight,  and  arrived,  at  daybreak,  at  the  Arar. 
By  an  unexpected  (1)  attack  he  overpowered  those  who 
had  not  yet  crossed  the  river;  a  large  part  of  them  were 
cut  to  pieces,   the  others  defeated  and  put  to  flight (2). 
But  these  were  the  Tigurini,   the  same,   by  whom,    „at 
the  time  of  our  forefathers^,  as  Caesar  says,  the  Consul 
L.  Cassius  had  been  defeated  and  slain.    Caesar  avenged 
that    defeat   by  this   engagement,    in   which  just    those 
were  punished (8),  who,  first  of  the  Helvetians,   had  in- 
flicted   a    disgrace    on  the  Eoman  name.     These,    then, 
being  defeated,  he,  in  one  day,  made  a  bridge  across 
the  Arar,    and  conveyed  his  troops   over   to   the  other 
bank.    Alarmed  by  this  the  Helvetians  sent  ambassadors 
to  Caesar,  who  should  negotiate  with  him  about  peace. 
If  that  should  be  granted (4)  to  them,  they  said,   they 
would  be  friends  of  the  Roman  people ;  but  if  war  must 
be   waged  (5),    the    old   bravery    of  the  Helvetians   was 
sufficiently  known  to  Caesar  not  to  be  despised  by  him. 
Therefore  he  should  not  believe,  that  war  could  be  waged 
with  them  without   great   disadvantage   to   the  Roman 
people.     Caesar   gave   the   answer   to   the   ambassadors, 


(11)  Belative.    (12)  traducere,  Ahlat.  absd, 

No.  210.  (1)  inopinatus,  necopinatus.  (2)  fundere  fugareque. 
(3)  poenas  persolvere,  or  pendere,  or  dare.  (4)  dare.  (5)  Periphr. 
Conjng. 


Section  xix. 


277 


that,  by  the  Helvetians,  not  only  that  old  disgrace  had 
been  brought  on  the  Roman  people,  but  also  new  offences; 
the  march  tlirough  the  province  had,  against  liis  wHl^ 
been  attempted  by  force,  the  Aeduans  and  Ambarri  had 
been  molested (6)  by  them.     He  wondered,  that  they  so 
haughtily   boasted  (7)    of   their   bravery.      If   they   had 
enjoyed  (8)  impunity  so  long,  he  hoped  that  (9),  through 
him,   the  Gods  would  take  revenge  upon  them  for  the 
wrongs  of  the  Roman  people;  that  he,  however,  was  not 
willing  to  refuse  peace  to  them,  if  they  gave  hostages 
to  him  that  he  might  be  able  to  have  the  greater  con- 
.  fidence  in  them.    To  tliis  the  ambassadors  shortly  replied, 
that  the  Helvetians  were  wont  to  receive,  not  to  give' 
hostages.      After    these    words    they   withdrew.      When 
they,  on  the  following  day,  moved  their  camp  from  that 
place,   Caesar  followed  them  with  all  his  troops.     The 
cavalry,    sent   in   advance,    attacked,    with    very   great 
engemess  (10),  the  rear,  but  were  repulsed  by  the  caval- 
ry of  the  Helvetians.    This  victory  made  the  Helvetians 
bolder,  so  that  they  often  halted  and  provoked  the  Ro- 
mans  to   fight;    but  Caesar  restrained   his  soldiers  and 
forbade  them  to  fight. 

No.  211. 

Chapter  IV. 
The  Aeduans  had  promised  corn  to  Caesar  in  the 
name  of  the  state;  and  since  he  was  daily  waiting  for 
that  in  vain,  he  assembled (1)  their  princes  whom  he 
had  taken  (2)  with  him,  and  accused  them  sharply,  that 
they  had  forsaken (3)  him,  the  more,  since  the  war  had 
been  undertaken  by  him  especiaUy(4)  for  their  sake.  To 
this  one  of  them,  Liscus,  who  was  invested  (5)  with  the 


(6)  vexare.     (7)  jactare   aliquid,    gloriari   aliqua   re.     (8)   hy 
esse,  ioith  Dative,    (9)  fore  ut.     (10)  cupiditas,  or  hy  cupidus. 
^      No.  211.     (1)  convocare.     (2)  ducere.     (3)  destituere.    (4)  po- 
tissimum.  ^ 


H 


278 


Part  ii. 


Section  xix. 


279 


I 


; 


ii 


highest  magistracy,  replied,  that  there  was  among  the 
Aeduans  a  certain  seditious  faction,  which  had  greater 
influence  with  the  multitude,  than  the  magistrates  them- 
selves.   By  these  the  people  were  deterred  from  contri- 
buting  what   had   been   promised.     The  same  disclosed 
also  to  the  Helvetians  everything  that  Caesar  was  under- 
taking;   the   magistrates   themselves   had   not   so   much 
authority,  as  to  be  able  to   restrain (6)   them.     Caesar, 
ha\dng   speedily   dismissed   the   council,   inquired   from 
Liscus  alone  more  accurately  those  things  which  he  had 
heard  of  him  in  the  meeting.     And  as  the  latter  spoke 
more   unreservedly,    Caesar   discovered,   that  Dumnorix 
was  the  head  of  the  sedition.     He  could  not  doubt  any 
longer,  that  the  latter,   eager  for  innovations,  ftivoured 
the  Helvetians.    He  found  also,  that  Dumnorix,  who  was 
leading  the  cavalry  of  the  Aeduans,  a  few  days  before 
had  been  the  first  to  flee  from  that  unsuccessful  cavalry 
engagement,  and  had  frightened  the  others  by  liis  flight. 
Though  Caesar  had  learned  the  treachery  of  Dumnorix, 
yet  he  had  no  mind  to  punish  (7)  him  at  once.    For  he 
was  a  brother  of  Divitiacus,  who,  as  (8)  Caesar  was  con- 
vinced, was  devoted  to  him  and  to  the  Roman  people 
with  the  greatest  zeal  and  a  particular  faithfulness.    At 
the  entreaties  and  tears  of  this  man,  then,   Caesar  for- 
gave (9)  the  treachery  of  Dumnorix;  he  only  admonished 
the  latter,  but  dismissed  him,  after  he  had  secretly  ap- 
pointed spies  (10),  who  should  report  to  him,  what  Dum- 
norix was  doing.    In  the  following  night  Caesar  caused 
the  highest  ridge  of  the  mountain,   at  whose  foot  the 
enemy   had   encamped,    to    be    occupied    by   liis   legate 
T.  Labienus.    He  himself  followed  them  with  the  caval- 
r}\     To  Labienus  he  had   given   orders  (11)   to  abstain 


(5)  fungi,  praeesse.  (6)  coercere,  refrenare.  (7)  animad- 
vertere  in  aliquem,  also  punire.  (8)  Gram,  §  268.  3.  (9)  condo- 
nare.    (10)  Ahlat.  ahsol    (11)  praecipere,  imperare. 


from  an  engagement,  until  he  had  seen  the  rest  of  the 
army  near  the  camp  of  the  enemy.  At  daybreak,  how- 
ever. It  was  announced  to  Caesar  by  a  false  report,  that 
that  mountain  had  been  occupied  by  the  enemy;  whereby 
he  was  induced  to  engage  in  no  battle.  At  length,  the 
day  being  far  advanced,  he  learned  that  Labienus' had 
most  accurately  carried  out (12)  his  orders (13);  but  the 
Helvetians  had  already  moved  their  camp,  so  that  an 
attack  upon  them  could  not  be  made. 

No.  212. 

Chapter  V. 

On  account  of  the  corn-supply  Caesar  believed  that, 
on  the  following  day,  he  must  desist  from  pursuing  the 
enemy,  and  turned  his  march  towards  Bibracte,   which 
IS  the  largest  and  richest  city  of  the  Aeduans      When 
this  was  reported  to  the  Helvetians  by  Gallic  fugitives, 
they  themselves  changed  also  their  march  to  cut  Caesar 
off  from  the  provisions,  and,  in  small  engagements,  often 
attacked  the  rear  of  the  Romans.    They  had  the  greater 
courage,  because,  on  the  day  before,  the  Eomans,  though 
they  had  occupied  the  mountain,   had  not  engaged  in 
battle;  which  they  believed  had  happened  out  of  fear. 
After  Caesar  had  learned  the  plan  of  the  enemy,  he  sent 
his  cavalry  to  check  their  attack;  he  conducted  the  rest 
of  the  army  to  a  hill,  and,  after  he  had  drawn  up  a 
triple  battle-line,  waited  for  the  enemy.    The  latter  ad- 
vanced, after  they  had  repulsed  the  Eoman  horse,  in  a 
very  close  (1)  body,  up  against  Caesar's  first  battle-line. 
After  fighting  had  been  long  and  fiercely  (2)  engaged  in 
on  both  sides,  Caesar  repulsed  the  Helvetians  and  forced 
them,  as  they  were  wearied  out  with  wounds,  to  retire  (3) 

(12)  persequi.     (13)  mandatum,    imperatum,    or  by  a  Belative 
clause. 

No.  212.     (1)  confertus.     (2)  acer,  or  vehemens.     (3)  se  re- 
cipere. 


280 


Pabt  n. 


Section  xix. 


281 


ii 


: ) 


I 


to  a  monntain  near  by.     But  when  the  Romans  closely 
followed,  the  latter  were,  by  a  sudden  attack  of  the  Boji 
and  Tulingi,  who  protected(4)  the  rear  of  the  Helvetians, 
surrounded  on  the  flanks.     Thus  the  battle  was  renew- 
ed (5).      Caesar  ordered  his  soldiers  to  advance  in   two 
divisions,  since  the  Helvetians,  when  they  perceived  the 
attack  of  the  Boji,  also  descended  from  the  mountain, 
which  they  had  occupied,  and  pressed  on  (6)  again.     At 
length,  the  Helvetians  were  forced,  by  a  fierce  battle, 
again  to  retire  to  the  same  mountain;  the  others  betook 
themselves  to  their  waggons.  The  Eomans  followed  them 
and  attacked  them  anew  (7).     After  the  fight  had  been 
carried  on  till  late  in  the  night  at  the   baggage   also, 
the  Eomans,  at  length,  gained  possession  of  the  baggage 
and  camp  of  the  enemy.     Many  of  the  latter  had  been 
slain  in  battle,  many  in  the  camp  itself,    others   were 
captured;  the  rest  took  to  flight  by  the  greatest  marches, 
which  they  not  even  discontinued (8)  at  night,  and  ar- 
rived, on  the  fourth  day,  in  the  territory  of  theLingones. 

No.  213. 

Chapter  VI. 
During  these  three  days  Caesar  thought  it  necessary 
to  remain (1)  in  the  siime  place,  partly (2)  on  account 
of  the  wounded  soldiers,  partly(2)  that  the  slain  miglit(B) 
be  buried.  But  forthwith  he  had  forbidden  the  Lingones 
through  messengers  and  letters,  to  give  (4)  the  Helvetians 
com,  or  to  assist  them  with  any  other  thing;  whereby 
it  came  to  pass,  that  the  latter  were  pressed  by  the 
greatest  want  of  all  provisions  {res).  When,  therefore, 
Caesar,  after  an  inter\\al  (5)  of  three  days,  followed  them 


(4)  defendere,  praesidio  esse.  (5)  redintegrare ,  renovare. 
(6)  instare.     (7)  denuo.    (8)  intermittere. 

No.  213.  (1)  Feriphr.  Conjug.  (2)  et  -  et,  quum  —  turn,  also 
partim  —  partim.  (3)  posse.  (4)  praebere,  praestare.  (5)  hy 
intermittere. 


with  the  army,  on  the  march  itself  ambassadors  of  the 
Helvetians  came  to  him,  threw  themselves  at  his  feet 
and   with   tears   asked   peace   of  liim.      Caesar   ordered 
them  to  give  hostages  and  to  deliver  up  the  arms  and 
deserters  (6);  if  they  had  done  this,  he  would  admit  them 
to   a   surrender (7).     Whilst   they,  then,  were   occupied 
with  the  seeking  and  bringing  together  of  these  things, 
m   the   foUowing   night   about   6,000   men    departed  (8) 
fi-om    the    camp    of   the   Helvetians,    and    hastened    in 
flight  (9)  towards  the  Ehine,  be  it  because  they  feared, 
after  surrendering  the  arms,  to  be  dragged  into  slavery^ 
be  it  because  they  hoped,   amid  so  vast  a  multitude  of 
men,  easily  to  remain  concealed  (10),  or  to  be  able  to 
escape  all  dangers.    The  other  Helvetians  did  everything 
wliich  they  had  been  commanded  by  Caesar,  and  their 
submission  was  accepted  by  him.    Caesar,  then,  beHeved, 
that   all   of  them   ought    to   be   spared.      Therefore   he 
commanded  them  to  return  into  their  former  (11)  terri- 
tory, and  to  rebuild  their  cities  and  villages.     For  he 
feared,  if  those  places,  which  had  formerly  belonged (12) 
to  the  Helvetians,  remained  vacant,  the  Germans  might 
occupy  them  and  become  dangerous  to  the  Allobrogians 
and  the  province  of  Gaul.     But   since   the  Helvetians, 
as  they  had  burned (13)  all  their  fruits,  before  they  had 
departed  from  home,  were  destitute  (14)  of  everything 
at   home,    by   order   of   Caesar   a   supply   of  com   was 
given  (15)  to  them  by  the  Allobrogians.     Caesar  learned 
the  nimiber  of  all  the  Helvetians,   who  had  emigrated 
from  home,  from  the  lists,  which  he  had  found,  drawn 
up (16)  in  Greek  characters,  in  their  camp.     The  total 
had  been  about  368,000,  out  of  whom  92,000  were  able 

(6)  perfuga,  transfuga.  (7)  aliquem  in  deditionem  accipere 
(8)  discedere^  egredi.  (9)  fuga  petere  aliquid,  fuga  contendere 
ad.  (10)  on/y  occultari.  (11)  pristinus,  prior.  (12)  Gram.  §  207. 
2,  (13)  comburere.  (14)  egere,  indigere.  (15)  copiam  facere  ali- 
cujus  rei.    (16)  conficere. 


i 


282 


Part  ii. 


Section  xix. 


283 


i-;i 


M< 


ill 


to  bear  arms.  After  taking  the  census  (17),  Caesar 
found,  that  the  number  of  those,  who  returned  to  their 
country,  was  110,000. 

Xo.  214. 

The  Nation  of  the  Suevi. 

(Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  IV,  1—3.) 
The  nation  of  the  Suevi  surpasses  the  other  Germans 
by  far   both   in    size   and   military  (1)  valour.     100,000 
armed  men  are  yearly  led  by  them  from  their  territory 
to  wage  war  (2)  with  the  neighbouring  nations;  for  since 
they  are  said  to  have  100  cantons,  each  of  them  sends 
1,000  armed  men.     Those  who  remain  at  home,  occupy 
themselves  (3)    with    agriculture  (4)    to    maintain    both 
themselves  and  those  who  have  marched  to  war.    When 
the   year   has    passed,    those   who    have    been   in   arms 
return;  but  those  who  have  cultivated  the  fields,  march 
to  war;  whereby  it  is  brought  to  pass,  that,  though (5) 
agriculture  is  not  neglected,  yet  all  are  very  skilled  in 
warfare.     No  one  of  them  possesses  private  fields,  nor 
is  any  one  allowed  to  reside  in  the  same  place  longer 
than  one  year;  all  the  fields  and  all  the  fruits  belong (6) 
to  all  in  common.     However  they  do  not  make  much 
use  of  com,  but  live  (7),  for  the  greatest  part,  on  milk 
and  flesh.    Great  is  their  fondness  for  hunting,  to  which 
they  are  accustomed  from  childhood,  and  therefore  they 
spend   much  time  in  the  forests.     This  manner  of  life 
makes  the  Suevi  excel  before  (8)  other  men  by  the  huge 
size  of  their  bodies  as  well  as  by  exercise  and  strength  (9). 
To   this   comes  (10),    that   they   use   almost  no  clothing 


(17)  censum  habere. 

No.  214.  (1)  bellicus.  (2)  bellum  gerere,  or  bellare,  Gerund 
with  ad,  or  causa.  (3)  operam  dare,  Gram.  §  287,  2.,  or  versari 
in  aliqua  re.  (4)  agrum  colere.  (5)  qnum.  (6)  Gram.  §  207.  2. 
(7)  vesci.  (8)  excellere  ceteris,  or  inter  ceteros.  (9)  vis  {Plnr.) 
(10)  Gram.   §  276,  end. 


and  frequently  bathe  in   the   coldest   rivers.      They   do 
not  hinder  merchants  from  coming  to  them,  not  to  buy 
from  them,  but  the  more   easily  to  sell  that  which,  by 
plundering,   has  been   taken  by  their  own  people.     Of 
imported  articles  (res)  they  use  ahnost  none.     Merchants 
are   forbidden   to   import   wine   to   them,    because   they 
fear   to   become   effeminate   by   its   use   and   less   fit   to 
endure  the  hardships  of  war.     Not  even  do   they  suffer 
horses  to  be  imported  to  them,  though  those  that  have 
been    bred  (11)   among   them  (12),  are   small   and   ugly. 
To  use  saddles  they  deem  very   disgraceful.     In  battle 
the  horsemen  often  jump  down  from  the  horses  to  fight 
on  foot.     They  consider  it  the  greatest  praise  for  them- 
selves,   if   the    fields    around    their    territory    are    left 
uncultivated  to  the  greatest  extent  possible;  from  which 
they  believed  it  would  be  understood,  that  the  neigh- 
bouring states  did  not  dare  to  attack  them. 

No.  215. 

Caesar's  First  (1)  Passage  of  the  Bhine. 
(Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  IV,  16—19.) 
In  Gaul  itself  Caesar  had  already  twice  engaged 
in  war  with  the  Germans  ^  first  with  king  Ariovist,  then 
with  the  Usipetes  and  Tencteri.  After  he  had  defeated 
the  latter  (2)  in  the  year  55  before  Christ,  he  beHeved, 
especially  for  two  reasons  (3),  that  he  must  make  an 
attempt  (4)  to  cross  the  Rhine.  For  he  was  convinced, 
that  the  Germans  could  not  easily  be  deterred  from 
going  over  into  Gaul ,  unless  they  were  inspired  (5)  with 
the  fear,  that  fighting  must  be  done  (6)  with  the  Eomans 
one  day  even  in   their  own  territory.     To  that  reason 


(11)  by  nasci.     (12)  ipse. 

No.  215.  (1)  mt  primus;  for  Caesar  crossed  the  Rhine  only 
fmce.  (2)  Relative.  (3)  xcith  Partic.  of  ducere,  or  commovere. 
Gram.  §  221.  2.  1,  (4)  periculum  facere.  (5)  injicere  alicui 
ahquid.     (6)  dimicare,  confligere. 


it 
I' 


284 


Part  ii. 


Section  xix. 


285 


hti 


II ' 


k 


« 


a  second  was  joined,  viz.  that  he  knew,  that   those  of 
the  Usii)etes  and  Tencteri,  who  had  been  absent  to  get 
booty  and  to  fetch  com,  and  had  taken  no  part  in  the 
battle,  had  crossed  the  Eliine,  and  been  received  into 
an   alliance  (7)  by  the  Sigambri.     For   these  and  other 
reasons,    therefore,    Caesar   sent   messengers   to   the   Si- 
gambri,   who   should   say,   that   he   asked   those   to   be 
delivered  over  to  him,  by  whom,  in  Gaul,  war  had  been 
waged  against   the  Roman  people;   should  they  not  do 
this,  the  Sigambri  could  have  no  peace  with  him.     The 
Sigambri  replied  to  those,  who  had  been  sent,  that  Caesiir's 
dominion  was  bounded  by  the  Khine.     If  the  Romans 
did    not   wish    that,    against    their   will,    the   Germans 
should   come   into  Gaul,   could (8)  Caesar  deem  it  fair, 
that  in  the  territory  of  the  Germans  any  dominion  or 
any  power  should  be  granted  (9)  to  him?   And  thus  (10) 
they  refused  (11)  to   deliever  those  over,  whom  Caesar 
had   asked   for.     Of  the   tribes   beyond   the   Rhine  (12) 
Caesar  had  only  the  TJbii  in  some  degi'ee(13)  as  allies; 
for  with  these   he   had   concluded (14)   friendship,    after 
they   had   sent   ambassadoi-s   and   given   hostages.     But 
for  that  very (15)  reason  they  feared  very  much,   that 
war  might  be  made  upon  them  by  the  other  tribes  and 
especially  by  the  Suevi.     Therefore  they  most  earnestly 
besought   Caesar   through    ambassadors   not   to  abandon 
them.    Should  he  be  prevented,  by  his  own  situation (16), 
from  waging  a  longer  war  with  Germany,  yet  he  should 
come  at  least,  that  the  Germans  might  no  longer  doubt, 
that  the  Romans  were  both  able  and  dared  to  lead  an 
army  across  the  Rhine;  that  would  he  help  enough  for 
them;  for  Caesar's  army  had,  by  vanquishing  Ariovist, 
and  repulsing  the  Tencteri,  acquired  so  gi-eat  a  renovni 

(7)  foedus  ac  societas.  (8)  with  num.  (9)  concedere.  (10)  ita- 
que.  (11)  recusare,  also  negare.  (12)  hy  the  Adj.  Transrhenanus. 
(13)  quodammodo.  (14)  jungere,  facere.  (15)  ipse.  (IB)  by  res 
(Plnr.). 


of  bravery  even  with  the  remotest  nations  of  Germany 
that  his  friendship  alone  secured  (17)  them  against  thei^ 
attiick. 

No.  216. 

Chapter  II. 
Although  the  Ubii  had  promised  Caesar  a  sufficiently 
large  number  of  ships  to  bring  the  troops  over(l)    yet 
he  believed  it   both   safer   and   more   becoming   himself 
and  the  Eoman  people,  to  build  a  bridge  (2)  across  the 
Khine.     It  was  evident,  that  the  difBculty  of  carrying 
out  this  work  would  be  very  great  on  account  of  the 
swiftness  (3)  and  breadth  and  depth  of  the  river;  he  was 
nevertheless  of  opinion  (4),  that  he  must  either  go  across 
by  a  bridge  or  not  cross  at  all.     Tlierefore  he  issued  an 
order  to  collect  (5)  the  materials  necessary  to  construct 
a   bridge,  and    ah-eady  on  the   eleventh  day,   after  the 
whole  work  had  been  finished,  he  led  the  troops  over. 
But   that   no  damage  might  (6)  be  done  to  the  bridge 
by  the   barbarians,  he   left  a   strong   garrison   on   both 
sides  of  it.     When   he,   then,   after   all   tMs   had   been 
well  aiTanged,  began  to  march  (7)  into  the  territory  of 
the  Sigambri,  several  states  sent  ambassadors  to  him  to 
sue  for  peace;  these  were  all  commanded  to  give  hostages, 
and  were   received  into  friendship.     Thus  this   part   of 
Germany  began  (8)  to  be  subdued  by  the  Eomans.     As 
soon  as  the  Sigambri  had  beed  informed,  that  the  con- 
struction (9)   of   a    bridge    across   the   Rhine   had   been 
begun   by  Caesar,  they  suffered   themselves  to  be  per- 
suaded by  the  Usipetes  and  Tencteri,  whom  they  had 
received   among   them,    to   abandon  (10)   their   territory 

(17)  tneri,  tutum  reddere. 

No.  216.  (1)  transportare.  (2)  pontem  facere.  (3)  rapiditas. 
.41  existimare.  (5)  comportare.  (6)  posse.  (7)  ingredi,  intrare, 
exercitum  deducere.  (8)  Gram,  g  U6.  Xote.  (9)  instituere.  See 
"Im  8.    (10)  relinquere. 


|! 


286 


Part  ii. 


Section  xix. 


287 


I 


and  to  conceal  themselves  and  all  their  property  in  the 
forests.    Therefore  Caesar  found  their  villages  empty(ll), 
and  returned,  some  days  after  setting  their  edifices  on 
fire  and  ordering  the  crops  to  be  cut  (12),  with  all  his 
troops  into  the  territory  of  the  Ubii.     From  the  latter 
he  learned,  that  the  Suevi,  after  the  news  of  the  build- 
ing (13)  of  a  bridge  across  the  Ehine  had  been  brought 
to  them  through  scouts,  had  also  left  their  cities  and 
concealed  (14)   women   and   children   in   the   desert  and 
forests;    that   aU   who   were    able    to    carry   arms,   had 
assembled  in  one  place,  wliich  was  pretty  (15)  far  distant 
from  the  territory  of  the  Ubii;  that  it  was  not  probable, 
that  they,  within  the  next  days,  would  make  an  attack 
upon  the  Eoman  allies,  as  they  feared,  that  they  must 
fight  (16)    with    the    Romans    in    their    own   temtorj-. 
Caesar  therefore  resolved,  since  he  had,  by  liberating  the 
Ubii,   both  inspired  the   other  Germans  with  fear  and 
sufficiently  revenged  himself  on  the  Sigambri,  —  a  cir- 
cumstance which  (17)  had  been  the  cause  of  leading  the 
amy   across,  —  to  return  into  Gaul,  and  ordered  the 
bridge  to  be  broken  down.     He  had  stayed  (18)  beyond 
the  Rhine  altogether  eighteen  days. 

No.  217. 

Death  of  IndutiomaruB. 

(Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  V,  55—58.) 
After  most  of  the  states  of  Gaul  had  been  subdued, 
the  Treviri,  under  the  leadership  of  Indutiomarus,  most 
obstinately  (1)   resisted  the  Romans.     Indutiomarus  had 
already,  before  winter,   resolved   to   take   the   camp   of 
Labienus,  but  he  had,  upon  receiving (2)  the  news  of  » 


(11)  vacuus,  inanis.  (12)  succidere.  (13)  facere,  efficere. 
(14)  deponere,  condere.  (15)  satis.  (16)  Piriph:  C(»\)tig.  Hee 
also  Gram.  §  153.    (17)  quae  res.    (18)  versari. 

Xo.  217.    (1)  pertinacissime.    (2)  by  afferre,  or  accipere. 


Victory  of  Caesar,  led  his  army  back  into  the  country 
of  the  Treviri.     During  (3)   the   whole   winter   he   sent 
ambassidors  into   all  parts   of  Germany,   arousing  the 
states  and  promising  much  money,  if  they  were  willing 
to   come   acroas   the   Rhine    and    make   war   with    him 
against  the  Romans.    It  was  easy,  said  he,  after  most 
ot  the  Roman  soldiers  had  been  slain  in  war,  to  over- 
come the  others,  and  to  free  Gaul  from  their  dominion  (4) 
But  the  Germans  could  not  be  persuaded  to  become  (5) 
partakers   in   that   war   with   the   Romans;    for   after  a 
double   experience  (6),    by   the   defeat   both   of  Ariovist 
and  the  Tencteri,  they  had  been  deterred  from  trying  (7 j 
the  fortme   of  war   against   the  Romans  a  third   time 
Nevertheless  Indutiomarus  let  no  day  pass  (8)  without  (9) 
preparing,    with    the    greatest    energy,    what     seemed 
necessary  for  waging  the  war.    Troops  were  collected  (10) 
and  exercised,  a  large  number  of  horses   was   brought 
together  (11).     AVhen   these   things   became   known  (12) 
m  the  whole  of  Gaul,   not  only  convicted  and  exiled 
people  began,  in  great  numbers,  to  be  allured  to  Indu- 
tiomarus, but  also  many  of  the  noblest  among  the  Gauls, 
and  even  entire  states,  asked,  through  ambassadors,  for 
his   friendship.     He   soon  saw  no  reason  to  doubt  any 
more,   that  people   would   come   to   him   of  their   own 
accord,  and  that  he  would  not  lack  volunteers,  as  soon 
as  he  had  begun  the  war  against  the  Romans.     After 
he  had,   therefore,   appointed  an  armed  meeting,  with 
which    the    Gauls    usually    begin  (13)   a    war,    he    first 
brought  it  about,  that  Cingetorix,  liis  own  (14)  son-in- 
law,  was  declared  an  enemy  of  the  country  in  that  large 
meeting,   and   that   the  property  (15)  of  the   latter  was 

..n  ^^^  .^f  ;  ^^^  doiniuatio,  dominatus.  (5)  ly  se  facere,  or  esse 
velle.  (6)  by  experm.  (7)  temptare,  periclitari.  (8)  intermittere, 
mmttei-e.  (9)  Gran,.  §  252.  L  (lO)  cogere.  (11)  comparare. 
12  palam  fieri,  divulgari,  horainum  sermone  percrebrescere. 
(13)  suscipere.     (14)  ipse.     (1.5)  bonum  (Flur.). 


288 


Part  ii. 


Section  xix. 


289 


Ii 

L 

I 


publicly  sold.    For  Cingetorix.  as  the  head  of  the  other 
party,  had   sought   the   friendship   of  the  Romans   and 
had   followed  Caesir.     After  Cingetorix  had  been  con- 
demned,  Indiitiomarns   disclosed  (.16)    to   the   multitude, 
wliich,  at  that  time,  had  assembled,  what  he  was  intend- 
ing to  do.    The  Senones  and  many  other  states  of  Gaul, 
of  which   it  was  known,  that  they  bore  the  dominion 
of  Caesar   against   their  will,   had   summoned (17)   him, 
said  he,  to  ex])el   the  Eomans;   he  would   march   there 
as  soon  as  possible  (18);  but  before  that  could  be  done, 
it    was   necessary   to   storm  (19)   the  camp  of  Labienus. 
He,  therefore,  ordered,  that  all  should  keep  themselves 
ready  for  that  (20). 

No.  218. 

Chapter  II. 
Immediately  after  dismissing  the  assembly  Labienus 
wa-*    through  the  friends  of  Cingetorix,  informed  of  all 
that   had   been    transiicted  (1)-     But   as   the   camp   was 
strongly  fortified  no  less  by  the  condition  of  the  place 
than  by  art,  he  did  not  think  that  he  had  to  fear  any 
dano-er  at  all  for  liimself  and  his  legions,  but  he  rather 
hoped,  that  an  opportunity  would  offer  itself  (2)  to  carry 
out  a  successful  exploit.    Not  to  let  it  sUp  away,  he 
called (3),    through   his    messengers,    the   horse    of   the 
neighbouring  states  from  all   parts,  and   ordered   them 
all  to   assemble   in   an   appointed   place.     Indutiomarus 
had,  meanwhile,  approached  the  camp  of  Labinus  with 
aU  this  troops.    His  horse  were  roving  (4)  almost  daily, 
under  the  rampart  of  the  camp,  be  it  to  spread  terror. 


(16)  aperire  alicui,  pronuntiare  apud  aliquem.   (17)  arcessere. 
(18)  qnam  primum,  u-ith  fieri  potest.    (19)  oppugnare.    (20)  para- 

tnm  esse  ad  aliquid.  , 

Ho.  218.    (1)  dicere  et  agere.     (2)  se  dare,   or  better  uoii  de- 

esse.    (3)  evocare.    (4)  vagari. 


be  it  to  be   able   to   inform  (5)  Indutiomarus    of  the 
manner  (6)  of  fortification.     At  the  same  time  missUes 
were   very   often   cast  into   the   camp.     Labienus   very 
carefully  restrained  his  soldiers  from  showing  any  desire 
of  fighting;  and  thus  he  effected,  that  the  surmise  of 
his  fears  was  increased  from  day  to  day  (7).     The  more 
the  Eomans  began  to  be  an  object  of  contempt  to  the 
enemy,  the  more  boldly  Lidutiomarus  daily  approached 
the  camp.     Then   labienus,   during   one   night,   caused 
all  the  horse,  who  had  been  summoned  from  the  neigh- 
bouring states,  to  be  led  (8)  into  the  camp,  and  in  this 
affi,ir  he   used   so   much  care,   that    nothing   could   be 
betrayed (9)  to  the  enemy.    The  latter  advanced,  on  the 
following  day,  to  the  camp   with   great  shouting,  and 
aft«r  they  had  spent  there  nearly  the  whole  day,  had 
thrown  missiles,  and  chaUenged  the  Romans,  with  much 
abusive  language,  to  a  fight,  they  withdrew,  according 
to  their  custom(lO),  scattered  and  single  towards  evening 
Then  Labienus   believed  (11),   that   the   time   for   action 
had  come,  and  he  did  not  doubt,  that  the  enemy  could 
easily  be  frightened  and  put  to  flight.    But  as  he  was 
convinced,  that  their  confidence  (12)  rested  (13)  on  Indu- 
tiomarus alone,  he,   on  a  sudden,  despatched    aU  his 
cavalry  out  of  the  camp,  after  he  had  given  the  following 
advice,  that  aU,  with  the  greatest  impetuosity,  should 
rush  (14)  on  Indutiomarus  alone,  and  not  desist,  before 
they  had  either  captured  or  kiUed  him.    For  he  beHeved 
that  he  must  especiaUy  (15)  hinder  him  from  escaping; 
wherefore    he    appointed   a  great   reward   to   him   who 
should  bring  him  the  head  of  the  slain.    And  that  hope 
did   not  disappoint    him.     After    the   attack   had   been 

(5)  docere,  orcertiorem  facere  de  aliqna  re.  (6)  ratio.  (7)  in 
dies.  (8)  intromittere,  introducere.  (9)  enuntiare.  (10)  either 
„(U  they  toere  tconf",  or  with  consnetudo,  according  to  Gram  S  238 
a.  e.  (11)  arbitrari,  reri.  (12)  fldncia.  (13)  positum  esse.  (14)  pe- 
tere,  oppugnare.    (15)  maximo  opere. 

Mttller,  Exerciws.  j^g 


290 


Pakt  II. 


Section  xx. 


I 


t 


J. 


made  by  the  cavalry,  the  footsoldiers  were  sent  up  for 
their  protecfcion.  All  rushed,  neglecting  the  rest,  on 
Indutiomarus  alone,  whom  they  caught  and  slew.  An 
immense  slaughter  (16)  of  the  enemy  was  made,  who, 
Indutiomarus  being  slain,  dared  nowhere  to  resist.  By 
this  victory  of  Labienus  it  was  effected,  that  the  rest 
of  Gaul  was,  for  some  time  (17),  a  little  quiet. 


291 


SECTION  XX. 

Some  Biographical  Sketches. 

No.  219. 

Titus  Livius,  the  Historian  (1). 

About  the  life  of  Titus  Livius  but  little  (2)  has 
come  down  to  our  time.  He  was  bom  at  Patavium,  a 
city  which  (3)  was  not  far  from  the  river  Po  and  the 
Adriatic  gulf,  in  the  year  59  before  Christ  under  the 
consulship  of  Caesar  and  Bibulus.  His  birth-place  was, 
among  the  other  cities  of  Italy,  next  to  Eome  in 
power (4)  and  wealth,  but  also  in  this,  that  as  Eome 
derived  its  origin  from  the  Trojans  under  the  leadersliip 
of  Aeneas ,  so  Pata\ium  from  the  same  people  under 
the  leadership  of  Antenor.  Livy  himself  seems  to  have 
been  bom  of  wealthy  (5)  parents.  He  was  a  boy  nearly 
nine  years  of  age,  when  Caesar  crossed  the  Eubicon, 
and  as  a  youth  he  saw  all  the  calamities  (6)  of  the  civil 
wars,  and  the  ruin  of  the  republic  itself,  which  followed. 
Like  most  of  the  noble  youths  of  that  time,  so  Liv}^ 
also  was  trained  principally  by  the  studies  of  philosophy 


, 


(16)  clades.    (17)  aliquamdiu,  aliquantum  temporis. 
No.  219.    (1)  rerum  scriptor.    (2)  pauca.    (3)  Gram,  §  238.  5. 
(4)  opes.    (5)  locuples.    (6)  scelus. 


and  ebqnence.    But  he  probably  (7)  early  devoted  him- 
self  to   history     especially  that  of  his  native  city  and 
Upper  Italy,  which  was,  as  is  manifest  fronx  his  Jti^^ 
well   known   to   him.     As   a  youth  he   seems   to  K 
come  to  Rome  and  there  soon  to  have  acquired  a  most 
exact  knowl^ge  of  aU  its  institutions  and'localitiesX 
he  describes  many  things  with  such  great  perspicuitWs) 
t^t  It  IS  not  to  be   doubted,   but   that   he  L   tiem 
with  ks  own  eyes     Livy  never  soHcitod  a  pubHc  office, 
nor  d^d  he  ever  discharge  any,  but  devoteS  himself (9 

of  S      ^f"'"'  '""^  ^^P^^^^^y  *°  *^«  --Po-tion 
of  Eoman    history.     But    this    work    soon    becLe    so 

Inghly  celebrated  (10),  that  the  name  of  Livy  becai^ 
•  very  renowned  not  only  at  Rome,  but  even  ZZ 
reinot^  countries.  It  cannot  be  doubted,  that  Lit 
was  a  friend  to  Augustus  himself,  though  he  seemed,  Z 
«ome  measure,  opposed  (11)  to  the  Caesarian  party 
Tacitus,  tha  most  excellent  historian,  who  lived  abou^ 
100  years  later  relates  of  Livy,  that  he  was  often  caUed 
PomnT"''!,,    I  ^^S^i^,    because    he    had    extoUed 

says  he  not  a  hindrance  to  their  friendship.  Of  Clau- 
dius, the  one,  who  was  afterwards  emperor,  we  know 
^at  as  a  y^uth  he  undertook,  at  the  encouigement  of 

t/f       r  *  ^'^'^'  ^^^^"^   it  foUo^s,  that  Livy 

^d  famUiar  intercourse  (12)  with  the  sovereigns  them- 

tollowed(13)  by  so  great  and  so  universal  a  celebrity(14) 
of  his  name  and  the  admiration  of  men,  that  people 
^vdled  to  Rome  from  the  remotest  counUs,  n'oTt 

!!lr!.!!^l^^!l:^^f;^^^;^^j^^^^    earth,  but 

«pica?  "^1  i  '''•  A    ('^  P-spicuitas,   o.  by  plane   or  per" 

19* 


292 


Part  ii. 


Section  xx. 


u 


r  I 


to  see  livy.  Thus  Pliny  the  younger  relates  of  a  native 
of  Gades(15),  that  he,  induced  by  the  name  and  repute 
of  Livy,  had  come  from  the  furthest  part  of  the  earth, 
to  see  him,  and  immediately  after  he  had  seen  him, 
departed  again  (16). 

No.  220. 

Chapter  n. 
So  much,  then,  was  Livy  honoured  and  celebrated 
in  his  life-time.     Another (1)  writer,  Seneca  the  rhetori- 
cian, relates  that  Livy  had  as  son-in-law  the  rhetorician 
Lucius  Magius,  who  declaimed,  indeed,  badly,  but  had 
nevertheless  a  circle  of  hearers  (2),  since  people  praised 
him  not  on  his  own  account,  but  on  that  of  his  father- 
in-law.      Whence   it   is   perceived,    both    in   how   great 
honour  Livy  stood  with  his  fellow-citizens,  and  that  he 
had  also  a  daughter  who  was  married  to  Magius.     He 
is   also   said  to  have  had  a  son.     Quintilian,    at   least, 
quotes  (3)  a  passage  from  a  letter,  which  Livy  is  believed 
to  have  written  to  his  son,  that  Demosthenes  and  Cicero 
must   be   read;    then   each   inasmuch  (4)   as   he   is   most 
similar    to    Demosthenes     and     Cicero.       Besides    this, 
however,    nothing    is    known    of    his    family    and    his 
domestic  life.     He  probably  did  not  pass  his  old  age  at 
Eome,  but  in  his  native  city,  whither  he  seems  to  have 
returned    after    the    death    of  Augustus.     He    died    at 
Pataviimi  in  the  76*^  year  of  his  age,  in  the  year  17 
A.   D.     When   the   Patavinians   believed,   in    the   year 
1413   A.  D.,    to   have   found   the   tomb   of  Livy,    they 
erected,  at  public  expense  (5),  a  magnificent  Mausoleum, 
in  which  they  buried  (6)  the  reputed  (7)  bones  of  their 


29a 


u   J  i 


(15)  Gaditanus  quidam.    (16)  only  abire. 

No.  220.  (1)  Add  autem.  (2)  „cirde  of  hearers'",  only  populus, 
or  circulus.  (3)  afferre,  laudare.  (4)  ita.  (5)  sumptus.  (6)  con- 
dere.    (7)  hy  putare.     See  Gram.  §  238.  2.  h. 


lUustno,^  feUow-citizen.  Livy  h^  written  the  history 
of  the  Roman  people  from  the  arrival  of  Aeneas  in 
Italy  up  to  the  year  9  before   the  birth  of  Christ  in 

t  ^i^'  1  ^^  ""^  ^  "^"^y  ''°«ks  tra^  can  be 
Aown(8)  The  work,  however,  seems  ruther  to  have 
stopped(9)  with  the  142"^  book,  than  to  have  been 
completed,  and  Livy  was  probably  willing  to  continue 
^e  events  (10)  to  the  death  of  Augustus  and  complete 
150  books  Li  ancient  times  the  whole  work  was  divid- 
ed mto  decades,  each  of  which  contains  ten  books. 
Only  three  Mid  a  half  entire  decades  have  come  down 

Slfrnw.?'".^*'  *^'  *^'*'  *«  ^^'^1^'  «^d  the  first 
half(ll)  of  the  Mh.    But  in  the  remotest  times  epitomes 

or  summaries  12)  of  the  whole  work   had  been  made, 

which  are  still  extant,  but  more  arouse  than  satisfy(13 

the  desire  of  knowing  the  work  itself.  -  Livy's  manner 

of  writmg  has  been  greatly  (14)  praised  by  all  antiquity. 

There  have  been  people,  indeed,  who  have  caUed  him 

credulous,  because  he  has  related  many  prodigies  with 

•'^'^    religions    credulity;    moreover    others,    who 

S^^,if  *^  ^""^^  ^  ^  ^^^^^g«  ««rtain  pecu- 
Wies(16)  of  his  native  city,  which  they  have  styled 
Patevimtes.  but  aU  this  is  partly  groundless  (17),  partly 
BO  doubtful,  that  the  renown  of  the  man  cannot  at  aU 
be   lessened   by  accusations  (18)  of  this  kind.    Yet  one 
thing    cannot    be    denied,    that  Livy   has    too    seldom 
pomted   out  and   less   carefully  examined    the   sources, 
from  which  he  has  drawn.    But  in  the  whole  work  so 
much  eloquence  is  displayed,  such  a  charm  of  language 
80.  sure  a  judgment  on  the  most  important  thin^,   so' 
great  a  love  of  truth  and  honesty,  that  hardly^Lig 


(8)  vestagia  demonstrare.     (9)  finiri,   desinere;   opp.  absolyi 

plere.      (U)    summopere.      (15)   yideri,    unth    and    mthout  sibi. 
(16)propnnm.    (17)  inanis.    (18)  criminatio. 


294 


Pakt  n. 


Section  xx. 


295 


/)  I 


i- 


I     I 

I.    -'} » 


similar  can  be  found.  Livy's  manner  of  writing  differs, 
in  very  many  points,  from  that (19)  of  SaUust;  and  if 
these  writers  are  compared  with  each  other,  it  must  be 
in  such  a  manner,  that  they  are  considered  equal,  yet 
not  alike. 

No.  221. 

C.  Sallustius  Crispus. 

C.  Sallustius  Crispus  was  bom  of  a  Plebejan  family 
at  Amitemum,  a  Sabine  town,  in  the  year  86  before 
Christ.     In  what  manner  he  spent  his  boyhood,  and  at 
what  time  he  came   to  Eome,   has   not  been  recorded. 
When  a  youth  he  gave  himself  up  to  dissipation  and 
pleasures,   so   that   his   Hfe  was  greatly  disapproved  (1) 
by  grave  and  honest  men.    He  early  resolved  on  apply- 
ing himself  (2)    to    historical   composition;   yet  he   was 
prevented,  when  a  youth,  from  carrying  out  this  plan  (3), 
by   his    ambition    and   aspiration    to   engage   in   public 
affairs (4).     As   tribune   of  the   people,   in   the   year  52 
before  Christ,  he  proved  himself  a  vigorous   antagonist 
of   Milo,    who    had    been    accused    of    committing    an 
assault (5),  and  of  Cicero  also,  who  defended  Milo.     On 
account  of  his  licentiousness  he  was  cast  out  from  the 
senate   by   the   censor  Appius  Oaudius  Pulcher   in   the 
year  50  before  Christ,  but  in  the  following  year  he  was 
made    quaestor    by    Caesar,    whose    party  he   favoured 
with  great  zeal,  and  thereby  reinstated  in  the  senatorial 
dignity.      As   commander  (6)   of  a   small    army   Sallust 
was,  about  the  same  time,  put  to  flight  by  the  Pompe- 
jans  in  Illyria.    In  Campania,  whither  he  had  been  sent 


(19)  Gram.  §  210.   Note  4. 

No.  221.  (1)  magnopere  improhari  alicui.  (2)  appHcare  so 
ad  aliquid,  operam  dare,  or  navare  alicui  rei,  also  animum  ap- 
pellere  ad  aliquid.  (3)  only  relative  Fron.  (4)  capessere  rem 
publicam.    (5)  vis.    See  Gram.  §  217.  3.    (6)  praefectus. 


by   Caesar   to    allay  (7)   insurrections,    he   was   able   to 
escape  death  only  by  a  speedy  flight.    When  the  African 
war  had   begun  (8),   SaUust   was   sent   as  praetor  with 
part  of  the  fleet  to  the  island  of  Cercina  to  snatch  from 
the    enemy    the    provisions    which    they    had   brought 
together  there.     He  had (9)  good  fortune,  and,  after  he 
had   vanquished  and  repulsed  the  enemy,  he  conveyed 
an  abundant  supply  of  grain  over  to  the  camp  of  Caesar. 
The  war   being   finished,  Caesar  made  him  propraetor, 
and  gave   him  the    administration   of  the   province   of 
Numidia.     This   office   he    is   said    to    have    abused   to 
extort  (10)   large   sums   of  money  from   the  inhabitants 
of  the  province.     On  returning  to  Eome  he  was  accused 
of  extortions  (11)  but  rescued  from  a  trial  by  the  favour 
and  power  of  Caesar.     His  great  riches,  thus  acquired, 
Sallust    used    for    planting  (12)    the    most    magnificent 
gardens,    which,    under    the    name    of    the   Sallustian 
gardens,  were  an  object  of  admiration  (13)  to  men  long 
afterwards.     But  his  house  was  so  brilliant  and  embel- 
hshed,  that,  later  on,  it  was  inhabited  by  the  emperors 
themselves,   for  instance   by  Vespasian.    After   Caesar's 
assassination   Sallust    withdrew    from    public    Hfe,    and 
devoted  himself  entirely  to  historical  composition  (14)  in 
his  villa  near  the  city  (15).     Occupied  with  these  studies 
he  died,   as  most   beUeve(16),   on   the   IS^^^  of  May  in 
the   year  35  before  Christ,    but   as   others   say,    on   the 
same  day  in  the  year  following. 

No.  222. 

Chapter  II. 
Sallust  edited  three  historical   works,   the  first  of 
which  is  the  book   on   the   conspiracy   of  CatiHne,   the 

(7)  sedare,  componere.  (8)  exoriri.  (9)  uti.  (10)  exprimere, 
extorquere.  (11)  Gram.  ^  217.  3.  (12)  aedificare.  (13)  admira- 
tionem  movere  alicui,  or  admirationi  esse  alicui.  (14)  scribere 
historiam.    (15)  by  suburbanus.    (16)  statuere,  or  by  videtur. 


296 


Pakt  n. 


Section  xx. 


297 


!! 


Hi 


f 


second  the  book  on  the  Jugurtliine  war,  the  third  the 
five  books  of  Histories,  in  which  he  had  comprised  the 
events  (1)  from  the  death  of  Sylla  to  the  conspiracy  of 
Catiline.     The  two  works,  which  we  have  mentioned  in 
the  first  place,  have  been  preserved  to  us  entire (2);  but 
of  the  Histories,  which  are  extolled,   by   the   ancients, 
with   the   highest   praises,   only    fragments   axe   extant. 
Also  some  other  writings,  as  two  letters  sent  to  Caesar 
on    the    regulation  (3)    of    the    commonwealth,    and   a 
speech (4)    against   Cicero,    are    ascribed,    by    some,    to 
SaUust,    but    they    are,    without    doubt,    spurious  (o). 
Though    SaUust,   in    his    Hfe,    suUied  (6)    himself   with 
many  faults,  yet  in  his  books   he   is   the   most   violent 
denouncer  (7)  of  them,  and  a  warm  eulogist (8)  of  virtue. 
He   was   always   an   antagonist   of  the   nobles  (9).     The 
manners  (10)   of  life   and  custom  of  men,  of  which  he 
treats,  he  pictures  with  lively  colours,  and  is  admirable 
in   describing   the   character   of  the   first   men.     He   is 
rich  (11)   and   acute    in  his  thoughts,  short  and  abrupt 
in  his   expression,    aiming  (12)    at    Attic    diction    and 
principally  emulating  (13)  Thucydides.    In  language  he 
uses  (14)    old-fashioned   words    and  a   certain   Catonian 
severity;  already  Asinius  PoUio,  who  was  his  contempo- 
rary, and  others  reproached  him  for  his  aflfectation  of 
old-fashioned   language.     But  still  his  diction  is  choice 
and  extremely  attractive  (15),  so  that  his  books  are  read 
with  the  greatest  profit  and  pleasure.     SaUust  had  him- 
self  either    seen    or    learned,    from    the    most    reliable 
sources,    ahnost    everything    which    he    has    described. 
His  boyhood  feU  in  the  times  of  SyUa  (Sidlanus,  Adj.); 

No  222.  (1)  res,  with  or  withaut  gestae.  (2)  integer.  (3)  or- 
dinare.  (4)  declamatio.  (5)  by  supponere.  (6)  commaculare,  in- 
quinare.  (7)  insectator.  (8)  praedicator,  laudator.  (9)  here  opti- 
mates.  (10)  ratio.  (11)  frequens.  (12)  studiosus.  (13)  aemulus. 
(14)  here  by  amare.  (15)  mirum  in  modum  suavis,  also  by  miri- 
fice  animos  oblectare. 


but  when  the  Catilinarian  war  was  waged,  SaUust  was 
already  a  young  man  of  23  years,  so  that  he  was  able 
to  see  with   his  own  eyes,  and  to  understand,  by  his 
own  discernment,  both  men  and  things.    The  Jugurthine 
-"^ar,    mdeed,    had    been    undertaken  (16)    and    finished 
some  time  before  Sallust;  but  the  recoUection  of  what 
had    happened    in    it,    was,    at    that    time,    fresh  and 
everything    established    by  public   documents  (17),    and 
Sallust    as  propraetor  of  Numidia,  procured,  with,  the 
greatest  dihgence,  for  himself  in  Africa  a  knowledge  of 
lo<mhti^  and   things,   which   pertained   to   an   accurate 
and  rebable  description  of  that  war.    Thus  it  happened, 
that  grea,t  conscientiousness  and  truth  manifests  itself(18) 
in  all    the  writings    of  Sallust.     But    to    describe    as 
accurately  as  possible  the  character  of  the  persons,  he 
often  introduces  them  speaking,  and  attributes  to  some 
of  them  speeches,  which  have,  in  fact,  not  been  deUver- 
ed  by  them,  but  which,  according  to  (19)  their  character, 
could  conveniently  have   been  delivered:   a   custom  in 
which  he  foUowed  the  best  Greek  historians  (20),  especi- 
ally Thucydides.  ^ 

No.  223. 

The  Poet  P.  VirgUlus  Maro. 
P.  Virgilius  Maro  was  bom  at  Andes,  a  village  (1) 
m  the  territory  (2)  of  Mantua,  in  the  year  70  before 
Christ,  under  the  consulship  of  M.  Crassus  and  Pompey 
the  Great.  His  parents  seem  to  have  been  simple  country- 
people  without  nobility  of  family,  but  intelligent  and 
honest  and  also  (3)  moderately  wealthy.  Therefore  the 
iather  caused  his  son  to  be  as  carefoUy  instructed  as 
possible,  first  as  it  seems  at  Cremona.    When  the  very 


No.  223.    (1)  qui  est  vicus.    (2)  ager.    (3)  by  idem. 


"1 1 


r. 


298 


Part  ii. 


Section  xx. 


299 


r- 


I 


same  M.  Crassns  and  Pompey  the  Great,  under  whom 
Virgil  was  born,  were  consuls  the  second  time,  he,  then 
16  years  old,  took,  after  the  manner  of  the  Romans,  the 
manly  gown,  left  Cremona,  and  betook  himself  first  to 
Milan,  but  soon  after  to  Naples  and  Rome,  to  continue  (4) 
his  scientific  studies  (5).     At  Naples  he  is  said  to  have 
enjoyed  the  teaching  (6)   of  Parthenius,   a  not  obscure 
poet  and  grammarian,  but  to  have  been  verj-  well  in- 
structed at  Rome  in  philosophy  as  weU   as   in  mathe- 
matics and  physics  (7)  by  (8)  Syron,  an  Epicurean  philo- 
sopher and  friend  of  Cicero.   His  studies  being  fini8hed(9), 
Virgil,  who,  partly  on  accoimt  of  his  delicate  health, 
partly'on  account  of  his  natural  dislike  (10),  abhorred  (11) 
the  din  of  the  Forum  and  the  hardships  of  military  life, 
retired  to  his  country-house  near  Andes  to  devote  him- 
self entirely   to  rural   life  and   poetical  pursuits.     But 
only  for  a  short  time  was  VirgU  aUowed  to  enjoy  this 
leisure.    For  after  the  battle  at  PhUippi  Octavian  began 
to  distribute  to  the  veteran  soldiers  the  land  (12)  which 
he  had  promised  them.    Eighteen  cities  of  Italy,  which 
had  been  on  the  side  (13)  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  among 
which  was  Cremona,  lost  aU  their  land.    But  the  sol- 
diers, accixstomed  to  taking  booty  and  not  satisfied  with 
what  had  been  presented  to  them  by  the  general,  pene- 
trated (14)  also  into  the  neighbouring   fields   and  espe- 
ciaUy   into   those   of  Mantua,   and   expeUed   the   legiti- 
mate (15)  owners.    Virgil  was  also  several  times  in  the 
same  danger.    First,  it  is  true  (16),  his  friend  Asinius 
Pollio,  who  was,  at  that  time,  as  legate  of  Anthony  m 
Upper  Italy ,  and  who  esteemed  Virgil  very  highly  on 
account  of  Ms  science  and  poetical  excellence  (17),  pro- 

(4)persequi.  (5)  only  litterae.  (6)uti  aliquo  doctore.  (7)ina- 
thematica  (orum)  et  physica  (orum).  (8)  per.  (9)  absolvere,  per- 
ficere.  (10)  insitmn  taedium.  (11)  abhorrere  ab  ahqua  re. 
(12)  ager  {Plur.)  (13)  stare  ab  aliquo.  (14)  invadere,  irrumpere. 
(15)  Justus  ac  legitimus.     (16)  sane  (=„«  is  tnie").     (17)  Tirtus. 


tected  him;  but  when  the  former  was  called  away  to 
the  Perusian  war,  Virgil  could  not  prevent  himself  from 
bemg  driven  away  from  his  paternal  estate.  But  to 
recover  this,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  bring  help  to  his 
neighbours,  who,  as  he  himself  says,  had  been  deprived 
of  their  fields  without  any  right  and  against  the  will 
of  Octavian,  he  travelled  twice  to  Rome,  and  there,  re- 
commended by  Asinius  Pollio  to  Maecenas  and  Octavian 
he  finally  eflPected,  that  both  to  himself  and  to  many 
of  his  fellow-citizens  their  property  was  restored. 

No.  224. 

Chapter  n. 
Though  these  things  were  sad,  yet  they  exercised 
a  great  influence  (1)  on   the  ftirther  development  (2)   of 
the  poet.    For  in  Asinius  PoUio,  Maecenas  and  Octavian 
he  found  not  only  very  powerful   protectors  (3)   of  his 
affairs,  but  also  friends  and  encouragers  of  his  poetry. 
It  was  especially  Maecenas,  who,  at  that  time,  by  word 
and  deed,  supported  all,  who  distinguished  themselves 
by  poetical  talent  (4),  and,  after  peace  had  been  restored 
through  Octavian,   received   all   the   best  (5)   poets  into 
familiar   friendship  (6).     In   that   circle   of  poets   Virgil 
was,  as  It  were,  the  centre(7),  and  he  was  no  less  honour- 
ed than  loved  by  the  poets  Cornelius  GaUus  and  Aemi- 
Hus  Macer,  L.  Varius  and  Plotius  Tucca,  Propertius  and 
Horatius.     The  peace  and  tranquillity,  which  Octavian 
had  restored  in  Italy  and  aU  over  the  earth,  the  wealth 
and  prosperity  of  the  city,   the  Hberality,  with  which 
not  only  Augustus,  but  especially  Maecenas,  encouraged 
the  studies  of  the  fine  arts  (8)  and  particularly  of  poetry, 

No.  224.  (1)  multum  valere  ad.  (2)  excolere.  (3)  invenire 
sliquem  patronum.  (4)  facultas,  virtus.  (5)  praestantissimus, 
or  optimus  quisque.  (6)  in  familiaritatem  adducere.  (7)  princi- 
patum  quendam  tenere.    (8)  bonae  artes. 


300 


Pabt  n. 


Section  xx. 


301 


l>( 


)i 


all  this  had  excited  so  great  an  ardour  in  (Gen.)  the 
Eoman  mind,  that  all,  impelled  as  it  were  by  a  noble 
contest,  endeavoured,  each  in  his  own  way  to  attain 
perfection.  Virgil  had  already  as  a  youth  occupied  him- 
self (9)  much  with  poetry;  but  it  cannot  at  all  be  doubt- 
ed, that  those  poems,  which  are  praised  as  juvenile  poems 
ofYirgil,  Culex,  Ciris,  Copa,  Moretum,  Dirae,  and  others, 
were  not  written  by  Virgil  himself.  The  oldest  poems 
of  Virgil,  which  have  come  down  to  us,  are  the  Buco- 
lics, ten  pastoral  (10)  poems,  collected  in  one  book,  which 
are  now  usually  inscribed  Eclogae,  i.  e.  selected  poems. 
In  these  Eclogues  Virgil ,  following  the  example  of  the 
Greek  poet  Theocritus,  a  Sicilian,  describes  the  beauties 
of  nature  and  the  simplicity  of  pastoral  life,  but  inter- 
weaves (11)  in  them,  with  much  skill,  the  praise  of  his 
patrons  and  friends  and  other  things,  which  refer  to  the 
circumstance  of  that  time.  But  they  have  been  written 
between  the  years  43  and  37  before  Christ,  at  which 
time  Virgil  had  much  to  suffer  (12)  from  the  veterans, 
on  account  o£  (Ahl.)  the  above  mentioned  distribution  of 
land.  After  he  had  first  acquired  a  great  renown  by 
these  poems,  he  left  his  paternal  estate  and  lived  partly 
at  Eome,  partly  at  Naples,  which  city,  as  Virgil  was  (13) 
of  delicate  health,  was  especially  pleasing  to  him  on  ac- 
count of  its  mild  climate. 

No.  325. 

Chapter  III. 

At  Naples  Virgil  finished  his  second  work,  which 
is  inscribed  Georgica,  after  a  labour  of  seven  years,  in 
the  year  30  before  Christ.  This  poem  is  dedicated  to 
Maecenas,  and  treats,  in  four  books,  of  the  four  parts 
of  rural  affairs,  the  cultivation  of  the  fields  and  trees. 


i' 


(9)    versari    in   aliqua   re.     (10)   pastoricius,   or   pastoralis. 
(11)  inserere,  intexere.    (12)  multum  vexari.    (13)  uti. 


and  catde-breedmg  and  bee-keeping (1).  The  knguage 
in  the  Georgica  is  much  more  poHshed  (2)  and  elegant 
than  in  the  Eclogues;  but  the  things  themselves,  though 

Sv.?T,  f;  ^r""''  ^***^  ^'''^^''  l^^e  been  so 
faithftUy  taken  from  the  natural  condition  of  Italy  and 

^e  hfe  of  the  Romans,  that  the  poem,  in  spite  of(3) 

Bv  ^^  ^^^""''  t'  '*'*"^^  *^«  ^^^  renown. 
By  the  description  of  the  loveliness  of  rural  life  and  of 

Ae  work  of  farmers,  he  endeavours,  at  the  same  time, 
to  lead  his  fellow-citizens  back  to  the  old  custom  of  the 
Eomans  of  cultivating  the  fields,  in  which  he  beHeved 
was  (4)  the  strongest  support  (5)  of  truly  Roman  virtue. 
But  on  account  of  the  civil  wars  agriculture  had  begun 
to  be  altogether  neglected  in  Italy.    In  convenient  places 
the  poet  has  interwoven,   with  the   greatest   skiU,   not 
only  the  praise  of  Maecenas  and  Octavian,  but  also  many 
legends   of  Italian  antiquity;  so  that  this  work   is  not 
unjustly  considered  by  very  many  to  be  the  ,most  ex- 
cellent of  Its  kind.    After  the  publication  of  the  Georgica 
Virgil  was  occupied,  for  eleven  years,  with  the  comple- 
tion of  his  la^t  and   greatest   work,   which,    in   twelve 
books   celebrates  the  exploits  of  Aeneas.     In  this  heroic 
poem  Virgil  has  principally  imitated  Homer,  arranginff(6) 
the  whole  matter  in  such  a  mamier,  that  he  describes 
in  the  first  six  books  of  the  Aeneis,  following  the  Odys- 
sey, the  wanderings  of  Aeneas,  but  in  the  six  last  books, 
after  the  example  of  the  Iliad,  the  wars  and  battles  of 
Aeneas  m  Italy  itself.    Thus  Virgil  endeavoured,  in  the 
one  Aeneis,  to  comprise  the  two  poems  of  Homer.    But 
in  the  following- out  (7)  of  the  work  VirgH  eveiywhere 
proves  himself  a   Roman   poet,    celebrating,    with  the 
highest  skill,  not  only  the  glory  of  the  entire  Roman 
people  and  its  ancient  virtues,  but  also  of  Octavian  and 
Xo.  225.    (1)  res  pecuaria,  res  apiaria.    (2)  urbanus,  politus. 
W  mstituere,  disponere.    (7)  persequi. 


II, 


1 


302 


Pabt  II. 


SeCTIOX    XX. 


303 


. 


the  Julian  family,  which  derived  its  origin  (8)  from 
Julus,  the  son  of  Aeneas.  The  poem  has,  indeed,  been 
followed  out  to  the  end  by  the  poet  himself,  but  not 
polished  (9)  in  all  its  parts;  for  before  he  could  execute 
this,  death  overtook (10)  him  to (11)  the  greatest  grief 
of  his  friends.  In  the  year  19  before  Christ  Virgil  under- 
took a  journey  to  Greece,  there  and  in  Asia  Minor  to 
give  the  last  touch  (12)  to  the  perfection  (13)  of  the 
Aeneis.  At  Athens  he  met  (14)  Augustus,  who  was  re- 
turning from  the  East,  and,  since  he  had  already  begun, 
for  some  time,  to  languish  (15),  he  allowed  himself  to 
be  persuaded  to  return  with  Augustus  to  Italy.  The 
sickness  became,  on  account  of  the  passage (16),  more 
violent,  and  Virgil  died,  soon  after  his  arrival,  at  Brun- 
disium,  on  the  22^^  of  September,  in  the  year  19  before 
Christ. 

No.  226. 

Chapter  IV. 

Virgil  was,  by  order  of  Augustus,  buried (1)  at 
Naples,  as  he  himself  had  wished  in  his  lifetime.  On 
his  tomb  the  following  epitaph  (2)  is  said  to  have  been 
inscribed,  which  he  himself,  when  dying,  dictated: 
„Mantua  has  given  me  birth,  the  Calabrians  have  snatch- 
ed (me)  away  (3),  now  Parthenope  possesses  (me);  I  have 
sung  pastures  (4),  fields  (5),  (and)  leaders." 

By  this  distich (6)  the  poet  has,  at  the  same  time, 
pointed  out (7)  the  place  of  his  birth,  of  his  death,  and 
of  his  tomb;  for  Brundisium,  where  he  died,  is  situated 
in  Calabria,  Naples,  where  he  was  buried,  was  called 
Parthenope  in  the  remotest  times.    But  at  the  same  time 


(8)  originem  repetere,  revocare.  (9)  limare.  (10)  opprimere. 
(11)  cum.  (12)  extremam  manum  imponere.  (13)  expolire. 
(14)  convenire  aliquem.    (15)  aegrotare.    (16)  navigatio. 

Nd.  226.  (1)  humare,  condere.  (2)  titulus.  (3)  rapere. 
(4)  pascuum.    (5)  rus.    (6)  distichon,  i,  n,    (7)  indicare. 


he  ha«  also  marked  out  (8)  those  three  poetical  works 
on  the  composition  of  wMch  he  spent  (9)  his  whole  life,' 
aie  Bucohca,  in  which  pastures  and  pastoral  life,  the 
Georg,ca,  m  which  fields  and  rural  life,  the  AeJs,  in 
which  genemk  and  their  exploits  are  celebrated.  When 
?n  "^Tl^^  lordly  been  begun,  so  great  a  renow^ 
foUoj^d  the  poem  that  Propcrtius  did  not  hesitate  T 

"^'ir^k-^'l^tT''  '^''''''  ^^'  ^^y-  (y«)  «r««k  ones. 
Something  (11)  greater  is  being  produced  (12)  than 

the  IKad". 
Augustus  often  called  upon  (13)  Virgil  to  read  (14) 

Vir^r  fTj"  *'^   P°^"'   "^^^"^^   ^*   --   Published! 

he  read  to  hun  the  second,  the  fourth  and  the  sixth 
books;  and  the  last,  indeed,  principally  on  account  of 
OcUvia  the  sister  of  Augustus.  But  when  Virgil  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  book,  recited,  with  great  ^a^- 
those  famous  verses  on  the  death  of  MarceUus,  The  son 
of  Octavia,  whom  Augustus  loved  ardently  and  had  re- 
solved to  make  his  heir,  so  great  a  weeping  of  aU  who 
were  present,  arose,  that  Augustus  enjoined  silence (15) 

r^w   f  ^L      "*  "^"^  ^'*"^^  ^'*'  ^^^  (^^)  *e  sor- 
row, felt  (16)  great  consolation  in  the  pmises  of  her  son 

tri?.?/!!''^  sestercesdT),  a  sL,  which  equak 
nearly  370  dollars  of  our  money,  to  be  paid  to  Virgil 
for  each  single  verse;  so  that,  as  twenty  five  verses  treat 
of  MarceUus,  the  poet  received  a  reward  of  almost  9,375 
dollars.  To  o^ier  friends  he  also  sometimes  recited  s^me 
passages  (18  of  the  poem,  but  generaUy  only  those,  about 
which  he  himself  doubted,  in  order  to  learn  and  make 


(8)  designare.  (9)  consumere  in  aUqna  re.  (10)  praedicare 
(11  nescio  quid.  (12)  nasci.  (13)  peLe  ab.  (U)  rSre 
(lo)  silentinm  imperare.  (16)  perciDere  (M\  Aar^V  ,1^- 
See  Gram,  g  348.  k    (18)  pars.  ^  ^    ^     ^  '"'*'"'*• 


304 


Part  n. 


I 


use  of  the  judgment  of  others.  As  his  heirs  Virgil  had 
appointed  (19),  besides  (20)  others,  also  the  poets  Vanus 
and  Tncca,  and  ordered  them  to  destroy  the  Aeneis  as 
an  unfinished  work  by  fire.  But  in  spite  of(21)  the 
respect  for  this  last  wiU  Augustus  forbade  that  to  be 
done,  and  thus  a  greater  testimony  was  given  to  the 
poet,  than  if  Augustus  had  approved  of  the  testmiony 
of  the  poet  himself.  Therefore  Varius  and  Tucca,  by 
order  of  Augustus,  corrected,  indeed,  some  few  things, 
but  did  by  no  means  add  anything,  so  that  they  did 
not  even  endeavour  to  complete  (22)  those  verses,  which 
Virgil  had  left  incomplete. 

The  poems  of  Virgil,  and  especially  the  Aeneis,  were 
very  highly  esteemed  by  the  Romans.  Abeady  in  the 
time  of  Augustus  they  were  begun  to  be  read  and  ex- 
plained in  schools;  soon,  as  the  poems  of  Homer  with 
the  Greeks,  so  with  the  Romans  those  of  Virgil  were 
given  to  boys  and  youths  to  be  learned  by  heart  (23). 
This  renown  of  the  poet  graduaUy  grew  in  an  incredible 
manner,  so  that,  in  the  so-called  Middle  Ages (24),  not 
a  few  believed  (25)  they  saw  a  fountain  of  all  wisdom 
in  the  poems  of  VirgU,  and  venerated  him,  as  it  were, 
as  a  prophet  and  wonder-worker  (26). 

(19)  haeredem  scribere,  or  facere.  (20)  H»e  et  -  et.  {J^)<^^- 
tra  (22)  explere.  (23)  ediscere.  (24)  media  aetas  (Sing.).  (25)  sibi 
videri.     (26)  tamquam  fatidicus  quidam  et  homo  minficus. 


1 


ll>i 


Free  Exercises. 


— ^- 


Mttller,  Exercises. 


20 


Ill 


I 


SECTION  XXI. 

Cardinal  Newman's  Sketcli  of  Cicero's  Life 

and  Writings. 

No.  22:. 

1.     Chief  Events  (1)  in  the  Life  of  Cicero 

Marcus  TulUus  Cicero  was  bom  at  Arpinum     the 
iiative  place   of  Marius     ,«    fKo  ^      piuum,    the 

(K    C    1^fi^    Z      ''""^'  "^  *^«  year  of  Rome  (2)   648 

the  Grl^k  P     ''"''  ^T  "^^''^^^^  ^^'  birth  4)  to 

of  Equestrian  rank,    but  had  never  taken  part   in  the 
pubhc  affai..  of  Eome,  though  both  Hs  father'^and  Ind 
father  were  persons  of  consideration  (7)   in  the  pTrt  of 
Italy  .to  which  they  belonged  (8).     hL  father  (9)  "^  bein^ 
a  man  of  cultivated  mind  himself,   detennined    0  Z 

Ird  toT^  .  Ir*"^^  °'  ^  '^''''  education  (To), 
Iv^J  r,  "'  ?'  P'-«^P«'t(n)  of  those  public  em- 
p^ents  which  a  feeble  constitution  (12)  incapacitated 
Wlf  from  undertaking  (13).  Marcus,  the  elder  of  the 
wo,  soon  displayed  indications  of  a  superior  (14)  Intel! 
lect   and  we  are  told  that  his  schoolfellows  carried  home 

(4)  in  lucem  edi.    (5)  Mairnn<!  iDa     ni\  a  m         *  ^- 

nodere.  (9)  o«/y  atque  iUe  quidem.  (10)  institutio.  (11  ij^ 
Sr  '"/''''"•  ;i^)'^'-P0ri«  debilitas.  (13)aditu  arcere  (=  ". 
"t  (—  „to  car^  «(o/,  aec.  —  that"). 

20* 


t; 


308 


Part  ni. 


H 


HI 


I 


II? 


ed  the  school  for  the  sake  of  seeing  a  youth  who  gave 
such  promise  (16)  of  fature  eminence.    One  of  his  earhest 
masters  was  the  poet  Archias,  whom  he  defended  after- 
wards in  his  Consular  year  (17);  under  his  instructions 
he  was  able  to  compose  a  poem,  though  yet  a  boy,  on 
the  fable  of  Glaucus,  which  had  formed  the  subject  (18) 
of  one  of  the  tragedies  of  .Eschylus.    Soon  after  he  as- 
sumed the  manly  gown  he  was  placed  under  the  care(19) 
of  Scaevola,  the  celebrated  lawyer,  whom  he  introduces 
so  beautiftilly  into  several  of  his  philosophical  (20)  dia- 
logues; and  in  no  long  time  he  gained  a  thorough  know- 
ledge of  the  laws  and  poHtical  institutions  (21)  of  his 

country  (22). 

This  was  about  the  time  of  the  Social  war;  and(J6), 
according  to  the  Roman  custom,  which  made  it  a  ne- 
cessary part  of  education  to  learn  the  mUitary  art  by 
personal  service  (24),  Cicero  took  the  opportunity  of  ser- 
ving a  campaign  (25)  under  the  Consul  Pompeius  Strabo, 
father  of  Pompey  the  Great.   Returning  to  pursuits  more 
congenial  to  his  natural  taste  (26),  he  commenced  the 
study  of  Philosophy  under (27)  Philo  the  Academic,  of 
whom  we  shall  speak  more  particulary  hereafter.     But 
his  chief  attention  was  reserved  (28)  for  Oratory,  to  which 
he  appUed  himself  with  the  assistance  of  Molo,  the  first(29) 
rhetorician  of  the  day;  while  Diodotus  the  Stoic  exer- 
cised him  in  the  argumentative  subtleties  (30)  for  which 
the  disciples  of  Zeno  were  so  generally  celebrated.    At 
the   same   time  he   declaimed  (31)   daily   in  Greek   and 

(16)  spes.  (17)  only  consularis  {Apposition  to  Subj.).  (18)  ira- 
goedia  versatur  in.  (19)  tutela.  (20)  de  philosophia.  (21)  insti- 
tuta  publica.  (22)  populus  Romanus.  (23)  itaque.  (24)  bellicus 
usus.  (25)  stipendia  merere,  or  mereri.  (26)  labores  ingemo 
magis  consentanei.  (27)  doctor.  Oram.  §  S84.  1.  (28)  hy  am- 
mum  intentum  habere  in  aliquid,  w  praecipua  diligentia  ahquid 
complecti.  (29)  facile  princeps.  (30)  argnmentandi  subtihtas 
^rig:].,  or  argnmentandi  argutiae.    (31)  declamitare. 


Section  xxi.  ong 

^^"i^^'lTl  ^'""^  "^^'^°'^^'  -^»  --re  competi- 
Z^.  """   '"^  *^^   ^^"^   '^    ^'  political  (33) 

No.  228. 

Chapter  n. 
Of(l)  the  two  professions (2),  which,  from  the  con- 
tentiousness (3)   of  human  nature,    are   involved  in  the 
veiy  notion  of  society,    while  that  of  arms  (4),    by  t 
splendour  and  importance  (5),  secures  the  almost  uncUvid 
.dadmira  xon(6)  of  a  rising  and  uncivilised  people"  Wl 
practice(7),  on  the  other  hand,  becomes (8) \he' path t 
honours  m  later  and  more  civilized  ages  (9),  by  reason 
of  the  oratorical  accomplishments  (10)  to  which  it  usuallv 
gives  scope(ll).    The  date  of  Cicero's  birth (12)  fdS 
cisely  dunng  that  intermediate  state  of  things  (13)    i 
which  the  gloxy  of  militaiy  exploits  (14)  lost  (l!)  its  pr^ 

which  were  their  natural  issue  (16);  and  he  was  the  ^t 

ff  ZsS!      "^  ""'  r^'''^  *°  *^^  ^g*^-*  dignities 
ot  the  State  with  no  other  recommendation  (18)  than  his 

t^lW  "   "'  "^  "^"'^  "  '  ""^^  "^^^^ 

The  first  cause  of  importance  he  undertook  was  his 

T  o.>r'S°r  "'■  "rtl  ^"'f  '  '""•"  ^^"^'•)-    (33)  civilil 

^.  iia"T  ^  ^  "*'■  ""^"'^  "f  '*«  twopr.-  that  of  arms- 
f ;  "''^f  -  "»  f'^  other  lu,nd",  et  quoniam  -  contra  1  Zl' 
autemcontra,  or  nt-  ita.  (2)  vitae  ratio.  (3)  ^raalJoT fZ^ 
Ob.     (4)  altera  militaris.     (6)  gravitas.     (0)  paene  omnem  in  se 

W   aperire.      (9)   apud   populos   diu   jam    ac   bene   constitutos 

iu  '^^'""Lrt'T"^^  ^"^ "^^"^  campus-pate:"": 
desii^t^^:  (^,^^„fj""«<i''»  "la  aetas.  (14)  virtus  bellica.  (15)6. 
desmit  esse  (16)  sua  sponte  derivari,  consequi.  (17)  aditum 
nancisci,  sibi  patefacere     {\fft  Innc  rjkt\        ..       ■     ^    '  ^"^"""^ 

It  notlttng  else    etc.    (19)  in  civih  magistratu  parta  (i.  e.  merita). 


810 


Pakt  ni. 


Section  xxi. 


311 


W'' 


I 


defence  (20)  of  Sextiis  Eoscins;  in  which  he  distinguished 
himself  by  his  spirited  opposition  (21)  to  Sylla,   whose 
favourite  (22)  Chrysogonus  was  prosecutor  in  the  action. 
This  obliging  him,  according  to  Plutarch,  to  leave  Eome 
on  prudential  motives  (23),  he  employed  his  time  in  tra- 
velling for  two  years  under  pretence  (24)  of  his  health, 
which,  he  tells  us,  was  as  yet  (25)  unequal  to  the  exer- 
tion of  pleading.    At  Athens  he  met  with  T.  Pomponius 
Atticus,  whom  he  had  formerly  known  at  school,  and 
there  renewed  with  him  a  friendship  (26)  which  lasted 
through  life,   in   spite   of  the   change  of  interests   and 
estrangements  of  affection  (27)  so  common  in  turbulent 
times.     Here   too   he   attended  the  lectures  (28)   of  An- 
tiochus,  who,  under  the  name  of  Academic,  taught  the 
dogmatic  doctrines  (29)  of  Plato  and  the  Stoics.    Though 
Cicero  felt  at  first  considerable  dislike  (30)  of  his  philo- 
sophical views,  he  seems  afterwards  to  have  adopted  the 
sentiments  of  the  Old  Academy,  which  they  much  re- 
sembled (31);    and  not  tiU  late  in  life  (32)   to  have  re- 
lapsed  into   the   sceptical   tenets  (33)   of  his  former  in- 
structor Philo.    After  (34)  visiting  the  principal  philoso- 
phers and  rhetoricians  of  Asia,  in  his  thirtieth  year  he 
returned  to  Eome,  so  strengthened  and  improved  both 
in  bodily  and  mental  powers,  that  he  soon  ecHpsed  m 
his  oratorical  efforts  (35)   all  his  competitors  for  pubUc 
favour. 


(20)  causam  alicujus  detendendam  suscipere.  (21)  acrem  se 
praestare  adversarium.  (22)  familiaris.  (23)  prudentiae  rationes 
{Ahl),  or  by  ut  sibi  caveret.  (24)  causam  interponere.  (2o)  etiam- 
tnm.  (26)  Trand.  „that  life-long  (vitae  aeqnalis)  /r.,  which  neither 
the  change  of  int.,  nor  the  estr.  etc,  were  ahU  to  dissolve.''  (27)  ani- 
mornm  dissensio,  or  studiorum  diversitas.  (28)  scholas  obire, 
freqnentare.  (29)  only  dogmata.  (30)  aversiore  esse  ammo  ab, 
or  minime  delectari.  (31)  similitudo,  affinitas.  Gh-am.  §  207. 
(32)  extrema  aetate,  or  only  senex.  (33)  ratio  {Sing.)  de  omnibus 
rebus  dubitandi,  or  only  dubitationes.  (34)  ergo  quum.  (35)  di- 
cendi  contentio  {Ahl.). 


No.  229. 

Chapter  in. 

So  popular   a    talent  speedily  gained  him  (1)  the 
suffrage  of  the  Commons  (2);  and,  being  sent  to  Sicily 
as  Quaestor,  at  a  time  when  the  metropolis  itself  was 
visited  with  a  scarcity  of  com  (3),  he  acquitted  himself 
m  that  delicate  (4)  situation  with  such  address  (5)  as  to 
supply  the   clamorous   wants  (6)   of  the  people  without 
oppressing  the  province  from  which  the  provisions  were 
raised  (7).    Returning  thence  with  greater  honours  than 
had  ever  been  before  decreed  to  a  Roman  (8)  Governor 
he  ingratiated  himself  still  farther  in  the  esteem  of  the 
bicilians  by   undertaking   his   celebrated   prosecution  (9) 
oi  Verres;  who,  though  defended  by  the  influence (10) 
of  the  MetelU  and  the  eloquence  of  Hortensius,  was  at 
length  driven  in  despair  into  voluntary  exile  (11). 

Five  years  after  his  Qnaestorship,  Cicero  was  elect- 
ed ^ile,  a  post  of  considerable  expense  (12)  from  the 
exhibition  of  games  connected  with  it.  In  this  magis- 
tracy (13)  he  conducted  himself  with  singular  proprie- 
ty(14);  for,  it  being  customary  to  court  (15)  the  people 
by  a  display  of  splendour  (16)  in  these  official  shows  (17) 
he  contrived  to  retain  his  popularity  without  (18)  sub- 


Xo.  -29.  (1)  Transl.  „naving  speedily  gained  hy  m  pop.  a  tal 
(ingemum  popnlare)  etc.  and  been  sent"  etc.  (2)  comitiar^  plebs' 
{i)  annona,  or  annonae  caritate  premi,  laborare.  (4)  difflcilis' 
(o)  ita  se  gerere,  or  tanta  sollertia  versari  in  -,  ut  (6)  nro' 
Ro^LT^'  "ecessitati  (7)  frumentum  exigere.  (8)  quisquam 
Romanns     „Gover,wr"  =  „u,ho  had  governed  (administrare)  a  pr<^ 

eZlf  r'"T"-  ^'"^  ''"'=*°"*^^'  «^''*--  (11)  ^  -»  ^PO^te 
exsulare    in  exsihum  ire.     (12)  magistratus  adraodum  sumptuo- 

sus.     (13)  munus.     (14)  consiliorum  prudentia.     (15)  gratificari 

alicui.     (16)  apparatus  ac  splendor,  or  splendidus  quidam  appa- 

'^2  ^:-'*  c  T''-L/'^^  '"'^'  P""'*^''  '"^  ^oll^u^es,  or  pubiL 
celebrat.o(Sm^).  (18)  Transl.  „so  tl^t  1^,  a-hat  {as  it)  ofte,^  happen- 
ed, neither  plundered nor  sacrificed''  etc. 


312 


Pabt  III. 


Section  xxi. 


11';. 


V'l 


I''  ' 

•ll- 


1 


1      I 


mitting  to  the  usual  alternative  of  plundering  the  pro- 
vinces or  sacrificing  his  private  fortune.  The  latter  was 
at  this  time  by  no  means  ample;  but,  with  the  good 
sense  and  taste  which  mark  his  character  (19),  he  pre- 
served in  his  domestic  arrangements  (20)  the  dignity  of 
a  literary  and  public  man,  without  any  of  the  osten- 
tation of  magnificence  (21)  which  often  distinguished  the 
candidate  for  popular  applause. 

After  the  customary  interval  of  two  years,  he  was 
returned  at  the  head  of  the  list  as  Prsetor(22);  and  now 
made  his  first  appearance  in  the  rostrum  in  support  (23j 
of  the  Manilian  law.  About  the  same  time  he  defended 
Cluentius.  At  the  expiration  of  his  Praetorship,  he  re- 
fused to  accept  a  foreign  province,  the  usual  reward  of 
that  magistracy;  but,  having  the  Consulate  foil  in 
view  (24),  and  relying  on  liis  interest  (25)  with  Caesar 
and  Pompey,  he  allowed  nothing  to  divert  (26)  liim  from 
that  career  of  glory  for  which  he  now  (27)  believed  him- 
self to  be  destined. 

No.  330. 

Chapter  IV. 
It  may  be  doubted,  indeed,  whether (1)  any  indi- 
vidual (2)  ever  rose  to  power  by  more  virtuous  and  truly 
honourable  conduct  (3) ;  the  integrity  of  his  public  life  (4) 
was  only  equalled  by  the  correctness  of  his  private 
morals;    and  it  may  at  first  sight  (5)  excite  our  wonder 


313 


(19)  quo  erat  recti  atque  decori  judicio  praestans  ejus  in- 
geuium.  (20)  rerum  privatarum  (domesticarum)  administratio. 
(21)  nulla  magnificentiae  ostentatione.  (22)  praetorem  primum 
comitiorum  tabellis  renuntiare  (declarare).  (23)  suadere  aliquid. 
Gram.  §  249.  1,  or  §  288.  1.  (24)  in  optima  spe  esse  alcujus 
rei,  or  omni  spe  spectare  aliquid.  (25)  uecessitudo  („trtM",  Genit). 
(26)  Pass,  averti.    (27)  jam. 

No.  230.  (1)  Gram.  §  176.  Note  3.  d.  (2)  nemo.  (3)  by  vir- 
tus et  honestas.     (4)  res  publicae.     (5)  principio. 


Me  foZ^/°  'P^^''^  ^^"^  ^^°^^  -ften^ards  so 
W8)  frorn  ,r'^  .pronuse(6).  Yet  (7)  it  was  a  fai- 
lure (8)  from  the  penod  of  his  Consulate  to  his  Pro- 
pr«torskp(9)  in  Cilicia,  and  each  year  is  foundTlO)  to 
d— h   his  influence   in  public  aLrs,    tiuTe^r  s 

putltior,  ^  .  ;°»Porta.ace(12)  by  his  present  re! 
putation,  and  confounding  the  authority  he  deservedly 
jwssesses  as  an  author  Hfi^  ^-+1,  ^.u        ■   .  "'^•erveaiy 

of  h.-n,  K    1.       "''*^°'^(^'^)  ^^^  tte  opinions  entertained 
of  him  by  his  contemporaries  as  a  statesman.    From  the 
consequence   usually   attached  (14)   to  passing  ev^^  ^ 
politician's   celebrity  is   often   at   its   zenith (Jl^'hi! 
own  generation;    while  the  author,  who  is  in  the  Lh 
es    repute  with  posterity,  may  perhaps  have  been  S 
valued  or  courted  in  his  own  day.  Virtue  indeelTo  tot 
spicuous  as  that  of  Cicero,  studies  so  dignified/lS)   a^ 
o^  orical  powei.  so  commanding,  will  always  invest  St 
thu.  possessor  with  a  large  portion  of  reputation  and 
authority;   and  this  (18)  is  nowhere  more  apparent  th^n 

quahties    be    added,    more    pecuKarly    necessary    for  a 

tatesman,    they  will   hardly   of  themselves   carry  that 

pohtical  weight  which  (20)   some  writers   have   atUed 

(6)  spem  pridem   ostensam   minime   a«;«?Pnni      n\       •         ^ 
m^U».„  c.ph„     ,9,  Tr.^  ,2  ,'S,r  d4'  S-TZ 

a  POtissimiim    L;     /I  of  ■  \"^l-)-    (11)  admirantur  autem 

"  poussimum   qui.     (12)  m  republica  potentia     n^\  ;„    i;*t     • 
(=  „as  an   author^).     (U)   eifJr  f»„t„  P°^«°5'a.      13)  in   httens 
lent  nt     ->    *     .       '  ■  *^»tam   emm   vim   habere   so- 

berahs.      (17)    concihare    alicui    aliquid.      (18)    quod    quidem 
(19)  summa  omnium  irratulatio      (Oiw  t„„f,     \  \  <l«'<iem. 

pubUcum,  quantum.   ^^  ""'^*'°-     ^^^  **"*"""  '^^bere  momentum 


i 


314 


Part  ni. 


Section  xxi. 


to  Cicero's  public  life,  and  which  his  own  self-love  led 
him  to  appropriate  (21). 

The  advice  of  the  Oracle  (22),  which  had  directed 
him  to  make  his  own  genius,  not  the  opinion  of  the 
people,  his  guide  to  immortality  [which  in  fact  pointed 
at  (23)  the  above-mentioned  distinction  between  the  fame 
of  a  statesman  and  of  an  author  (24)],  at  first  made  a 
deep  impression  (25)  on  his  mind;  and  at  the  present 
day  he  owes  his  reputation  principally  to  those  pursuits 
which,  as  Plutarch  tells  us,  exposed  (26)  him  to  the  ridi- 
cule and  even  to  the  contempt  of  his  contemporaries  as 
a  *^pedant  and  a  professor  (27)".  But  his  love  of  popu- 
larity overcame  (28)  his  philosophy  (29) ,  and  he  com- 
menced a  career  which  gained  him  one  triumph  and 
ten  thousand  mortifications  (30). 

No.  231. 

Chapter  V. 
It  is  not  indeed  (1)  to  be  doubted  that  in  his  po- 
litical course  (2)  he  was  more  or  less  influenced  by  a 
sense  of  duty  (3).  To  many  it  may  even  appear  that  a 
public  life  (4)  was  best  adapted  for  the  display  of  his 
particular  talents;  that,  at  the  termination  of  the  Mithri- 
datic  war,  Cicero  was  in  fact  marked  out  as  the  very 
man  to  (5)  adjust  the  pretensions  of  the  rival  parties  in 


315 


(21)  paullo  ambitiosius  sibi  vindicare,  arrogare.  (22)  only 
illnd  Oraculum.  (23)  significare.  Pass.  Constr.  (24)  gloria  civi- 
lis  =  ,,fame  of  a  sV',  doctrina  =  „fame  of  an  auth.''  „6cfireen^ 
Genit  (25)  haerere,  or  insidere  in.  (26)  by  efficere  ut.  (27)  ali- 
quem  per  jocum  atque  adeo  per  contemptum  hominem  graecu- 
lum  et  scholasticum  vocitare.  (28)  by  plus  valere  quam.  (29)  lit- 
terae,  or  artium  studia.    (30)  molestia,  dolor. 

No.  231.  (1)  nee  vero.  (2)  by  rempublicam  capessere.  Gram. 
§  289.  2.  (3)  officii  ratio.  (4)  here  campus  publicus.  (5)  ido- 
neum  existimare,  qui.  Gram.  §  258.  (6)  aemulationes  popu- 
larium  partium,  or  diversa  civilium  partium  studia  ita  conciliare, 
ut  . . . 


the  Cominonwealth(6),  to  withstand  the  encroachments (7) 
of  Pompey,  and  to  baffle  the  arts  of  Caesar.    And  if  8 
the  power  of  swaying   and   controUing  the  popiilar  as- 
semblies  by  his   eloquence;    if  the   circumstances  (9)   of 
his  rank,  Equestrian  (10)  as  far  as  family  was  concerned 
yet  almost  Patrician  from  the  splendour  of  his  pergonal 
honours;    if  the  popularity  derived  from  Hs  accusation 
of  Verres,   and  defence  of  Cornelius,    and  the  favour  of 
the  Senate  acquired  by  the  briUiant  services  (11)  of  his 
Consulate;  if  the  general  respect  of  all  parties  which  (12) 
his  learning  aad  virtue  commanded;    if  these  were  suf- 
ficient  qualifications   for  a   mediator  (13)   between   con- 
tending factions,  Cicero  was  indeed  called  upon  by  the 
voice  of  his  country  to  that  most  arduous  and  honour- 
able post    And  in  his  Consulate  he  had  seemed  sensible 
of  the   caU(14):    "All   through   my  Consulate,"   he   de- 
clares  m   his   speech   against  Piso,    "I  made  a  point  of 
doing  nothing  (15)  without  the  advice  of  the  Sei^te  and 
the  approval  of  the  People.    I  ever  defended  the  Senate 
in    he  Rostrum,   in  the  Senate  House  the  People,   and 
united  the  populace  with  the  leading  men,  the  Equestrian 
order  with  the  Senate." 

Yet  after  that  eventful  period,  we  see  him  resign- 
ing  his  high  station  to  Cat«,  who,  with  half(16)  Ms 
abiLties,  little  foresight,  and  no  address(17),  possessed  that 
first  requisite  for  a  statesman  (18),  firmness.  Cicero,  on 
toe  contrary  was  irresolute,  timid,  and  inconsistent. 
He  talked  indeed  largely  of  preserving  a  middle  coiu^, 

du,hngut>hedhyPatr.lmmtr,-.  (U) res praeclare gestae.  (12)  Trand 
(mquain)    si  propria  sunt  ejus  qui  conciliaturus  est.     (14)  quam 

cTVmTr    ^t     ^''^  "'''  ^'"^  '^^"•^""^  statuU'c^: 
^u   ,n  m  #  r.     (16)  by  nequaquam  similis,  or  minime  aequalis 

(17)  rerum  usas.   (18)  prima  ilia  rerum  administrandarum  virtus 


316 


PABT  ni. 


Section  xxi. 


i'l 


i 


■■I 
i« 


it 


but  lie   was    continually  vacillating    from    one   to   the 
other  extreme  (19);  always  too  confident  or  too  dejected; 
incorrigibly  vain  (20)  of  success,  yet  meanly  panegyrizing 
(21)  the  government  of  an  usurper.    His  foresight,  saga- 
city, practical  good  sense,  and  singular  tact  (22),  were 
lost  for  want  of  that  strength  of  mind  which  points  (23) 
them   steadily  to   one   object.     He   was  never   decided, 
never  (as  has  sometimes  been  observed)  took  an  impor- 
tant step  without  afterwards  repenting  of  it.    Nor  can 
we   account  (24)  for  the  firmness  and  resolution  of  Hs 
Consulate,  unless  we  discriminate (25)  between  the  case 
of  resisting  and  exposing  a  faction,  and  that  of  balanc- 
ing   contending    interests  (26).      Vigour    in    repression 
differs  widely  from  steadiness  in  mediation  (27);  the  latter 
requiring  a  coolness  of  judgment,  which  a  direct  attack 
upon  a  pubHc  foe  is  so  far  from (28)  implying,  that  it 
even    inspires    minds    naturally     timid    with    unusual 
ardour. 

No.  232. 

Chapter  VI. 
His  Consulate  was  succeeded  (1)  by  the  return  of 
Pompey  from  the  East,  and  the  establishment  of  the 
First  (2)  Triumvirate;  which,  disappointing  his  hopes 
of  political  power  (3),  induced  him  to  resume  his  forensic  (4) 
and  literary  occupations.  From  the^e  he  was  recalled, 
after   an   interval   of   four    years,    by    the    threatening 

(19)  inter  extrema  {or  diversa)  consilia  fluctuare.  (20)  by 
vanitati  non  temperare,  si . . .  (21)  turpiter  adulari.  (22)  „prac- 
tkaV''-  etc.  rerum  judicandarum  sapientia,  tractandarum  (geren- 
darum)  calliditas  (facultas  singularis).  (23)  convertere.  (24)  satis 
intelligere.  (25)  by  meminisse  aliud  esse aliud . . .  (26)  sta- 
dia diversissima  consociare,  studia  contraria  conjungere.  (27)  con- 
ciliatio.    (28)  Gram.  §  275.  2.  2. 

Xo.  232.  (1)  excipere.  Active  Cmstr.  (2)  not  primus.  (3)  spes 
consequendae  potestatis.  (4)  judiciorum  labores,  or  causarum 
dictio. 


317 


dnvmg  hm  into  exile.    This (6)  event,  which,  consider- 
ing the  circumstances   connected   with   it,   wL   one   of 

distress  and  despondency.    He  wandered  about  Gre^e 

tT«  t  ^  ^  '^^''^P*^  *^  administer,  and  shunning 
^er(7)  to  load  him     His  return  (8),  which  took  place 

Zl  TT.  "^n*'  ^""''^°«  y^^'  r-i'^tated  him  Z 
the  ^gh  station  (9)  he  had  filled  at  the  terminatio"   S 

^t  J^  I  '  ."*  *'  oi^^'^stances  of  the  times  did 
not  aUow  him  to  retain  it.  We  refer  to  Eoman  history 
for  aja  account  (10)  of  his  vacillations  between  the  T^Z 

Gabinius,  to  ^tiate^te^*:^^^^-^^^ 
«>nal  histoiy  in  the  meanwhUe(12)  fumishi "uttle  lo^h 
noticing,  except  his  election  into  ihe  college  of  1!^ 

return  from  exile,  was  in  consequence  of  Pompey's  law 

Sl;il^.>.  '""''"'  ^'^^   ''^y  ^«^^^g°  command  (15), 

whith  t  T  "T*  ^''^"^  ^"^^"^^  *^«--    Thi«  office 
which  we  have  above  seen  him  decline,  he  now  accept- 


him-.  (8)  Tmnsl  ^aTnJ\"!  "'^"'^^  (certatim)  loaded 
yet  the  crc  ofth.  "rr  f^  *'"  ^*'-  •••*««"»  reinstated  in . . ., 
yet  m»rc.  of  the  ttmes  (ratio  temporum,   or  rerum   conditio)  « 

i  .aSlnrrn^torrerZ  Ro'lr*'^  ^^.^'^^  "^2^), 
adversarius      naV  -!.  T  Romanarum.     (11)  only  acerrinms 

SgZ*  i,«^  r^?,  .?**""  ""*"■■""  P"^''*^  «i  contigerunt. 

Id    Oram.  #  S38.  5.    (14)  ut  Cilicia  ei  constitueretur  provincia 

(lo)  externum  imperium  gerere.  provincia. 


ill 


Is 

M 


318 


Pakt  III. 


Section  xxi. 


fi 


ill 


ed  with  feelings  of  extreme  reluctance  (16),  dreading 
perhaps  the  military  occupations  which  the  movements(17) 
of  the  Parthians  in  that  quarter  rendered  necessary.  Yet 
if  we>  consider  the  state  and  splendour  with  which  the 
Proconsuls  were  surrounded  (18) ,  and  the  opportunities 
afforded  them  for  almost  legalized  (19)  plunder  and 
extortion,  we  must  confess  that  this  insensibility  (20)  to 
the  common  objects  of  human  cupidity  was  the  token 
of  no  ordinary  mind.  The  singular  disinterestedness  (21) 
and  integiity  of  his  administration,  as  well  as  his 
success  against  the  enemy,  also  belong  (22)  to  the  history 
of  his  times.  The  latter  he  exaggerated  from  the 
desire  (23),  so  often  instanced  (24)  in  eminent  men,  of 
appearing  to  excel  in  those  things  for  which  nature  has 
not  adapted  them. 

No.  283. 

Chapter  VII. 

His  return  to  Italy  (1)  was  followed  by  earnest 
endeavours  to  reconcile  Pompey  with  Caesar,  and  by 
very  spirited  behaviour  (2)  when  Caesar  required  his 
presence  in  the  Senate.  On  this  occasion  he  felt  the 
glow  of  self-approbation  (3)  with  which  liis  political  con- 
duct seldom  repaid  him (4):  he  writes  to  Atticus,  "I 
believe  I  do  not  please  Caesar,  but  I  am  pleased  with 
myself,  which  has  not  happened  to  me  for  a  long  while." 
However,  this  effort  at  independence  (5)  was  but  transient. 

(16)  „ivifh  feel  of  extr.  reV,  Siiperl  of  invitus.  (17)  tumul- 
tus,  or  turba.  (18)  celebrari.  (19)  legitimus.  (20)  animi  tardi- 
tas  ad  eas  res  quas  . . .  (21)  quanta  vero  fuerit  innocentia  etc. 
(22)  repetere  licet  ab  illarum  rerum  scriptoribus.  (23)  eo  desi- 
derio,  ut . . .    (24)  id  quod  saepe  factum  videinus. 

No.  233.  (1)  Inltaliam  ubi  rediit,  laboravit . . . ,  ut.  (2)  ani- 
mose  omnino  fortiterque  rem  gerere.  (3)  se  sibi  satisfecisse 
laetatus  est,  or  ipse  sibi  probari  visus  est.  (4)  Transl  ,,%chich 
pleasure  he  had  seldom  enjoyed  in  his  pol  life  (res  publicae)" 
(5)  constantiae  conatus. 


319 


At  no  period  (6)  of  his  public  life  did  he  display  such 
miserable  vacillation  as  at  the  opening  of  the  civH  war. 
We   tod    hmi    first   accepting   a   commission   from   the 

saihng  for  Greece,  resolving  to  follow  him  thither: 
presently  determining  to  stand  neuter(8);  then  ben 
on  retinng(9)  to  the  Pompeians  in  Sicily;  and,  when 
after  all  he  had  joined  their  camp  in  Gree;e,  di^covei^ 
mg  such  timidity  and  discontent  as  to  draw  from 
Pompey  the  bitter  reproof  (10),  J  wish  Cicero  would 
go  over  to  the  enemy,  that  he  may  leam  to  fear  us." 

>..  l.^^  ""^"^  ^"^  ^*'^^'  ^"^""  ^^^  ^^^*1^  of  PhamHa, 
he  had  the  mortification  of  learning  (11)  that  his  brother 

and  nephew  were  making  their  peace  with  Caesar,  bya2) 

throwing  on  himself  the  blame   of  their   opposition   to 

points  (13)  of  character  which  redeem  the  weaknesses  of 
tllT       r^^^^^l^)^  ^^->  l^earing  that  Caesar  had 

ZTt  Tk^^'^  ^'"^'^  '^'  charge  (15)  which  the 
ktter  had  brought  against  himself,  he  wrote  a  press- 
nig  16)  letter  in  his  favour(17),  declaring  his  brother's 
safety  was  not  less  precious  to  him  than  liis  own,  and 

Jhis'voTe       ''''*  ^'^^'  ^'^^""'  ^"''  "'  '^'  eompLnion 

Now  (18)  too  the  state  of  his  private  afiairs  reduced 

hun  to  much  perplexity;  a  sum  he  had  advanced  (19)  to 

Pompey  had  impoverished  him,  and  he  was  forced  to 


(6)  nee  uUum  fuit  teniDus  mm      n\  •     • 

»nW;oo    ^  .  ^«"ipus...,  quo.     (7)  i^rovmciam  pro  re- 

oogitare  ad  P.  m  Siciham.     (10)  acerba  contumelia.     (11)  sum- 

^  hat  tl^  threw"  etc.  (13)  laus  eximia  (insignis).  (U  viW 
CIVU.S  moonstantiae,  c- rerum  gerendarj  ignria  (S  cS^ 
culpam    accusationem  transferre  in.    (16)  g^vissimus.  ^iTL: 


320 


Paet  ni. 


Section  xxi. 


stand  indebted  to  Atticus  for  present  assistance  (20). 
These  difficulties  led  him  to  take  a  step  (21)  which  it 
has  been  customary  to  regard  with  great  severity;  the 
divorce  (22)  of  his  wife  Terentia,  though  he  was  then 
in  his  sixty-second  year,  and  his  marriage (23)  with  his 
rich  ward  (24)  Publilia,  who  of  course  was  of  an  age 
disproportionate  to  his  own. 

No.  2S4. 

Chapter  Vin. 

Yet(l),  in  reviewing  this  proceeding  (2) ,  we  must 
not  adopt  the  modem  standard  of  propriety  (3),  forgetful 
of  a  condition  of  society  which  reconciled  actions  even 
of  moral  turpitude  (4)  with  a  reputation  for  honour  and 
virtue.  Terentia  was  a  woman  of  a  most  imperious 
and  violent  temper  (5),  and  (what  is  more  to  the  purpose) 
had  in  no  slight  degree  contributed  to  his  present  (6) 
embarrassments  by  her  extravagance  in  the  management 
of  his  private  affairs  (7).  By  her  he  had  two  chUdren, 
a  son,  bom  a  year  before  his  Consulate,  and  a  daughter 
whose  loss  he  was  now  (8)  fated  to  deplore  (9).  To 
Tullia  he  was  tenderly  attached,  not  only  from  the 
excellence  of  her  disposition,  but  from  her  literary 
tastes (10);  and  her  death  tore  from  him,  as  he  so 
pathetically  (11)  laments  to  Sulpicius,  the  only  comfort 
which  the  course  of  public   events  had   left   him.     At 


321 


(20)  sumptus  necessarios  ab  aliquo  suppeditatos  accipere. 
(21)  consilium  capere,  with  Genit  of  Getnind.  (22)  divortium  fa- 
cere  cum.    (23)  ducere,  with,  or  ivithout  in  matrimonium.    (24)  pu- 

pilla. 

No.  234.  (1)  Gram.  §  172.  Note.  (2)  de  eo  facto  ut  recte 
existimemus.  (3)  nostra  honestatis  norma.  (4)  quaedam  morum 
turpitudo.  (5)  ingenium  et  arrogans  et  impotens.  (6)  ille,  or 
illius  temporis.  (7)  rei  familiaris  administrandae  insolentia. 
(8)  tum.  (9)  aliquem  fato  sibi  ereptum  lugere.  (10)  litterarum 
studia.    (11)  miserabiliter,  flebiliter  omnino. 


iirst  he  was  inconsolable;  and,  retiring  to  a  little  island 
near  his  estate  at  Antium(12),  he  buL  himseif  n  t,e 
woods,   to  avoid   the   sight   of  man.     His   distress   wa 
ii^creased  by  the  conduct  of  his  new  (13)  wife  PubliS 

TZ::T  "Z'-^i,'-  at  the  dea^h 

u  Z  '^P^^^^h*^^  (14)-  On  this  occasion  he  wrote 
his  TVeatise  on  Consolation  (15),  with  a  view  (leTt 
alleviate  his  grief;  and,  with  the  same  object,  he  dete^ 
mined  on  dedicating  a  temple  to  his  daughter  as  a 
memonal  of  her  viHues  and  his  affection.  His  friend! 
were  assiduous  in  their  attentions  (17);  and  Caesar,  who 
had  treated  him  with  extreme  kindness  on  his  ^tum 
trom  Egypt,  signified  the  respect  he  bore  his  characterdS) 

tdr  "  'f'l  ''  condolence  (19)  from  Spain 

where  the  remains  of  the  Pompeian  party  still  engaged 
him  Caesar,  moreover(20),  had  shortly  before  given 
a  still  stronger  proof  of  his  favour,   by  replying  to  a 

Tut  nol^t  .""/''  '""^  "P  ^  praiseTcato; 
but  no  attentions,  however  considerate  (21),  could  soften 
Cicero  s  vexation  (22)  at  seeing  the  cou;try  he  had 
formerly  ^ved  by  his  exertions  now  subjected  to  the 
tyramiy  of  one  master.  His  speeches,  indeed,  for  Mar- 
ceUus  and  Liganus,  exhibit  traces  of  inconsisUcy;  but 
for  the  most  part  he  retired  from  pubHc  business  (23), 

^ir"^"^":^  ^^  ''  '^'  composition  of  those  works 
winch,  while   they  mitigated   his  political  sorrows (24) 
have  secured  (25)  his  literaiy  celebrity  ^     ^' 


(12)   fundus   Antianus.     (13)   alter.     Omit   the  proper   name 

nZT     t^  "'"  -nsolationis.     (16)  causa.  IZ  T^e. 

17    nullum  ...  non  praestare  officium,   or  nulli   officio   deesse 

18)  quanti  eum  (or  ejus  animum  virtutesque)  faceret      ^Z' 

terae  consolatoriae.    (20)  idem     n^,./   ^^^^que;  taceret.     (19)  lit- 

officia   quantumlibet    2ZT'  r2       V  '^''^'  '^'^'     ^''^  """" 
aeirritudinpm      J''^''.'^^^'     (^)   mitigare    cruciatum,   lenire 

carTr      724?.;^^  ^'^^  plerumque  publico 


MttUer,  Exercises. 


21 


322 


Part  m. 


Section  xxi. 


323 


ii 

I'  i 


ill 


• 


M 


No.  235. 

Chapter  IX. 

The   murder   of  Caesar,   which  took   place   in   the 
following  year,  once  more  brought  him  on  the  stage  of 
public   affairs  (1);    but   as   our  present   paper  (2)   is  but 
supplemental (3)  to   the  history  of  the  times,  we  leave 
to  others  to  relate  what  more  has  to  be  told  of  him, 
his  (4)  unworthy  treatment  of  Brutus,  his  coalition  with 
Octavius,  his  orations  against  Antonius,  his  proscription, 
and  his   violent  death,  at  the  age  of  sixty-four.     Wil- 
lingly would  we  (5)   pass   over   his   public   life  (6)   alto- 
gether; for  he  was  as  little  (7)  of  a  great  statesman  as 
of  a  great   commander  (8).     His  merits   are   of  another 
kind   and   in  a  higher   order   of  excellence.     Antiquity 
may  be  challenged  to  produce  (9)  a  man  more  virtuous, 
more  perfectly  amiable  than  Cicero.     None  interest  (10) 
more  in  their  life,  none  excite  more  painful  emotions (11) 
in  their  death.     Others,  it  is  true  (12),  may  be  found 
of  loftier  and  more  heroic  character,  who  awe  (13)  and 
subdue   the   mind  by  the  grandeur  of  their  views  (14), 
or    the    intensity    of   their    exertions  (15).      But    Cicero 
engages  our  affections   by   the   integrity   of  his   public 
conduct,  the  correctness  of  his  private  life,  the  generos- 
ity, placability,  and  kindness  of  his  heart,  the  playful- 
ness (16)  of  his  wit,  the  warmth  of  his  domestic  attach- 
ments (17).    In  this  respect  his  letters  are  invaluable  (18). 


No.  235.  (1)  only  in  scaenam  (scenam)  revocare.  (2)  com- 
mentariolus.  (3)  by  complere.  (4)  The  foil  by  clauses  „how  nn- 
worthily  he  treated  (indignitate  uti  in  aliquem)",  etc.  (5)  malle- 
mus.  (6)  quid  inter  cives  (or  in  civitate)  egerit.  (7)  „a«  little 
—  a«",  nee  —  nee.  (8)  in  magistratibus  —  in  imperiis.  (9)  pro- 
voeare  lieet  antiques  ut  proferant.  (10)  commendationem  habere. 
(11)  vehementius  animos  affieere.  (12)  sane.  (13)  by  rapere. 
(14)  consilium.  (15)  rerum  gerendarum  fortitude.  (16)  jueundi- 
tas.  (17)  pietatis  in  suos  sensus  atque  affectus.  (18)  gravissi- 
mum  argumentum,  xvith  afferre,  or  accord,  to  Gram.  §208.  1. 


Here  says  Middleton,  «we  may  see  the  genuine  (19) 
^  without  disguise  (20)  or  affectation,  i^^^l 
y^  kttens  to  Atticus;  to  whom  he  talked  with  the  l^Z 
frankness  as  to  himself,  opened  the  rise  and  1^ 
oi^h  thought(21);  and  never  entered  into  any  5a J 
■«^^thout  his  particular  advice."  ^ 

It  must   be   confessed,    indeed,    that   this   private 

<5onduct  (23),  and  shows  that  they  were  partly  of  a 
^oral  character  (24).  Want  of  firmness  has  been^repL 
-ily  men^oned  as  his  principal  failing;  and  insinirfty 

mmd  On  the  other  hand  (26),  it  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  opemiess  nnd  candour  are  rare  qualities  (27)  in  a 
«t^tesman   at    all    times,    and    while    the    dupHc  ty   of 

but  craily  mind,  though  incomparably (29)  more  odious 
In^.    •"~'^>^(^^)  -g-ded  with'fL4.  oftZt 

No.  236. 

Chapter  X. 
Cicero  was  deficient,  not  in  honesty,  but  in  moral 
courage  (1);  Ms  disposition,  too,  was  conciliatory  and 
forgiving;  and  much  which  has  been  referred  to  incon- 
sistency should  be  attributed  to  the  generous  temper  (2) 
which  induced  him  to  remember  the  services  i^ther  than 


sUia  vel  imta  vel  suscepta  communicare.   (22)  familiarium  litte 
rarum   conunerciun..      (23)  civiles  rationes.'      24)  ad  l"s  p    - 
Tm.:  T,  °"'-^"'  «<>"J»nct«m  esse.    (25)  6^,  assidue  comitari 
(26)  „e  illud  qmdem.    (27)  Transl.  „are  rarely  found^K    (28)  timid 
nomims  oratio  ambigua      f291   ;««„,■«=   /  *        -u    >      '    .. 

No.  28e.    (1)  animi  firmitas  (=  ,^moral  cmr.-).     (2)  humani- 
tas  (=  „jen.  temp.-).  ^  ' 

21* 


324 


Part  hi. 


n 


•  ■ 

liii; 


1  i 

1   ! 

it 


the  neglect  of  Plancius,  and  to  relieve  the  exiled  and 
indigent  Verres.  Much  too  may  be  traced  to  (3)  his 
professional  habits  as  a  pleader  (4);  which  led  him  to 
introduce  the  licence  of  the  Forum  into  deliberative 
discussions  (5) ,  and  [however  inexcusably  (6)]  even  into 
his  correspondence  with  private  friends. 

Some  writers,  as  Lyttelton,  have  considered  it  an 
aggravation  of  Cicero's  inconsistencies  (7) ,  that  he  wa& 
so  perfectly  aware,  as  his  writings  show,  of  what  wai* 
philosophically  and  morally  upright  and  honest  (8).  It 
might  be  sufficient  to  reply,  that  there  is  a  wide  differ- 
ence between  calmly  deciding  on  an  abstract  point  (9)^ 
and  acting  on  that  decision  (10)  in  the  hurry  of  real 
life  (11);  that  Cicero  in  fact  was  apt  to  fancy  (12)  [as 
all  will  fancy  when  assailed  by  interest  or  passion]  that 
the  circumstances  of  his  case  constituted  it  an  exception 
to  the  broad  principles  of  duty  (13).  Besides,  he  con- 
sidered it  to  be  actually  (14)  the  duty  of  a  statesman 
to  accommodate  theoretical  principle  to  the  exigencies 
of  existing  circumstances  (15).  "Surely  (16),"  he  says  in 
his  defence  of  Plancius,  **it  is  no  mark  of  inconsistency 
in  a  statesman  to  determine  his  judgment  and  to  steer 
his  course  by  the  state  of  the  political  weather.  This 
is  what  I  have  been  taught,  what  I  have  experienced, 


Section  xxi. 


325 


il 


(3)  referre  ad,  or  repetere  a.  (4)  causarum  consuetude  et 
usus.  (5)  fori  licentiam  in  deliberandi  severitatem  introducere, 
transferre.  (6)  hy  excusationem  non  habere.  (7)  inconstantiae 
crimen  augeri.  (8)  ratione  simplex  (sincerum)  et  honestum  in 
moribus.  (9)  rem  quampiam  decidere  communiter,  dijudicare 
generatim.  (10)  ita  ut  decideris  (dijudicaveris).  (11)  vita  com- 
munis, also  res  gerendae,  or  vita  et  negotia.  (12)  alicui  posse 
in  mentem  venire.  (13)  suae  causae  rationem  non  contineri  in 
tanta  amplitudine  officiorum,  or  suam  aliquam  causam  eximi 
debere  e  tanta  etc.  (14)  omnino.  (15)  ,,to  accommodate^'^  etc.y  sen- 
tentias  universas  accommodare  ad  temporum  rationes,  (16)  nee 
vero.    See  Cic,  pro  Plane.  §  94. 


what  I  have  read:  tHs  is  what  is  recorded  in  historv 
of  the  wisest  and  most  eminent  men    whetL  ..^    ^ 

especially   the    part   of  mediator  ^7^    u^  ^^cn 

rivals  ri8V  ar,^  \.        "^    mecuator  (17)    between   political 

upon   Pompey  Hmself    wt    ^^.^  ^   "^""^  *^^ 
of  them."  '         ^^   ^""^    persuading   each 

No.  337. 

2.     Cicero's  Literary  Position  (1)  and  Relation  (2)  to  the 

New  Academy. 

were  not  so  senously  acknowledged  as  to  lead  to   « 
practical  application  of  them  to  the  conduct  oT  life  (6) 

(23)  flagitare.  consilium.     (22)    htteris    missis    ad. 

consSiuf  4U::i"Tcl*'Tl  -*-. -Ptores.     (2)  mihi  est 

error.    (5)  rltioL  et  ieema  i  rS'^  jtrf"  "'^'^'^ 
Pit*     tkA  ',r;*««       i.-  "ioraiia.     (bj  „fo  lead  to  a  vr  annJ  <-i 

"C,   aa  vitae  actionem,   or  ad  roY.i,«,  j  "^  ^  i^f^appi, 

ducere.  '''^'^   gerendarum  modum  tra- 


.1 
■■■J 


.  v.k' 


'■»(♦' 


'■1 


iU 


Mil 


tli 


326 


Pakt  ni. 


Section,  xxi. 


327 


I 


I*'  * 


|ji 


II 


Even  when  they  proposed  them  in  the  form  of  precept  (7), 
they  still  regarded  the  perfectly  virtuous  man  as  the 
creature  of  their  imagination  (8)  rather  than  a  model 
for  imitation— a  character  whonL<9)  it  was  a  mental 
recreation  rather  than  a  duty  to  contemplate;  and  if  an 
individual  here  or  there  (10),  as  Scipio  or  Cato,  attempt- 
ed to  conform  his  Hfe  to  his  phHosophical  conceptions  (11) 
of  virtue,  he  was  sure  to  be  ridiculed  for  singularity 
and  affectation. 

Even  among  the  Athenians,   by   whom   pliilosophy 
was,  in  many  cases,  cultivated  to  the  exclusion  of  every 
active   profession (12),   intellectual   amusement,   not   the 
discovery  of  Truth,   was   the   principal   object   of  their 
discussions  (13).     That  we  must  thus  account  (14)  for  the 
ensnaring  (15)    questions   and   sophistical   reasonings  (16) 
of  which  their  disputations  consisted,  has  been  noticed 
by  writers  on  Logic  (17);  and  it  was  their  extension  of 
this  system  (18)   to   the  case   of  morals   wHch  brought 
upon  their  Sophists  the  irony  of  Socrates  and  the  sterner 
rebuke  of  Aristotle.    But  if  this  took  place  in  a  state 
of  society  in  which  the  love  of  speculation  (19)  pervaded 
all  ranks,  much  more  was  it  to  be  expected  among  the 
Eomans,  who,  busied   as  they  were  in  political  enter- 
prises (20),  and  deficient  in  philosophical  acuteness  (21), 
had  neither  time  nor  inclination  for  abstruse  investiga- 
tions^ and  who  considered  philosophy  simply  as  one  of 
the  many  fashions (22)  introduced  from  Greece,   '^a  sort 

(7)  ly  praeceptorum  formulis,  or  only  praecipiendo.  (8)  quae- 
dam  species  cogitationis ;  also  by  mente  fingere,  and  ad  imitan- 
dum  proponere  (=  ,,mod.  for  imit'').  (9)  cujus  tbrrnam,  or  only 
eumque.  (10)  quod  si  unus  aliquis.  (11)  notio  mente  concepta. 
(12)  omnem  rertim  agitationem  neglegere  (Abl.  absol,).  (13)  dispu- 
tandi  (disceptandi)  finis.  (14)  ab  eo  studio  repetendum  esse. 
(15)  captiosus.  (16)  argumentandi  argutiae.  (17)  dialectica. 
(18)  rationem  transferre  ad.  (19)  disquirendi  studium.  (20)  pu- 
blicis  consiliis  districtum  esse.  (21)  exigua  disserendi  (argu- 
mentandi) subtilitate  praeditum  esse.     (22)  mos  unus  de  multis. 


Of  table  furniture  (23), '»  as  Warburton  well  expresses 
It,  a  mere  refinement  in  the  arts  of  social  enjoyment  (24) 
Tks  character  it  bore  (25)  both  among  Wds  and 
enemies.  Hence  the  popularity  which  attended  the  three 
Athenian  philosophers  who  had  come  to  Bome  on  an 
embassy  from  their  native  city;  and  hence  the  inflexible 
detemination(26)  with  which  Cato  procured  their  dis- 
missal  through  fear,  as  Plutarch  teUs  us,  lest  their 
arts  of  disputation  should  corrupt  the  Roman  youth. 

No.  338. 

Chapter  II. 

And  when  at  length,  by  the  authority  of  Scipio, 
the  horary  treasures  (1)  of  SyUa,  and  the  patronage  of 
LucuUus,   philosophical   studies   had  gradually  received 
the  countenance  (2)  of  the  higher  classes  of  their  coun- 
tr^^en,  still,   in  consistency  with  the  principle  above 
laid  down  (3),  we  find  them  determined  in  their  adoption 
of  this  or  that  system  (4),  not  so  much  by  the  harmony 
of  Its  parts    or  by  the  plausibHity  of  its  reasonings,  as 
by  Its  suitableness  to  (5)   the  particular  profession   Lnd 
pohtical   station  (6)   to   which   they   severally   belonged, 
rhus,  because  the  Stoics  were  more  minute  than  other 
sects  in  inculcating  the  moral  and  social  duties  (7),  we 
hnd  the  Roman  jurisconsults  professing  themselves  foUow- 
ers    ot    Zeno;    the    orators,   on   the   contrary,   adopted 
the  disputatious  system  (8)  of  the  later  Academics;  while 


cultl  r  ?^  '^'  ^^^^  ornamentum  quoddam  ad  vitae 
Srj^  ^""^  ^oluptatem  pertinens.  (25)  speciem  prae  se  ferre. 
[26)  pertmacissimum  studium,  invicta  constantia. 

No.  -38.     (1)  hbrorum  copia.      (2)  alicui  probari  (=    to  rec 

ficientes.  (4)  disciphnam  amplecti.  (5)  congruentiacum.  (6)  vitae 
genus  (munus)  et  civilis  conditio.  (7)  minutius  praeWe  t 
sevenus  urgere  et  privata  officia  et  civilia.  (8)  in  utra™ 
partem  disputandi  ratio,  or  consuetudo.  ^^^ramque 


328 


Part  m. 


:t: 


hi 


h         > 


1- 


Epicurus  was  the  master  of  the  idle  and  the  wealthy. 
Hence,  too,  they  confined (9)  the  profession  of  philoso- 
phical science  to  Greek  teachers;  considering  them  the 
sole  proprietors,  as  it  were,  of  a  foreign  and  expensive 
luxury  (10),  which  the  vanquished  might  suitably  have 
the  duty  (11)  of  furnishing,  and  which  the  conquerors 
could  well  afford  to  purchase  (12). 

Before  the  works (13)  of  Cicero,  no  attempts  worth 
considering  had  been  made  for  using  the  Latin  tongue 
in  philosophical  subjects  (14).  The  natural  stubborn- 
ness (15)  of  the  language  conspired  wdth  Roman  haught- 
iness to  prevent  this  application.  The  Epicureans, 
indeed,  had  made  the  experiment,  but  their  writings 
were  even  affectedly  (16)  harsh  and  slovenly  (17),  and  we 
find  Cicero  himself,  in  spite  of  his  inexhaustible  flow 
of  rich  and  expressive  diction  (18),  making  continual 
apologies  (19)  for  his  learned  occupations,  and  extolling 
philosophy  as  the  parent  of  everything  great,  virtuous, 

and  amiable. 

Yet,  with  whatever  discouragement  (20)  his  design 
was  attended,  he  ultimately  (21)  triumphed  over  the 
pride  of  an  unlettered  people,  and  the  difficulties  of  a 
defective  (22)  language.  He  was  indeed  possessed  of 
that  first  requisite  for  eminence  (23),  an  enthusiastic 
attachment  (24)  to  the  studies  he  was  recommending. 
But,  occupied  as  he  was  with  the  duties  of  a  states- 
man (25),  mere   love   of  Literature   would   have   availed 


(9)  by  a  soils  tradi  velle.  (10)  merx  quaedam.  (11)  decere 
atque  oportere.  (12)  commode  emere  posse.  (13)  by  scribere 
coepisse.  (14)  ad  philosophiae  praeceptiones  transferre.  (15)  ri- 
gidior  natura,  or  quaedam  asperitas.  (16)  de  industria.  (17)  hor- 
ridus  ac  dissolutus.  (18)  ornatissimae  ac  maxima  propriae  dic- 
tionis  copia  abundare.  (19)  defensitare.  (20)  quidquid  difficultatis 
occurrebat.  (21)  aliquando  contigit  ut.  (22)  inops.  (23)  pri- 
mus ille  magnarum  rerum  effector.  (24)  ardentissimus  amor. 
(25)  officia  (negotia)  publica. 


I 


Section  xxi. 


329 


little  if  separated  (26)  from  that  energy  and  breadth  of 
intellect  by  which  he  was  enabled  to  pursue  a  variety 
of  objects  at  once,  with  equally  persevering  and  inde- 
fatigable zeal  (27). 

No.  239. 

Chapter  ni. 

"He  suffered  no   part   of  his   leisure   to   be   idle  " 
says  Middleton,  "or  the  least  interval  of  it  to  be  lost(l)- 
but (2)  what  other  people  gave  to  the  public  shows,  to 
pleasures,  to  feasts,  nay,  even  to  sleep  and  the  ordinary 
refreshments    of  nature  (3),    he    generaUy  gave    to   h^ 
books,  and  the  enlargement  of  his  knowledge.    On  days 
of  business  (4),  when  he  had  anything  particular  (5)  to 
compose,  he  had  no  other  time  for  meditating  but  when 
he  was  taking  a  few  turns  in  his  walks  (6),  where  he 
used  to  dictate  his  thoughts  to  his  scribes  who  attended 
him.     We   find   many   of   his    letters    dated  (7)    before 
daylight,  some  from  the  senate,  others  from  his  meals 
and  the  crowd  of  his  morning  levee  (8)."    Thus  he  found 
tune  (9),   without   apparent   inconvenience  (10),   for   the 
business  of  the  State,  for  the  turmoil  of  the  courts(ll) 
and  for  philosophical  studies.    During  his  Consulate  he 
deLvered   twelve   orations   in   the  Senate,  Rostrum,  or 
Forum  (12).    His  Treatises  de  Oratore  and  de  BepublM, 
the  most  finished  (13)  perhaps  of  his  compositions,  were 


plectf^  ^  '"'""^"    ^^'^  *'"^^"'  constantia  ac  perseverantia  com- 

^<>^  J*"if'"  ^^^  *'^'  excidere.  Omit  „to  be  idle",  and  „of  W\ 
ILnt  ^r^T"""."  V  ""■^°"'  refectioues.  4)  hy  the  Adj.  nego- 
tiosus  (o)  ahqmd  htterarum.  (6)  paullisper  ambulare  in  por- 
tico. (7)  subscnbere.  (8)  mane  inter  turbas  salutatorum,  or  only 
nter  matutmas  salutationes.  (9)  suum  tempus  attribuere  alicui. 
(10  nullo  officio  neglecto.  (U)  judiciorum  altercationes.  (12)  if 
dMfroMthe  Forum  Bom.,  hy  (Plur.  fora,o.)  judicia.  (13  qui- 
bus  nihil  pohtius,  etc.  ^    J  'i^^ 


I 


330 


Pakt  ni. 


::<!,, 


I 

u 


written  at  a  time  when,  to  use  his  own  words,  "not  a 
day  passed  without  his  taking  part  in  forensic  dis- 
putes (14)".  And  in  the  last  year  of  his  life  he  com- 
posed at  least  eight  of  his  philosophical  works,  besides 
the  fourteen  orations  against  Antony,  which  are  known 
by  the  name  of  Philippics. 

Being  thus  ardent  in  the  cause  (15)  of  philosophy, 
he  recommended  it  to  the  notice  (16)  of  his  countrymen, 
not  only  for  the  honour  which  its  introduction  (17) 
would  reflect  upon  himself  (which  of  course  was  a  mo- 
tive with  him),  but  also  with  the  fondness  of  one  who 
esteemed  it  "the  guide  of  life,  the  parent  of  virtue,  the 
guardian  (18)  in  difficulty,  and  the  tranquillizer  in  mis- 
fortune". Nor  were  his  mental  endowments  less  adapt- 
ed to  the  accomplishment  of  his  object  (19)  than  the 
spirit  (20)  with  which  he  engaged  in  the  work.  Gifted 
with  great  versatility  of  talent  (21),  with  acuteness, 
quickness  of  perception,  skill  (22)  in  selection,  art  in  ar- 
rangement, fertility  (23)  of  illustration,  warmth  of  fan- 
cy (24),  and  extraordinary  taste  (25),  he  at  once  seizes 
upon  the  most  effective  (26)  parts  of  his  subject,  places 
them  in  the  most  striking  point  of  view  (27),  and  ar- 
rays (28)  them  in  the  liveliest  (29)  and  most  inviting  (30) 
colours. 

(14)  „/o  take  p.  in  for.  disp.'^,  pro  reo  dicere.  (15)  studiosissi- 
mum  patronum  se  praestare.  (16)  cognitioni  proponere.  (17)  tan- 
quam  civitate  donata.  (18)  quae  et  praesidinm  afferret  in  .  .  . 
et  tranquillitatem  in . . .  (19)  consilium.  (20)  alacritas  (studium- 
que).  (21)  ingenium  varium  ac  multiplex,  also  quasi  agilitas 
ingenii.  (22)  sollertia.  (23)  copia.  (24)  cogitandi,  or  fingendi 
quidam  ardor.  (25)  judicandi  sagacitas  singularis.  (26)  SuperL 
of  eminens,  with  quisque.  (27)  tanquam  lumen  clarissimum. 
(28)  by  pingere.    (29)  acer.    (30)  suavis.  - 


Section  xxi. 


331 


No.  240. 

Chapter  IV. 
His  writings  have   the  singular  felicity  of  combin- 
uig  (1)  bnlhancy  of  execution  (2)  with  never-failing  good 
sense(3)     It  xnust  be  allowed  that  he  is  deficient  in 
depth  (4);   that  he   skims  (5)   over  rather  than  dives  (6) 
into   the  subjects  of  which  he  treats;   that  he  had  too 
great  command  of  the  plausible  (7)   to  be  a  patient  in- 
vestigator or  a  sound  reasoner.    Yet  if  he  (8)  has  less 
ongumhty  of  thought  (9)   than  others,  if  he  does  not 
grapple  (10   with  his  subject,  if  he  is  unequal  to  a  re- 
gular and  lengthened  disquisition  (11),  if  he  is  frequent- 
ly mconsistent  in  his  opinions,  we  must  remember  that 
mere  soundness  of  view,  without  talent  for  display  (12) 
has  few  recommendations  for  those  who  have  not  yet 
imbibed  a  taste  even  for  the  outward  form  (13)  of  know- 
ledge, that  system  nearly  precludes  freedom,  and  depth(14) 
almost   impHes   obscurity.    It  wa«   this  very  absence  of 
scientific  exactness  (15)  which  constituted  in  Eoman  eyes 
a  principal  charm  (16)  of  Cicero's  compositions. 

Nor  must  his  profession  as  a  pleader  (17)  be  for- 
gotten in  enumerating  the  circumstances  which  con- 
curred to  give  his  writings  their  peculiar  character  (18) 
For,  however  his  design  of  interesting  (19)  his  country- 
men in  Greek  literature,  however  too  his  particular  line 
of  talent  (20),  may  have  led  him  to  explain  rather  than 

Xo.  240.    (1)  felicissime  conjungere.   (2)  omatissimae  dictio- 
ms  lumina.     (3)  sententiarum  inexhansta  (semper  affluens)  va- 

ZVvrK^^  •     (°) '1«"'"''«-     (6)  exhaurire  aliquid.    (7)  ita 

probabihbus  argmnentis  abundare  ut.  (8)  qui  si.  (9)  vis  in- 
gem>  ac  fecunditas.  (10)  versare  ao  pertentare  aliquid.  (11)  to 
be  unequal"  ek    ordinare  ac  producere  institutam  disquisitionem 

dH^''  ,  -W-'l.''^"^  f-^-lt^^-  (13)  externa  species.  (14)  sub- 
tilitas.  (lo)  h,  scentiae  acumine  carere.  (16)  Bomani  imprimis 
delectabautur  (17)  consuetude  forensis  (=  ^„f.  as  a  pl.^). 
(18  propnetatem  imprimere.  (19)  commendare  alicui  aliquid. 
(20)  ipsius  ingenii  inclinatio.  ^ 


if 


332 


Pabt  ni. 


A) 
( 


J 

I. 


111 


to  invent;  yet  he  expressly  (21)  informs  us  it  was  prin- 
cipally with  a  view  to  his  own  improvement  in  Oratory 
that  he  devoted  himself  to  philosophical  studies.  This 
induced  him  to  undertake  successively  (22)  the  cause  (23) 
of  the  Stoic,  the  Epicurean,  or  the  Platonist,  as  an 
exercise  (24)  for  his  powers  of  argumentation;  while  the 
wavering  and  unsettled  state  of  mind  (25),  occasioned  by 
such  habits  of  disputation,  led  him  in  his  pei^onal 
judgment  to  prefer  the  sceptical  tenets  (26)  of  the  New 
Academy. 

Yet  he  was  never  (27)  so  entirely  a  disciple  of  the 
New  Academy  as  to  neglect  the  claims  (28)  of  morality 
and  the  laws.  He  is  loud  in  his  protestations  (29)  that 
truth  is  the  great  object  of  his  search:  "For  my  own 
part,  if  I  have  applied  myself  especially  to  this  philo- 
sophy, through  any  love  of  display  (30)  or  pleasure  in 
disputation,  I  should  condemn  not  only  my  folly,  but 
my  moral  condition  (31).  And,  therefore,  unless  it  were 
absurd,  in  an  argument  like  this  (32),  to  do  what  is 
sometimes  done  in  political  discussions  (33),  I  would 
swear  by  Jupiter  and  the  divine  (34)  Penates  that  I  burn 
with  a  desire  of  discovering  the  truth,  and  really  believe 
what  I  am  saying." 

No.  341. 

Chapter  V. 

And,  however  inappropriate  (1)  this  boast  may  ap- 
pear, he  at  least  pursues  the  useful  and  the  magnificent 


(21)  ipse.  (22)  by  modo  —  modo  —  modo.  (23)  personam 
sustinere.  (24)  ut  tentaret  quid  —  posset.  (25)  animi  fluctuatio 
atque  inconstantia.  (26)  dubitationes  sequi.  (27)  neque  vero 
unquam.  (28)  praecepta.  (29)  profiteri  atque  testari.  (30)  osten- 
tatione  aliqua  adductus.  (31)  mores  et  natura.  (32)  talis  dis- 
putatio.    (33)  quum  disceptatur  de.    (34)  dii. 

No.  241.  (1)  immoderatior,  alienior.  y,And  —  thi8^\  Gram, 
^  238.  6. 


Section  xxi. 


333 


in  philosophy;  and  uses  his  academic  character  as  a 
pretext  rather  (2)  for  a  judicious  selection  fZ  each 
sys  em  than  for  an  indiscriminate  rejection  of  aU     is 

tance(4)  of  doctrines  which,  as  an  orator (5),  he  does 
not  scruple  to  deride;  those  of  Zeno  in  ^JiLl^:^  tl 
maintained  the  truth  of  the  popular  theology  (6)  Ind 
the  divine  origin  of  augury,  and  (as  we  notSraboT^ 
was  more  explicit  (7)  than  the  other  masters  in  4  S 
of  social  duty.  This  difference  of  sentiment  Tetw^n 
the  magistrate  and  the  pleader  (8)  is  strikingly  iUustrlted 
m  the   opening  (9)   of  his   treatise  de  Le^L    tCe 

demtrihn  "  ^^'^  ''  ^'^  quarter  (11)  of  the  Aca- 
demies,  whose  reasomngs  he  feels  could  at  once  destroy 
the  foundation  on  which  his  argument  rested.  ^^My 
^eatise  hroughout(12)",  he  says,  "aims  at  the  strengthen"^ 

f^fe  to?  .  """^^  ^''^'''  '^  P^^P^--  I  dread  There- 
fore to  lay  down  (13)  any  but  well  considered  and  care- 
fully examined  principles;  I  do  not  say  principles  wtSi 
are   universally   received  (14),    for   none    are  Lh     but 

virtue   to   be  desirable   for  its  own  sake,   and  nothing 
whatever  to  be  good,    or  at  least  a  great  good,   w2 
IS  not  in  Its  own  nature(15)  praiseworthy."    These  Tmo 
sophei.  are  the  Stoics;  and  then,  apparently  alS  ngae) 


tur  .^'^  tu^t'ur^st  r^^^^*":/^*-«  -'  -bi  -linqui  videa- 
lur  .  .  .  quam   ut.     (3)   m   republica   (=  Jn  the  can  nf  n  o/un 

d  ir:z;r^'^-  ^^^--^^  ^^:i^^ 

accommodatns     %\       ■     •  ^  ^  "^^  magistratibus  vel  causis 

accommodatus.     (9)   pnncipium,    w  prima  pars,      ao)   summ» 
praecepta.     (H)  venian.  petere.     (12)  omnis  nostra  olatio'S 


i 


334 


Pakt  III. 


i 


li!" 


to  the  arguments  of  Cameades  against  justice,  which 
he  had  put  into  the  mouth  (17)  of  Philus  in  the  tliird 
book  of  his  de  Eepuhlicdj  he  proceeds:  "As  to  (18)  the 
Academy,  which  puts  the  whole  subject  into  utter  con- 
fusion (19),  I  mean  the  New  Academy  of  Arcesilas  and 
Cameades,  let  us  persuade  it  to  hold  its  peace.  For, 
should  it  make  an  inroad  (20)  upon  the  views  which 
we  consider  we  have  so  skilfully  put  into  shape  (21),  it 
will  make  an  extreme  havoc  (22)  of  them.  The  Academy 
I  cannot  conciliate,  and  I  dare  not  ignore  (23)." 

And  as,  in  questions  connected  with  the  interests 
of  society  (24),  he  thus  uniformly  advocates  the  tenets  (25) 
of  the  Porch,  so  in  discussions  of  a  physical  character  (26) 
we  find  him  adopting  the  sublime  and  glowing  (27)  sen- 
timents of  Pythagoras  and  Plato.  Here,  however,  hav- 
ing no  object  of  expediency  in  view  to  (28)  keep  him 
within  the  bounds  of  consistency,  he  scruples  not  (29)  to 
introduce  whatever  is  most  beautiful  in  itself  (30),  or 
most  adapted  to  his  present  purpose. 

No.  243. 

Chapter  VL 

At  one  time(l)  he  describes  the  Deity  as  the  all- 
pervading  Soul (2)  of  the  world,  the  cause  of  life  and 
motion;  at  another  He  is  the  intelligent  Preserver  and 
Governor  of  every  separate  part.    At  one  time  the  soul 


(17)  utentem  (usum)  inducere  (facere).  (18)  Transl,  „Let  us 
persuade  (exorare,  ut)  the  Acad.''  etc.  (19)  perturbare.  (20)  in- 
vadere  in.  (21)  scite  instruere  et  componere.  (22)  ruinas  edere. 
(23)  submovere.  Cfr.  Ck.  de  Legg.  I  L  ch.  IS.  (24)  ad  civilem 
societatem  pertinere,  or  rempublicam  attingere.  (25)  only  con- 
fagere  ad.  (26)  Adj.  naturalis.  (27)  grandior  atque  luculentior 
(ardentior).  (28)  in  quibus  quum  sit  nulla  ratio  utilitatis,  qua. 
(29)  Gram.  §  250.  3.  1.    (30)  per  se. 

No.  242.  (1)  „a#  me  time  ,  .  .  at  another ^^,  etc.,  modo  .  .  . 
modo  ...    (2)  mens  omnia  pervadens  et  quasi  anima. 


SbCTIOX    XXI. 


335 


of  man  is  in  its  own  nature  necessarily  eternal,  without  (3) 
begimnng  or  end  of  existence  (4);  at  another  it  is  reprt 

^int(6);  at  another  it  is  to  enter  (7)  the  assembly  of 
the  Gods,  or  to  be  driven  into  darkne^,  according  to 

te  moral  conduct  in  this  Hfe(8);  at  another,  it  is  only 
in  it«  best  and  greatest  specimens  (9)  destined  for  immor- 
atnL'^Tr''  '^'^'^^  inunor^ality  is  described  as 
Iv  frfpS  "^'^^^'^^'^^^^^  -nd  the  continuance  of  earth- 
ly friendships  (11);  sometimes  as  but  an  immortality  of 

Though  the  works  of  Aristotle  were  not  iven  to 

t:':T^  f  '^"^'^  ^^^^  ^-  Greece    Cfirap^ 
pears  to  have  been  a  considerable  proficient  in  his  philo- 

it   S:  T  .      t'  """^  "^^^^^^^^^(1^)  the  important  aid 

affords   in   those   departments   of  science   which    are 

ahke(lo)  removed  from  abstract  reasoning  and  fanciful 

theonzmg(  6).     To  Aristotle  he  is  indebted  for  most  of 

m^v  b!^.       7TZr  ^^'"^  ^^*  ^  ^'^  '^  ^«  remarks 
may  be  traced  to(17)  the  same  acute  philosopher. 

The  doctrines  of  the  Garden  (18)  alone,  though  some 

of  his  most  intimate  friends  were  of  the  Epicurean^  Jool 

of  inrretflpT'  '""^""  ^^'  ^^^^^^^^^  '^^^^  -  - 
of  nterest  (19   in  a  system  which  cut  at  the  very  root(20) 

4usqu?rrw  S/n ";  "^i*  ""•  ^'^  ^^^  ^*^^  -  -— 

ujusque  ratione.    (9)  hy  Superl.  with  quisque     ClO^  in^P     (^^\  ^  - 
strnae   amicitiae   propagatio,   or  perleS      (mLJ    ^  ^ 
quamvis   diversa.     (13)   v^v^tafcJ^   (^  t    ^    i  ''^'''^ 

(15)  et  et  na\^'-\     ^^^^   ^   P^^be   perspicere. 

as     (17)' Trlsl  *  'he  W    ^"^^^^^^  '^^*^^^  ''  '^'^^^^  '^^^- 

Zr  riT/'       ^''''^'f  *^  ^.").    (19)  .to  feel  int.^^,  Led  J 
capi.     (20)  tanquam  radicitus  evellere  pt  «ni«,;c.       /  *'''''^"' 

atque  succidere.  °''^'   "'^^'^  enervare 


336 


Pabt  ni. 


Section  xxi. 


which  (21)  he  himself  both  in  public  and  private  was  so 
honourably  distinguished. 

Such  then  was  the  New  Academy,  and  such  the 
variation  of  opinion  which,  in  Cicero's  judgment,  was 
not  inconsistent  with  the  profession  of  an  Academic. 
And,  however  his  adoption  of  that  philosophy  may  be 
in  part  referred  (22)  to  his  oratorical  habits,  or  his  natur- 
al cast  of  mind  (23),  yet,  considering  the  ambition  which 
he  felt  to  inspire  (24)  his  countrymen  with  a  taste  for 
literature  and  science,  we  must  conclude  with  Warburton 
that,  in  acceding  to  the  system  of  Philo,  he  was  strong- 
ly influenced  by  the  freedom  of  thought  and  reasoning(25) 
which  it  allowed  to  his  literary  works  (26),  the  liberty 
of  illustrating  the  principles  and  doctrines  (27),  the  strong 
and  weak  parts,  of  every  Grecian  school  (28). 

No.  243. 

3.  Peculiarity  of  Cicero's  Discussions  (1). 
His  Rhetorical  "Works. 
Bearing  then  in  mind  (2)  his  design  of  recommending 
the  study  of  philosophy,  it  is  interesting  to  observe  (3) 
the  artifices  of  style  and  manner  which,  with  this  end  (4), 
he  adopted  in  his  treatises;  and  though  to  enter  mi- 
nutely into  this  subject  would  be  foreign  to  our  present 


337 


(21)  qiiibus  virtutibus,  or  quarum  virtutum  laude.  (22)  Transl. 
,,But  tJiough  (etsi)  he  teas  led  (adduci)  to  the  adoption'^  etc,  „by  his 
oratorical  hah.  (oratoria  consuetude)"  etc.  (23)  inclinatio  animae 
ac  naturae.  (24)  tamen  quum  vehementer  vellet  (maxime  cupe- 
ret)  imbuere  studio  .  .  .  (25)  opinandi  ac  ratiocinandi  licentia. 
(26)  hy  scribenti  datur,  offertur.  (27)  Latinis  litteris,  or  dispu- 
tando  illustrare  sententias  ac  disciplinas  sive  graves  sive  infir- 
mas.     Omit  ^parfs^^.    (28)  secta. 

No.  243.  (1)  dicendi  artificia,  disserendi  modi.  Either  de, 
or  quibus  .  .  usus  sit  (quae,  07-  quos  .  .  adhibuerit).  (2)  si  spec- 
tamus.  (3)  admiramur  profecto,  quibus  .  .  usus  sit.  Gram, 
§  238.  o.    (4)  ad  earn  rem  perficiendam. 


were  undertaken  ''  ""  ^^'""^  ^W 

them  are  conveyed     PUt.      a^^^       ^^""^  "^^st  of 

before  his  tim7  been^ve^'  T      'l  "^^  ""^"^P^^^'  ^H 

their  -positionsrbri;;^^^^^^ 

the  sentiments  of  an  individuS  nm  ,  1  ''"'^'^''^ 
-de  of  argument  could  har^^^'  '  ^;^  ^^I  '"^^'° 
other  shape.  Of  that  interrogative  and  If  .-'^  """^ 
versation(ll),  however,  Cicero  Si  but  fewT  "°"" 
the  nature  of  his  diaIoimen5)^  T  ^^^  specimens; 

that  of  the  two  AttSn  as^  ^"^  "  f  """'"*  '^'"^ 
writing.  His  aim  WI4T  <!  "\^""  ^'  '^^'''  '^ 
availed  himself  of  tMs  i.!2  ,  """"'^  ''''^'''''  ^""^  ^e 
and  variety  (  5)  Ihfeir?'  °'. -^^.^P^^^*--  ^r  the  Hfe 
it  gave  to'L  Vst   o,;  S;?  ffi^^         ^^^°-  -^-'^ 

Mnds:  accoKling  ns(17)^f  ^bi^^  oMtTbll^^^ 
under  controversvHfi^    ;*■  «  ^^  it}  is  beyond  or 

^^"versy(^i«j^  it  assumes  the  shanp  nf  o 
tinned   treatise  riQ^     nv   «    ^         i-  ^     ^*  ^  ^^^^ 

coUoquentes  inducere  «i,7«.  i  T  .  ^'  ^  ^Hws  inter  se 
arte  oratoria.  (^ad  ;c;f  r**'"'  '  ^'  P^-'o^ophia.  Add  et  de 
(10)  unus  sapiens  (l^ZTo  '=~'"'J'°«'-  P^opius  accedere. 
sem,onis.     ([3)  oia.^nu   dS^^S  ''"^"^  •"^-*-    ^2)  forn.a 

acmovere,  etc.    olit  tLf^    a^''     7vTT  ^''''"'''  ^^"«* 
orationis.     (16)     „•*,•,./,  u  „7   'f  .•"     ^    ^  alacntas  ac  varietas 

(17)  si  enim  l^n  mJ'l  '^•"'  ""'^  <ii-eptationis. 
(19)  perpetu:  traLte  perj  i."S,  -ntroversia™  vel  secus. 
Jy  disputando  digeri  atqueTcu  ^  (SinXT  ^'""*'"^'  ''^ 
^r»le,•",  atque  ita  vel  .       vel     <-?-?^         !  ""' '^■■-  '"  *^ 

Muner,  Exercise.  '  "  '     ^  °™''*"-^'   ^P'^^^or,  dignitas. 

22 


:j| 


H 


338 


Part  in. 


i.r 


I!  ^ 


practical  and   systematic   treatises  (23)   on   rhetoric   and 
moral  duty,  when  not  written  in  his  own  person  (24), 
are  merely   divided   between   several   speakers  who  are 
the  mere  organs  (25)  of  liis  own  sentiments;  wliile(26) 
in  questions  of  a  more  speculative  cast  (27) ,  on  the  na- 
ture of  the  gods,  on  the  human  soul,  on  the  greatest 
good,  he  uses  his  academic  liberty,  and  brings  forward 
the  theories  of  contending  schools  under  the  character 
of  their  respective  advocates  (28).    The  advantages  gain- 
ed in  both  cases  by  the  form  of  dialogue  are  evident. 
In  controverted  subjects  he  is  not  obliged  to   discover 
his  own  views,   he  can  detail  opposite  arguments  forci- 
bly and  luminously  (29),   and  he  is  allowed  the  use   of 
those  oratorical  powers  in  which,    after   all,   his   great 
strength  (30)  lay.     In  those  subjects,  on  the  other  hand, 
which  are  uninteresting  because  they  are   familiar,   he 
may  pause  (31)  or  digress  before  the  mind  is  weary  and 
the  attention  begins  to  flag  (32);    the  reader  is  carried 
on  by  easy  journeys  and  short  stages  (33),   and  novelty 
in  the  speaker  supplies  the  want  of  (34)  novelty  in  the 
matter. 

No.  244. 

Chapter  II. 

Nor  does  Cicero  discover  less  skill  in  the  execution(l) 
of  these  dialogues  than  address  in  their  method  (2).  It 
were  idle  to  enlarge  upon  the  beauty,  richness (3),  and 
taste  (4)  of  compositions  which  have  been  the  admiration 
of  every  age  and  country.  In  the  dignity  of  his  speakers, 

(23)  quum  praecipit  atque  ordine  plura  exponit  de.  (24)  by 
suis  verbis  iiti.  (25)  interpres.  (26)  contra.  (27)  diligent  ius 
investigare  {Part,  of  neces8.\  or  by  a  clause  ^jtchich  are  of'''  etc.  (acrio- 
rem  disceptationem  habere).  (28)  suo  cuique  defensore  attributo 
(=  ,,under  the  char,  of"'  etc.).  (29)  vim  lumenque  afferre  singulis 
etc.  (30)  vis  ingenii  summa.  (31)  cessare  licet.  (32)  flaccescere. 
(33)  processus,  or  progressus  {Plur.)    (34)  compensare. 

No.  244.    (1)  compositio.     (2)  conformatio.    Omit  ^nddress"^. 
(3)  ornatus.    (4)  temperatio. 


Section  xxi. 


339 


their  high  tone  of  mutual  courte^vf^^    ^^.    i. 

tis  groups  (6),  and  the  dehcate  S^^^   ?"  ^'"^"^^  ^^ 

he   is  inimitable  (8).     The  mlst^^^^ 

introductions,  wlich  genLuf  1/       !?^^'^  '^  ^' 

the  passions  ^r  the  im^a^n  1^^^^^^^^^^  '^ 

which   both   sides   of  ^^'^''^?'^^^^'  *^^  eloquence  with 

Plaved  (U)    I      1  ^''''^'''''    '""^    successively   dis- 

of   the    supposed  (15)    conversatL     1,       T  *""^ 

praise  (16)   of  ^hLso^l^roT'^'^    J^""'''".  '"^ 
from  Grecian  it,,!  T?^  ^7      ^'  ^^  quotations 

and  f.Z::;i^ZeTlT'^''^;  lastly,  the  melody 
charm  round  his^itint^  ^'  r'''''  *°  ^^''^^d^)  a 
the  Eoman  reader  Thel^  ^1^"  ''  themselves.  To 
selves  by  th^r  contilZ  T'"^  recommended  them- 
tn   tl,.  i  ^^tinual  and  most  artful  references  fSO^ 

to   the   heroes  of  the  old  renubl.V    wl,^     "^rences  (^0) 

but  exemplars,  and  (as  it  wXf    1  T"^  ^^^'^'^^ 

philosophy    which   1 !   1    7ri  P^*''''^  °^  *'^*  ^*«rn«l 

-n.     Nor  is  there rr^otilifnTrrf^'?"^"^^ 

(V)  cont  Jo  J.?  :::^:":LLrT::z-%^^  '=°"^^^^"'^- 

possit   imitari?    Quid  dicam  de  ,"P*'°-     ^^^  «"'«  est  qui 

&ram.  ^'  mr.  J,  o,-  S  S88  1     (m^  i'     ^'   •'<=*'°'»'°<'datum   esse. 

atque   abditae.    (141   notatm    T\      ■  '    ^^^^  ""e*  retrusae 

usui-patio,  or  testimouiorum  !  ^/^  '  '"  -f-  >    d^)  poetarum 
quasi  sonus  oratio  Js  Tlnur       '""*""*'°-    ^^'^  Vl^rn^si^r.. 

perfundere  aliquid.    (20)  laurt'io     rai/    '  •'."""'l'^'*^*«  q^^dam 
futile  fluxumque  commentum     %2     L       "^  ^'^^'^-^'  or 

usquam  perturbatum  cT  *"''  "'"  ''"'  '''  'i^^l^^"^ 

22* 


I' 

I 


340 


Part  m. 


II.' 


various  beauties  we  have  been  enumerating,  which  (23) 
are  blended  together  with  so  much  skill  and  propriety  (24), 
that  it  is  sometimes  difficult  to  point  out  the  particular 
sources  of  the  admiration  which  they  inspire. 

The  series  of  his  rhetorical  works  has  been  preserved 
nearly  complete,  and  consists (25)  of  the  De  Invent ione, 
De  Oratore,  Brutus  sive  de  clans  Orator ilncs^  Orator  site 
de  optinio  genere  Dicendi,  De  paHitio7ie  Oratoridy  TopicOy 
and  de  optimo  genere  Oratorum.  The  last -mentioned, 
which  is  a  fragment  (26) ,  is  understood  to  have  been 
the  proem  to  his  translation  (now  lost)  of  the  speeches 
of  Demosthenes  and  ^Ischines,  De  Corona.  These  he 
translated  with  the  view  of  defending,  by  the  example 
of  the  Greek  orators,  his  own  style  of  eloquence  (27), 
which,  as  we  shall  afterwards  find,  the  critics  of  the 
day  (28)  censured  as  too  Asiatic  in  its  character  (29); 
and  hence  the  proem,  which  still  survives,  is  on  the 
subject  of  the  Attic  style  of  oratory.  This  composi- 
tion (30)  and  his  abstracts  (31)  of  his  own  orations  are 
his  only  rhetorical  works (32)  not  extant,  and  probably 
our  loss  is  not  very  great.  The  Treatise  mi  Ehetork, 
addressed  to  Herennius  (33),  though  edited  \^ath  his 
works,  and  ascribed  to  him  by  several  of  the  ancients, 
is  now  generally  (34)  attributed  to  Comifi^cius,  or  some 
other  writer  of  the  day. 


(23)  Transl  ,fiut  (sed)  they'',  (24)  tarn  apte  atque  accommo- 
date. (25)  exstat  .  .  numerus  paene  contiimus;  qui  sunt  .  .  . 
(26)  by  non  integer.  (27)  suum  dicendi  genus.  (28)  only  aequales. 
(29)  pro  Asiatico  reprehendere.  (30)  commentatio.  (31)  adum- 
brationes  quaedam.  (32)  scripta  rhetorica.  (33)  is  autem  liber, 
qui  Herennio  inscribitur  estque  de  Inventione  oratoria  .  .  . 
(34)  a  plerisque. 


Section  xxi. 


341 


Jfo.  245. 

Chapter  III. 

The  works,  which   we   have   enumernfprl 
the  art  of  rhetonV  in   A'^       .       enumerated,   consider 
VI  rnetoric  in  different  points  of  viewm    a..A 

<iivision  i,   fourfold    2  '     .^^  j  "'''»'"'"•  "" 

question.     The   arf   nf  fV,„  i        j  k  '^j  m  cauea  m 

■Lir^t..  ,1.     A  ^   ^P^^^""  ^   directed   to   five 

tio)     n9\  i  "     "'*''  J"dicatio,  dehberatio,  laudatio  fdescrin 

ne  ne  au   "  7^:^'^?  T^'"^''^''  •^"''^"'-  ^^  -"^ 
do)  ly  a  Mat.  cla,^.-  q„ib„3,  „^  ^^,^^^^^^  ^^^^  proW 


342 


Part  in. 


I 


parts:   introduction,  statement  of  the  case,  division  of 
the  subject,  proof,  refutation,  and  conclusion. 

His  treatises  De  Inventmie  and  Toinca^  the  first 
and  nearly  the  last  of  his  compositions,  are  both  on  the 
invention  of  arguments,  which  he  regards,  with  Aristotle, 
as  the  very  foundation  of  the  art;  though  he  elsewhere 
confines  the  term  eloquence,  according  to  its  deriva- 
tion (16),  to  denote  excellence  of  diction  and  deliver}^, 
to  the  exclusion  of  argumentative  skill  (17).  The  former 
of  these  works  was  written  at  the  age  of  twenty,  and 
seems  originally  to  have  consisted  of  four  books,  of 
which  but  two  remain.  In  the  first  of  these  he  considers 
rhetorical  (18)  invention  generally,  supplies  commonplaces 
for  the  six  parts  of  an  oration  promiscuously  (19),  and 
gives  a  full  analysis  (20)  of  the  two  forms  of  argument, 
syllogism  (21)  and  induction.  In  the  second  book  he 
applies  these  rules  particularly  to  the  three  subject- 
matters  of  rhetoric (22) ,  the  deliberative,  the  judicial, 
and  the  descriptive,  dwelling  principally  on  the  judicial, 
as  afibrding  the  most  ample  field  for  discussion  (23). 


No.  246. 

Chapter  IV. 

This  treatise  seems  for  the  most  part  compiled  (1) 
from  the  writings  of  Aristotle,  Isocrates,  and  Herma- 
goras;  and  as  such  he  alludes  to  it  (2)  in  the  opening 
of  his  De  Oratore  as  deiicient  in  the  experience  (3)  and 
judgment  which    nothing    but    time    and    practice   can 

(16)  ipsa  origine  sic  circumscribi  dicit  ut . . .  (17)  removere 
argumentandi  sollertiam  {Abl.  absd.}.  In  the  fdl.  omit  „OfiginaUy^K 
(18)  oratorius,  (19)  conjuncte  proponere  (=r  „to  supply  promisauMS- 
ly").  (20)  enucleate,  accurate  expUcare.  (21)  ratiocinatio.  (22)  ge- 
nera dicendi,  genera  causarum.  (23)  ampliorem  habere  discep- 
tationem. 

No.  246.  (1)  mutuari  (Depon.).  (2)  atque  haec  causa,  est 
cur  eadem  ab  ipso  dicatur,    (3)  carere  usn. 


r*-. 


Section  xxi. 


343 


impart (4).  Still  it  is  an  entertaining (5) ,  nay,  useful 
work;  remarkable,  even  among  Cicero's  writings  for 
Its  uniform  good  sense  (6),  and  less  familiar  to  (7)  the 
scholar  only  because  the  greater  part  has  been  super- 
seded (8)  by  the  compositions  of  his  riper  years. 

His  Tojnca,  or  treatise  on  commonplaces,  has  less 
extent  and  variety  of  plan  (9),  being  little  else  than  a 
compendium  of  Aristotle's  work  on  the  same  subject. 
It  was,  as  he  informs  us  in  its  proem,  drawn  up  from 
memory (10)  on  his  voyage  from  Italy  to  Greece,  soon 
after  Caesar's  murder,  and  in  compliance  with  the 
wishes  of  Trebatius,  who  had  some  time  before  urged 
him  to  undertake  the  translation. 

Cicero  seems  to  have  intended  (11)  his  De  Oratore 
De  Claris  Oratoribm,  and  Orator,  to  form  one  complete 
system  (12).     Of  these  three  noble  works  the  first  lays 
down  the  principles  and  rules  of  the  rhetorical  art;  the 
second  exemplifies(13)  them  in  the  most  eminent  speakers 
of  Greece  and  Rome;    and   the   tHrd   shadows  out   the 
features  (14)  of  that  perfect  orator,  whose  superhuman 
excellences  should  be  the  aim  of  our  ambition  (15).    The 
De  Oratore  was  written  when  the  author  was  fifty-two, 
two  years   after   his   return    from   exile;   and  (16)   is   a 
dialogue  between  some  of  the  most  illustrious  Romans 
of  the  preceding  age   on   the   subject   of  oratory.     The 
principal  speakers  are  (17)  the  orators  Crassus  and  Anto- 
mus,  who   are  represented  unfolding  the  principles  (18) 

(4)  actione  comparari.     (5)  jucundus  ad  legendum.     (6)  per- 
petua    quadam    valetudine    praestare.      (7)    rarius    usurpari    a. 

r  "^"T^t  ",?.?'•  ^^^  """t-^ctior  minusque  varia  compositio. 
trram.  $  335.  (10)  e  memoria  conscribere.  (11)  eo  consilio  com- 
ponere.  (12)  unam  absolutamque  doctrinam  efflcere.  (13)  exem- 
phs  illustrare.  (14)  formam  adumbrare.  (15)  divinam  quandam 
excellentiam  (virtutem,  laudem)  imitandam  atque  aemulandam 
proponere.  (16)  inducit  autem  quosdam  viros  (=  „Bomans") 
coUoquentes.  (17)  by  partes  priores  tribuere  alicui.  (18)  ratio 
(.Stng.). 


ii^l 


344 


Part  ui. 


■ 


of  their  art  to  Sulpicius  and  Cotta,  young  men  just 
rising  in  the  legal  profession  (19).  In  the  first  book, 
the  conversation  turns  on  the  subject-matter  of  rhetoric, 
and  the  qualifications  (20)  requisite  for  the  perfect 
orator.  Here  Crassus  maintains  the  necessity  of  his 
being  acquainted  with  the  whole  circle  of  the  arts  (21), 
while  Antonius  confines  eloquence  to  the  province  of 
speaking  well.  The  dispute  for  the  most  part  seems 
verbal  (22) ;  for  Cicero  himself,  though  he  here  sides 
with (23)  Crassus,  yet  elsewhere,  as  we  have  above 
noticed,  pronounces  eloquence,  strictly  speaking (24),  to 
consist  in  beauty  of  diction.  Scaevola,  the  celebrated 
lawyer,  takes  part  in  this  preliminary  discussion  (25) ; 
but,  in  the  ensuing  meetings,  makes  way  for  Catulus 
and  Caesar,  the  subject  leading  to  such  technical  dis- 
quisitions (26)  as  were  hardly  suitable  to  the  dignity  of 
the  aged  Augur  (27). 


No.  247. 

Chapter  V. 

The  next  morning  Antonius  enters  upon  the  sub- 
ject (1)  of  invention,  which (2)  Caesar  completes (3)  by 
subjoining  some  remarks  on  the  use  of  humour  in 
oratory;  and  (4)  Antonius,  relieving (5)  him,  finishes  the 


11; :  ■ 

ill 


(19)  ad  juris  civilis  laudem  eniti,  or  ad  juris  legumque 
scientiam  incumbere.  (20)  virtus;  ^requisite  for^^,  Genit.  (21)  om- 
nium ambitum  litterarum  complecti.  (22)  verbi,  or  nominis 
controversia  est,  also  by  de  verbo,  non  de  re  disceptare.  (23)  ac- 
cedere    alicui,    or    ad    sententiam    alicujus.     (24)   only   proprie. 

(25)  quasi    prolusio    (=   j^prel.   r^isc"),    or   disputatio   inchoata. 

(26)  acrior,   or   interior   artis   disquisitio.    (27)   only   senex   (add 
„AM^Mr"  to  the  proper  name). 

No.  247.  (1)  praecipere  or  dicere  ingredi  de,  also  explican- 
dum  sumere  aliquid.  (2)  quae  tractatio.  (3)  cumulum  addere 
alicui  rei.  (4)  „and  —  him^^,  Gram.  §  238.  6.  (5)  succedere  ali- 
cui, or  excipere  aliquem. 


T  1 


Section  xxi. 


345 


mormng  discussion  with  treating  of  arrangement  and 
niemory.  In  the  afternoon  (6)  the  nxles  ffr  propriety 
and  elegance  of  diction  are  explained  (7)  by  CmsruT 
who  was  celebrated  in  this  department  (8)  of  the  al 
and  he  work  concludes  with  his  handling  the  subject 
of  dehveryO)  and  action.  Such  is  the  pla^dO)  of  the 
De  Oratore,  the   most   finished  (11)  perhaps  of  Ci  Jot 

SXr^W  t,^'^'^^'^^^(^^)  and  magnifirj 
Tre    fiVl'''"^       '•     The  characters  of  the  aged  senators 

invested  with  an  almost  religious  majesty  (14),  from  the 

JrTh'\"^^^T'    to    the   melanLi;^;;tinies(15 
for  which  its  member  were  reserved  (16) 

an   iftL?r?'  ^'  '^''"  ^^*''"*"  "^^  ^^''^  -f^- 

death    T     f   "'"'""   ^'''''    ^'^^"^^    '^'    '^^    of  Cato's 
death,  when  he  was  sixty-one,  and  is  thrown  into  the 

himself.     He  begins  with  Solon,  and  after  briefly  men- 
tioning the  orators  of  Greece,  proceeds  to  those  of  his 

iZnttl  .       ^T"^  ^^"'"^    ^'^    ''    l^i-«elf. 

direct.    V  """i^r     """  ^'  ""^'^  ^'  ^^'«^^^''  i^  ^^^-^  te 
airects    his    attention    principally  (20)    to    diction    and 

delivery     as   m  his  De  Inventione   and  Topica  he  con- 
siders the  matter  of  an  oration.     This  treltise  is  of  a 


4mH.    n„         ■         ""^"^  iJe  . . .    (11)  quo  opere  (or  quibusl  nihU 

aafn,   T'"   '^  '1"'°   °P'^^   (1"'''"«)    '^""d   scio   an   nihil         ' 
12   aajestas  quaedam  (=  „«;,  ,^^,u).    (,3^  subtiliter  (eLan- 

quels  fi  ere     ^ni  T""  '^^'^'''^  ^^™<'"^«'  «"•  ""'^  ^o""- 

IT     .  1    ^  Populares.     (19)  complecti.      (20)  verba  fa- 

cere  pot.ssxmum  de,  or  dilatare  disputationem  de,  or  iaecYpuam 
dUigentiam  conferre  in  laudem  [with  Genit.)  P'-^ecipuam 


'     i 


346 


Part  in. 


less  practical  nature  (21)  than  the  rest.  It  adopts  the 
principles  of  Plato  (22),  and  delineates  (23)  the  perfect 
orator  according  to  the  abstract  conceptions  of  the 
intellect  (24)  rather  than  the  deductions  of  observation 
and  experience  (25).  Hence  he  sets  out  with  a  defini- 
tion (26)  of  the  perfectly  eloquent  man,  whose  charac- 
teristic it  is  to  express  himself  with  propriety  (27)  on 
all  subjects,  whether  humble,  great,  or  of  an  intermediate 
character  (28);  and  here  he  has  an  opportunity  of  paying 
some  indirect  compliments  to  himself  (29).  With  this 
work  he  was  so  well  satisfied  that  he  does  not  scruple 
to  declare,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  that  he  was  ready 
to  rest  (30)  on  its  merits  his  reputation  for  judgment 
in  Oratory. 

The  treatise  De  pmiitiane  Orator  id,  or  on  the  three 
parts  of  rhetoric,  is  a  kind  of  catechism (31)  between 
Cicero  and  his  son,  drawn  up  for  the  use  of  the  latter 
at  the  same  time  with  the  two  preceding.  It  is  the 
most  systematic  and  perspicuous  (32)  of  his  rhetorical 
works,  but  seems  to  be  but  the  rough  draught (33)  of 
what  he  originally  intended. 


(21)  minus  ad  coinmunem  vitae  usum  accommodatum  esse. 
(22)  Platonicam  quandam  Ibrmam  exprimere.  (23)speciem  adum- 
brare.  (24)  ^according  to'-''  etc.,  mente  et  cogitatione  depictus, 
conceptus.  (25)  vita  usuque  cognitus,  or  a  rerum  cognitione  et 
usu  derivatus.  (26)  (a)  principio  definire.  (27)  bene  appositeque, 
or  apte  et  accommodate,  ^xchether^  etc.  sive  .  .  sive  .  .  sive. 
(28)  <mly  medius.  (29)  tecte  (subobscure)  sibi  ipsi  gratulari. 
(30)  velle  (cupere)  se  famam  consistere  in,  or  conjunctam  esse 
cum.  (31)  interrogando  et  respondendo  contexere,  or  interroga- 
tionibus  ac  responsionibus  mutuis  absolvere.  (32)  maxime  et 
ratione  et  perspicuitate  excellere,  praestare.  (33)  brevis  adum- 
bratio,  nudus  commentarius. 


Section  xxi. 


347 


Xo.  248. 

4.  Cicero's  Philosophical  Writings. 
The  connection  wHch  (1)  we  have  been  able  to 
preserve  between  the  rhetorical  writings  of  Cicero 
cannot  be  attained  in  his  moral,  political,:nd  metaph" 
mi Iv  r^:^  partly  (2)  from  the  extent  of  the  suljec^ 
partly  from  the  losses  occasioned  by  time,  partly  from 
the  inconsistency  which  we  have  warned(3)  the  reader 
^expect  in  his  sentiments.     In  our  enumeration,  there 

ll.r.^1       "^^^    ''^'^'■^^    ^^    ^^^^^    ^rder   than   that 
which  the  date  of  their  composition  furnishes 

The  earliest  (5)   now  extant  is  part  of  his  treatise 
f.  pI;    '^  m  three  books;  being  a  sequel  to  liis  work 
on  Pohtics.    Both  were  written  in  imitation  (6)  of  Plato's 
treatises  on  the  same  subjects.     The  latter  of  these  (De 
Rmhhca)  was   composed  a  year  after  the  De  Oratore, 
and  seems  to  have  vied  (7)  with  it  in  the  majesty  and 
interest  of  the  dialogue.     It  consisted  of  a  series^S)  of 
discussions  m  six  books  on  the  origin  and  principles  of 
govemment     Scipio    being    the    principal   speakei,   but 
Laehus,  Phxlus,  ManiHus,  and  other  personages  of  like 
gravity  taking  part  in  the  conversation.     TiU  lately  f 9) 
but  a  fragment  of  the  fifth  book  was  understood  to  be 
m  existence,  in  which   Scipio,    under  the  fiction   of  a 
dream  (10),  inculcates  the   doctrine   of  the   immortality 

Poss^nt   'tr    r}n^   ''''^   '^^"^   ""'   (quemadmodum)  ....  connect! 
fr^^l:  "^^""^    qua   ...  .   affinitate   conjuncti   sunt. 

(2)  cujus   rei   causa   est   quod   et  .  .  et  .  .  et,   or  quod    quidem 
eff  ctum  est  partim  e^c.     (3)  admonere.    GrJ.  g  ^5.  L^i,)l 

per'   sex  I'iblf        .-  ^  ^  ''""'  "^*'^"  disputationes  pertinentes 
per   sex  hbros,   or  disp.  continuae  sex  libris  conclusae  de  . 
(9)  nuper  fuit  quum  particula  tantum  .  .  .  putabatur,   or  nuper 
opmati  erant.    (10)  visum  inducens  ^ 


348 


Part  ni. 


II  - 


of  the  soul.  But  in  the  year  1822,  Monsignor(ll)  Mai, 
librarian  of  the  Vatican  (12),  published  considerable  (13) 
portions  of  the  first  and  second  books,  from  a  palimpsest 
manuscript (14)  of  St.  Austin's  Commentary  on  the  Psalms, 
In  the  part  now  recovered,  Scipio  discourses  on  the 
different  kinds  of  constitutions  and  their  respective  (15) 
advantages;  with  a  particular  reference  (16)  to  that  of 
Rome.  In  the  third  book,  the  subject  (17)  of  justice 
was  discussed  by  Laelius  and  Philus;  in  the  fourth, 
Scipio  treated  of  morals  and  education;  while  in  the 
fifth  and  sixth,  the  duties  of  a  magistrate  were  explain- 
ed, and  the  best  means  of  preventing  (18)  changes  and 
revolutions  (19)  in  the  constitution  itself.  In  the  latter 
part  of  the  treatise,  allusion  was  made  to  the  actual 
posture  (20)  of  -affairs  in  Rome ,  when  the  conversation 
was  supposed  to  have  occurred,  and  the  commotions (21) 
excited  by  the  Gracchi. 

No.  249. 

Chapter  II. 

In  this  treatise  De  Legihis,  which  was  written  two 
years  later  than  the  De  Bepuhlkd^  when  he  was  fifty- 
five,  and  shortly  after  the  murder  of  Clodius,  he  re- 
presents himself  as  explaining  to  his  brother  Quintus 
and  Atticus,  in  their  walks  through  the  woods  of 
Arpinum  (1),  the  nature  and  origin  of  the  laws  and  their 
actual  state  (2),  both  in  other  countries  and  in  Rome. 
The  first  part  only  of  the  subject  (3)  is  contained  in  the 


(11)  vir  Eminentissimus ,  or  Reverendissimus  D(ominus), 
(12)  Vaticanae  bibliothecae  curator.  \V6)  non  exiguus.  (14)  pa- 
limpsestus,  or  codex  abrasus.  (15)  by  quisque.  (16)  saepe  men- 
tionem  inferre,  facere  („fo",  Genit).  (17)  ratio.  (18)  occurrere. 
(19)  perturbationes  {„m^^,  Genit.),  (20)  conditio  quae  turn  erat 
quum.    (21)  seditio,  or  motus. 

No.  249.  (1)  by  a  clause  with  dum  and  inambulare.  (2)  prae- 
sens  rerum  status.  Omit  j^their^^,  (3)  cujus  disputationis  prior 
pars. 


,r, 


Section  xxi. 


349 


books  now  extant;  the  introduction  to  which  we  have 
had  occasion  to  notice  (4),  when  speaking  of  his  Stoical 
sentiments  on  questions  connected  with  State  policy  (5). 
Law   he  pronounces  to  be  the  perfection  (6)  of  reason, 
the   eternal   mind,  the  divine  energy,   which,  while   it 
pervades  and  unites  in  one  the  whole  universe,  associates 
gods  and  men  by  the  more  intimate  resemblance  (7)  of 
reason  and  virtue,  and  still  more  closely  men  with  men, 
by  the  participation  of  common  faculties,  affections,  and 
situations  (8).     He  then  proves,  at  length  (9),  that  justice 
is  not   merely  created   by   civil   institutions,    from   the 
power   of   conscience,   the   imi)erfections (10)   of  human 
law,  the   moral  sense  (11),  and  the  disinterestedness  of 
virtue  (12).    He  next  proceeds  to  unfold  the  principles, 
first,  of  religious  law,  under  the  heads   of  divine  wor- 
ship (13);   the   observance   of  festivals    and   games;    the 
office   of  priests,  augurs,  and   heralds;  the   punishment 
of  sacrilege  and  purjury;  the  consecration  of  land  (14), 
and  the  rights  of  sepulchre;  and,  secondly,  of  civil  law, 
which   gives   him   an   opportunity  (15)   of  noticing    the 
respective  duties  of  magistrates  and  citizens.     In  these 
discussions,  though  professedly  speaking  of  the  abstract 
question  (16),  he  does  not  hesitate  to  anticipate  the  sub- 
ject (17)  of  the  lost  books,  by  frequent  allusions  (18)  to 
the   history   and   customs   of  his   own  country  (19).     It 
must  be  added,  that  in  no  part  of  his  writings (20)  do 


(4)  mentio  incidit.  (5)  „of  his  Stoical  sent.^'  etc.  quid  Stoicos 
secutus  de  rebus  publicis  sensisset.  (6)  by  summus,  or  rectissi- 
mus.  (7)  interior  similitudo.  (8)  similium  et  ingeniorum  et 
studiorum  et  conditionum  commuuitas.  (9)  uberius.  (10)  vitium. 
(11)  honestatis  sensus.  (12)  virtutis  gratuitae  magnificentia ,  o^ 
virtutis  liberalitas.  (13)  „the  primnpUs,  firsf'  etc.  ratio  legesque 
religionis  sacrorum  usu  variatae,  distinctae.  (14)  fundus  (Plur.), 
(15)  quarum  mentione  adducitur  ut.  (16)  quaestionem  rationis 
tractare.  (17)  praecipere  quaedam  ex  iis  libris  qui .  .  .  (18)  See 
248,  16.    (19)  patrius.     (20)  in  nullo  ejus  libro. 


350 


Pabt  in. 


I*' 

1  ^ 


worse  instances  occur,  than  in  this  treatise,  of  that 
vanity  which  was  notoriously  his  weakness  (21),  which 
are  rendered  doubly  offensive  (22)  by  their  being  put 
into  the  mouth  (23)  of  his  brother  and  Atticus. 

No.  250. 

Chapter  III. 

Here  (1)  a  period  of  seven  or  eight  years  intervenes, 
during  which  he  composed  little  of  importance  (2)  besides 
his  Orations.  He  then  published  the  De  claris  Ora- 
tor ihus  and  Orator:  and  a  year  later  (3),  when  he  was 
sixty- three,  his  AcademiccB  Qimstiones ,  in  the  retirement 
from  public  business  (4)  to  which  he  was  driven  (5)  by 
the  dictatorship  of  Caesar.  This  work  had  originally  (6) 
consisted  of  two  dialogues,  which  he  entitled  Catulus  and 
LucuUuSj  from  the  names  of  the  respective  speakers  in 
each  (7).  These  he  now  remodelled  and  enlarged  (8)  into 
four  books,  dedicating  them  to  Varro,  whom  he  intro- 
duced as  advocating,  in  the  presence  of  Atticus,  the 
tenets  (9)  of  Antiochus,  while  he  himself  defended  those 
of  Philo.  Of  this  most  valuable  composition  (10),  only 
the  second  book  (LucuUus)  of  the  first  edition  (11)  and 
part  of  the  first  book  of  the  second  are  now  extant.  In 
the  former  of  those  two,  LucuUus  argues  against,  and 
Cicero  for,  the  Academic  sect,  in  the  presence  of  Catulus 
and  Hortensius;  in  the  latter,  Varro  pursues  the  history 
of  pliilosophy  (12)  from  Socrates  to  Arcesilas,  and  Cicero 

(21)  eum  laborasse  constat.  (22)  eo  etiam  molestiora  esse 
quod  .  .  .    (23)  oratione  (o»*  orationi)  alicujus  intexere. 

Xo.  250.  (1)  post  ilia.  (2)  quum  interea  pauca  graviora . . . 
scripsisset,  edidit  etc.  (3)  poster©  anno.  (4)  illo  usus  otio,  quod. 
(5)  hy  afferre.  (6)  primo,  initio.  (7)  e  disputantium  noininibus, 
or  e  clefensorum  utriusque  causae  nominibus.  (8)  reficere  atque 
dilatare.  (9)  rationem  alicujus  defendere.  (10)  gravissimum 
opus,  gravissima  explanatio.  (11)  forma,  or  descriptio,  also  editio 
(12)  exponit  qui  philosophiae  cursus  fuerit. 


Section  xxi. 


351 


continues  (13)  it  down  to  the  time  of  Cameades.  In  the 
second  edition (14)  the  style  was  corrected,  the  matter 
condensed,  and  the  whole  (15)  poHshed  with  extraordinary 
care  and  diligence. 

The  same  year  he  published  his  treatise  De  Finihus, 
or  «0n  the  chief  good",  in  five  books  (16),  in  which  are 
explained  the  sentiments  of  the  Epicureans,  Stoics,  and 
Peripatetics  on  the  subject.     This  is  the  eariiest  of  his 
works  in  which  the  dialogue  is  of  a  disputatious  cha- 
racter (17).    It  is  opened  with  a  defence  (18)  of  the  Epi- 
curean tenets  (19),   concerning  pleasure,    by  Torquatus; 
to  which  Cicero  replies  at  length  (20).     The  scene  then 
shifts  (21)  from  the  Cuman  villa  to  the  library  of  young 
LucuUus  (liis  father  being  dead),  where  the  Stoic  Cato 
expatiates    on   the   sublimity   of  the   system  (22)   which 
maintains  the  existence  of  one   only   good,    and  (23)   is 
answered  by  Cicero  in  the  character  (24)  of  a  Peripatetic. 
Lastly,  Piso,  in  a  conversation  held  at  Athens,  enters 
into  an  explanation  (25)  of  the  doctrine  of  Aristotle,  that 
happiness  (26)  is  the  greatest  good.    The  general  style (27) 
of  this  treatise  is  elegant  and  perspicuous;  and  the  last 
book  in  particiUar  has  great  variety  and  splendour  of 
diction. 

No.  251. 

Chapter  IV. 
It  was  about  tliis  time  that  Cicero  was  especially 
courted  (1)  by  the  heads  of  the  dictator's  party  (2),    of 

(13)  persequi.  (14)  quos  libros  denuo  emisit;  tJie  foil  hy  Ahl 
ahd.  (15)universadisputatio.  (16)  ^treatise  -  in  five  books-,  only 
hbri  quinque.  (17)  disceptando  texi,  or  disceptationis  speciem 
habere.  (18)  principio  explicare.  (19)  placita,  dogmata  (^concern- 
tw^",  de).  (20)  fuse.  (21)  sedes  disputationis  transfertur.  (22)mul. 
ta  de  ejus  doctrinae  praestantia  disserere.  (23)  qui.  (24)  perso- 
Jiam  gerens.  (25)  „m  a  conv.'^  etc,  Athenis  sermonem  orditur  de 
<dla  .^ .  sententia).    (26)  beata  vita.    (27)  oratio. 

No.  251.    (1)  colere,  observare.    (2)  dictatoria  factio. 


f' 


I 


352 


Part  hi. 


Section  xxi. 


353 


I 


t< 


I'  ^ 


il^ 


whom  Hirtius  and  Dolabella  went  so  far  as  to  declaim  (3) 
daily  at  his  house  for  the  benefit  of  his  instructions. 
A  visit  of  this  nature  to  (4)  the  Tusculan  \dlla,  soon 
after  the  publication  of  the  De  Finihm,  gave  rise  to  his 
work  entitled  Tuscidance  Qiioestiones,  which  professes  to 
be  the  substance  (5)  of  five  philosophical  disputes  between 
himself  and  friends,  digested  (6)  into  as  many  books. 
He  argues  throughout  after  the  manner  of  an  Academic, 
even  with  an  afiectation  (7)  of  inconsistency;  sometimes 
making  use  (8)  of  the  Socratic  dialogue,  sometimes  launch- 
ing out  (9)  into  the  diifuse  expositions  which  character- 
ise (10)  his  other  treatise.  He  first  disputes  against 
the  fear (11)  of  death;  and  in  so  doing (12)  he  adopts 
the  opinion  of  the  Platonic  school,  as  regards (13)  the 
nature  of  God  and  the  soul.  The  succeeding  discussions 
on  enduring  pain,  on  alleviating  grief,  on  the  other 
emotions  of  the  mind,  and  on  virtue,  are  conducted  for 
the  most  part  on  Stoical  principles  (14).  This  is  a  high- 
ly ornamental  (15)  composition,  and  contains  more  quo- 
tations (16)  from  the  poets  than  any  other  of  Cicero^s 
treatises. 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  remark  upon  the 
singular  activity  (17)  of  his  mind,  which  becomes  more 
and  more  conspicuous  (18)  as  we  approach  the  period  (19) 
of  his  death.  During  the  ensuing  year,  which  is  the 
last  of  his  life,  in  the  midst  of  the  conftision  and  anxieties 
consequent  (20)  on  Caesar^s  death,  and  the  party  warfare 


(3)  Traml.  „even  declaimed^''  (declamitare).  „for  the  ben.  of 
his  instr.'''  =  ,^to  learn  from  him''.  (4)  hujusmodi  amicorum  con- 
ventus  in  {icith  Ace).  (5)  summa  capita,  or  summa  quaedain. 
(6)  distribuere.  (7)  cum  simulatione  etiam.  (8)  consectari.  (9)  di- 
gredi  in.  (10)  j^wkch  char.'"''  =  „o/*".  (11)  by  contemnendum  esse, 
or  timendum  non  esse.  (12)  qua  in  re,  or  quo  loco.  (13)  de. 
(14)  rationibus  contineri,  dirigi.  (15)  Stiperl.  ©/"omatus.  (16)  verba. 
(17)  laborum  assiduitas  propria  {icith  Genit).  (18)  eminere  visa 
est.    (19)  quo  ipse  propius  aberat.    (20)  angores  derivati  a. 


of  his  Philippics  (21),  he  found  time  to  write  (22)  the 
I>e  Nattira  Deorum,  De  Divinatione,  De  Fato,  De  Senec- 
tute,  De  AmcUid,  De  Officiis,  and  Paradoxa,  besides 
the  treatise  on  Rhetorical  (23)  Common  Places  above 
mentioned. 

Of  these,  the  first  three  were  intended  as  (24)  a  full 
exposition  of  the  conflicting  opinions  entertained  on  their 
respective  subjects  (25);  the  De  Fato,  however,  was  not 
hnished  according  to  this  plan  (26). 

Xo.  252. 

Chapter  V. 

His  treatise  De  Nattira  Deorum,  in  three  books  (1), 
may  (2)  be  reckoned  the  most  splendid  of  all  liis  works,' 
and  shows  that  neither  age  nor  disappointment  (3)  had 
done  injury  (4)  to  the  richness  and  vigour  of  his  mind 
In  the  first  book,  Velleius,  the  Epicurean  (5),  sets  forth 
ttie  physical  tenets  of  his  sect  (6),  and  is  answered  by 
Ootta,  who  is  of  the  Academic  school  (7).    In  the  second, 
Balbus,  the  disciple  of  the  Porch,  gives  an  account  of 
lus  own  system  (8),  and  is,  in  turn,  refuted  by  Cotta  in 
the   third.     Tlie   eloquent   extravagance  (9)  of  the  Epi- 
curean, the  solemn  enthusiasm  (10)  of  the  Stoic,  and  the 
bnUiant  raillery  (11)  of  the  Academic,  are  contrasted  (12) 
with  extreme  vivacity  and  humour  (13);    —   while   the 
subUmity  of  the  subject  itself  imparts  to  the  whole  com- 
position a  grander  and  more  elevated  character  (14),  and 


(21)  certationes  Plulippicae.  (22)  otium  nancisci  scribendi 
de  .  .  .  (23)  oratorius.  (24)  esse  volnit.  (25;  diversae  de  qua- 
que  re  sententiae.    (26)  non  ita,  nt  institnerat. 

No.  252.  (1)  See  250,  16.  (2)  licet  numerare  inter;  alio  tvith 
dnb.t.0  an  Oram.  §  176.  Note  3.  d.  (3)  rerum  civilium  despe- 
ratio.  (4)  demmuere  aliquid  de.  (6)  Epicnri  sectator.  (6)  only 
physica  ejus.  (7)  Transl.  „hy  Cotta,  the  Academic".  (8)  snara  doctri- 
namtueri.  (9)  dissoluta  facundia.  (10)  gravitas  ardorque.  (11)  ur- 
banissima  ludificatio.  (12)concertare  cum.  (13)hilaritas.  (14)nescio 
quid  aspergere  grande  atque  excelsum. 

Mttller,  Exercises.  03 


'i 


354 


Pabt  m. 


% 


1 
1 


discovers  in  the  author  imaginative  powers  (15),  which, 
celebrated  as  he  justly  is  for  playfulness  of  fancy  (16), 
might  yet  appear  more  the  talent  of  the  poet  than  the 
orator. 

His  treatise  De  Divinatione  is  conveyed  in  a  discus- 
sion (17)  between  liis  brother  Quintus  and  himself,  in 
two  books  (18).  In  the  former,  Quintus,  after  dividing 
Divination  into  the  heads  (19)  of  natural  and  artificial, 
argues  with  the  Stoics  for  its  sacred  nature  (20),  from 
the  evidence  of  facts  (21),  the  agreement  of  all  nations, 
and  the  existence  (22)  of  divine  intelligences.  In  the 
latter,  Cicero  questions  its  authority  (23),  with  Cameades, 
from  the  uncertain  nature  of  its  rules,  the  absurdity 
and  uselessness  of  the  art,  and  the  possibility  of  account- 
ing (24)  from  natural  causes  for  the  phenomena  (25)  on 
which  it  was  founded.  This  is  a  curious  work  (26),  from 
the  numerous  cases  adduced  from  the  histories  (27)  of 
Greece  and  Eome  to  illustrate  the  subject  in  dispute  (28). 

His  treatise  De  Fato  is  quite  a  fragment  (29);  it 
purports  to  be  the  substance  of  a  dissertation  (30)  in 
which  he  explained  to  Hirtius  (soon  aft;er  Consul)  the 
sentiments  of  Chrysippus,  Diodorus,  Epicurus,  Cameades, 
and  others,  upon  that  abstruse  subject.  It  is  supposed 
to  have  consisted  at  least  of  two  books,  of  which  we 
have  but  the  proem  of  the  first,  and  a  small  portion  of 
the  second. 


(15)  vim  cogitandi  fingendique  tantam  elicere  („in  tfie  auth.''^, 
Genit).  (16)  res  jucunde  depingendae  {„celebr.  as  he  !«?««",  quam- 
vis  etc.).  (17)  ipse  disputat  cum,  or  oratio  institaitur.  (18)  See 
J250y  16.  (19)  in  duo  genera.  Instead  of  „^tnh«»"  use  Pronoun. 
(20)  sacram  esse  demonstrare.  (21)  et  facta  afferens  evidentissi- 
ma  et  .  .  et.  (22)  Veritas.  (23)  dubitat  ullane  sit  ilia  vis  quod 
et  leges  sint  .  .  .  et  .  .  .  (24)  explicari  posse.  (25)  rerum  even- 
tus.  (26)  est  autem  jucundum  ilia  legere  ob  .  .  .  „ca»e«",  exem- 
pla.  (27)  res.  (28)  id  de  quo  disputatur.  (29)  mancus,  mutilus. 
(30)  speciem  contracti  sermonis  habere. 


Section  xxi. 


No.  253. 


355 


Chapter  VI. 

In  his  beautifiil  compositions,  De  S&nedute  and  De 
Amicitia,  Cato  the  censor  and  Laelius  are  respectively  (1) 
introduced,  deUvering  their  sentiments  on  those  subjects. 
The  conclusion  of  the  former,  in  which  Cato  discourses 
on  the  immortaHty  of  the  soul,  has  been  always  cele- 
brated (2);  and  the  opening  of  the  latter,  in  which  Fan- 
nius  and  Scsevola  come  (3)  to  console  LseHus  on  the  death 
of  Scipio,  is  as  exquisite  an  instance  of  deHcacy  and 
taste  in  composition  (4)  as  can  be  found  in  his  works. 
In  the  latter  he  has  borrowed  largely  from  the  eighth 
and  ninth  books  of  Aristotle's  Ethics, 

His  treatise  De  Officiis  was  finished  about  the  time 
he   wrote  his  second  PhiHppic,   a  circumstance  which 
illustrates  (5)  the  great  versatiHty  of  his  mental  powers  (6). 
Of  a  work   so  extensively  celebrated,   it  is   enough  to 
have  mentioned  (7)  the  name.     Here  he  lays  aside  the 
less  authoritative   form   of  dialogue,   and,   with  (8)   the 
dignity  of  the  E^man  Consul,  unfolds,  in  his  own  per- 
son, the  principles  of  morals,  according  to  (9)  the  views 
of  the  older  schools,   particularly   of  the  Stoics.     It  is 
written  in  three  books,  with  great  perspicuity  and  ele- 
gance of  style;  the  first  (10)  book  treats  of  the  honestim, 
or  virtue,  the  second  of  the  idile,  or  expedience,  and  the 


No.  253.    (1)  in  .  .  libris  De  Sen altero  Catonem  Cen- 

sorem  {or  Censorium)  altero  ...  (2)  omnium  laudibus  celebrare. 
(3)  Laehum  conveniunt  ut.  (4)  tantae  est  elegantiae  tantique 
judicii,  ut  luculentius  ejus  rei  {or  virtutis)  exemplum ...  (5)  qua 
quidem  re  efficitur  quam  .  .  fuerit.  (6)  varia  vis  ingenii,  or  va- 
num  et  multiplex  ingenium.  (7)  ponere.  (8)  „flere"  etc.  seposi- 
tis  autem  personis  coUoquentium  quod  minus  viderentur  habere 
auctoritatis  ipse  (=  „in  his  own  person'')  hie  assumpta ...  (9)  se- 
cutus.     (10)  Transl.  „in  the  first  . .  he  treats"  etc. 

23* 


:i 


356 


Pakt  in. 


third  adjusts  the  claim  (11)  of  the  two,  when  they  hap- 
pen (12)  to  interfere  with  each  other. 

His  Paradoxa  Stoicm-um  might  have  been  more  suit- 
ably, perhaps,  included  (13)  in  his  rhetorical  works, 
being  (14)  six  short  declamations  in  support  of  the  posi- 
tions (15)  of  Zeno;  in  which  that  philosopher's  subtle- 
ties (16)  are  adapted  to  the  comprehension  of  the  vul- 
gar (17),  and  the  events  of  the  times.  The  second,  fourth, 
and  sixth,  are  respectively  directed  (18)  against  Antony, 
Clodius,  and  Crassus.  They  seem  to  have  suffered  from 
time  (19).  The  sixth  is  the  most  eloquent  (20) ,  but  the 
argument  of  the  third  is  strikingly  (21)  maintained. 

Besides  the  works  now  enumerated,  we  have  a  con- 
siderable fragment  of  his  translation  (22)  of  Plato's  Ti- 
mcBiiSj  which  he  seems  to  have  finished  in  his  last  year. 
His  remaining  philosophical  works,  viz.:  the  Hortensiiis, 
which  was  a  defence  of  philosophy;  De  Gloria;  De  Con- 
solatione,  written  upon  Platonic  principles  on  his  daugh- 
ter's death;  De  Jure  Civil i,  De  Virtutihn^,  De  Auguriis, 
Chorographia,  translations  of  Plato's  Protagoras^  and  Xeno- 
phon's  (Economics,  works  on  Natural  History  (23),  Pane- 
gyric (24)  on  Cato,  and  some  miscellaneous  (25)  writings, 
are,  except  a  few  fragments,  entirely  lost. 


(11)  ad  rationis  normam  revocare.  (12)  si  quando  usu  veniat 
ut.  (13)  aptius  (commodius)  adjungi  posse.  (14)  quum  sint. 
(15)  arx,  propugnaculum.  (16)  illius  (i.  e.  Zenonis)  disciplinae 
argutiae.  (17)  Adj.  popularis.  (18)  singulos  petere.  (19)  vetustate 
corrumpi.  (20)  majoris  eloquentiae,  or  elocutione  ornatior. 
(21)  egregie.  (22)  decurtata  ac  mutila  interpretatio.  (23)  libri 
naturales  (physici),  quorum  utroque  physica  quaedam  explican- 
tur.    (24)  laus.    (25)  varii  generis. 


kt*. 


Section  xxi. 


357 


No.  354. 

5.    Cicero's  Letters.     His   Historical   and  Poetical  Com- 
positions (1). 
His  Letters,    about  one  thousand  in  all,  are  com- 
prised (2)  in  thirty-six  books,  sixteen  of  which  are  ad- 
dressed (3)  to  Atticus,  three  to  his  brother  Quintus,  one 
to  Brutus,  and  sixteen  to  his  different  friends;  and  they 
form   a   history  (4)   of  his   life   from   his   fortieth  year. 
Among  those  addi^essed   to   his   friends,    some   occur (5) 
from   Brutus,    Metellus,   Plancius,    Caelius,   and   others. 
For  (6)   the  preservation   of  this  most  valuable  depart- 
ment (7)  of  Cicero's  writings,  we  are  indebted  to  Tyro, 
the  author's  freedman  (8),  though  we  possess,  at  the  pre- 
sent day,    but  a  part  of  those  originally  pubHshed(9). 
As  (10)  his  correspondence  with   his   friends  belongs  to 
his  character  (11)   as   a   man  and  politician  (12),   rather 
than  to  his  Hterary  aspect  (13),  we  have  already  noticed 
it  in  the  first  part  of  this  memoir. 

His  Poetical  and  Historical  works  have  suffered  a 
heavier  fate  (14).  The  latter  class,  consisting  of  his  com- 
mentary on  his  consulship  and  his  history  of  his  own 
times,  is  altogether  lost.  Of  the  former,  which  consist- 
ed of  the  heroic  poems  Haley  one,  Limon,  Maritis,  and 
his  Consulate,  the  elegy  of  Tamelastes,  translations  of 
Homer  and  Aratus,  epigrams,  etc.,  nothing  remains,  ex- 
cept some  fragments  of  the  Bioi^iomena  and  Diosemeia 
of  Aratus.  It  may,  however,  be  questioned  whether 
literature  has  suffered  much  by  these   losses  (15).     We 

Xo.  254.  (l)lustoriae,  or  historiarum  libri;  carmina.  (2)  con- 
tinere.  (3)  mittere.  (4)  narrationem,  or  historiam  complere. 
(o)  esse.  (6)  quod  conservata  est.  (7)  pars  gravissima.  (8)  li- 
bertus.  Omit  ^author's'^.  (9)  quas  iUe  edidit.  (10)  sed  quoniam. 
(11)  aperire  mores.  (12)  homo  ac  civis  (magistratus).  (13)  scrip- 
toris  ingenium  (persona).  (14)  longe  secus  {i7iclndes  ,,1imvier'') 
accidit  {^cith  Dat).  (15)  gravemne  litterati  jacturam  fecerint,  or 
magnumne  litterae  Latinae  detrimentum  acceperint,  or  multumne 
dignum  memoria  perditum  sit. 


358 


Pakt  m. 


are  far,  indeed  (16),  from  speaking  contemptuously  of 
the  poetical  talent  of  one  who  possessed  so  much,  fancy  (17), 
so  much  taste  (18),  and  so  fine  an  ear  (19).  But  his 
poems  were  principally  composed  in  his  youth;  and  after- 
wards, when  his  powers  were  more  mature  (20),  his  oc- 
cupations did  not  allow  even  to  his  active  mind  the  time 
necessary  for  polishing  a  language  still  npiore  rugged  in 
metre  than  it  was  in  prose  (21).  His  contemporary  (22) 
history,  on  the  other  hand,  can  hardly  have  convey- 
ed (23)  more  explicit,  and  certainly  would  have  con- 
tained less  faithful,  information  (24)  than  his  private 
correspondence;  while  (25),  with  all  the  penetration  he 
assuredly  possessed,  it  may  be  doubted  if  (26)  his  diffiise 
and  graceful  style  was  adapted  for  the  deep  and  con- 
densed thoughts  (27)  and  the  grasp  (28)  of  facts  and 
events  which  are  the  chief  excellences  of  historical  com- 
position (29). 

No.  255. 

6.     Cicero's  Orations. 

The  Orations  which  he  is  known  to  have  composed 
amount  in  all  to  about  eighty,  of  which  fifty-nine,  either 
entire  or  in  part,  are  preserved.  Of  these  some  are(l) 
deliberative,  others  judicial,  others  descriptive;  some  de- 
livered from  the  rostrum,  or  in  the  senate;  others  in 
the   forum,    or   before  (2)  Cgesar;    and  (3),    as   might   be 


(16)  ac  tamen  multum  abest  ut.  (17)  cogitandi  ardor.  (18)  ju- 
dicandi  elegantia.  (19)  aures  teretes.  (20)  adultius  ingenium. 
Gram.  §  225.  (21)  versibus  etiam  horridior  quam  oratione,  or 
a  versuum  nuiuero  magis  etiam  quam  orationis  elegantia  alie- 
nus  (abhorrens).  (22)  aequalis.  (23)  non  potest  attulisse  .  .  .  aut 
certe  non  erat  praebitura  veriorem  (certiorem)  .  .  .  (24)  renim 
gestamm  narratio.  (25)  et  quamquam  fait  .  .  .  tamen  .  .  . 
(26)  satisne  idonea  .  .  .  fuerit.  (27)  meditatio  {Sing.),  (28)  com- 
prehensio.     (29)  historici  generis  laudes. 

No.  255.  (1)  versari  in  genere  ...  (2)  apud.  (3)  est  autem 
ipse  .  .  .  (,,/ram",  pro). 


Section  xxi. 


359 


anticipated  from  the  character  already  given  of  his  ta- 
lents, he  is  much  more  successful  in  pleading  (4)  or  in 
panegyric  (5)  than  in  debate  or  invective.    In  delibera- 
tive oratory  (6),  indeed,  great  part  of  the  effect  of  the 
composition  depends  on  its  creating  in  the  hearer  a  high 
opinion   of  the   speaker  (7);    and,   though   Cicero   takes 
considerable  pains   to   interest  the   audience  in  his  fa- 
vour (8),  yet  his  style  is  not  simple  and  grave  enough, 
he  is  too  ingenious,  too  declamatory,  discovers  too  much 
personal   feeling  (9),    to    eHcit   that   confidence   in   him, 
without  which  argument  has   little  influence  (10).     His 
invectives,  again  (11),  however  grand  and  imposing,  yet, 
compared  with  his  cabner  and   more  familiar  (12)  pro- 
ductions, have  a  forced  and  unnatural  air  (13).    Splendid 
as  (14)   is   the   eloquence   of  his  Catilinarians  and  Phi- 
Hppics,  it  is  often  the  language  of  abuse  rather  than  of 
indignation  (15);  and  even  his  attack  (16)  on  Piso,  the 
most  briUiant  and  imaginative  (17)  of  its  kind,  becomes 
wearisome  from  want  (18)  of  ease   and  reHef(19).     His 
laudatory  orations,    on  the  other  hand,  are  among  his 
happiest  efforts  (20).     Nothing  can  exceed  the  taste  (21) 
and  beauty  of  those  for  the  Manilian  law,  for  MarceUus, 
for  Ligarius,  for  Archias,  and  the  ninth  PhiHppic,  which 
is  principally  in  praise  of  Servius  Sulpicius.     But  it  is 


(4)  causas  defendere  ...  (5)  laudare  .  .  .  disceptare  .  .  . 
objurgare.  (6)  genus.  (7)  magna  vis  repetitur  (derivatur)  ab  ea 
existimatione  quam  oratio  ipsa  conciliat.  (8)  auditores  benevolos 
reddere  (efficere).  (9)  commotior  est  quam  ut.  (10)  qua  carere 
nullo  modo  potest  in  . . .  (11)  rursum  accusationes  ejus.  (12)  in- 
genio  congruentior.  (13)  nescio  quid  violenti  atque  arcessiti 
(14)  quantumvis.  (15)  by  contumeliosus  .  .  .  iratus,  or  con- 
viciantis  .  .  .  indignantis  est,  or  convicia  sunt  .  .  .  indignatio. 
(16)  impugnatio  .  .,  qua  nihil  est  in  hoc  genere...  (17)  ardens. 
(18)  quia  caret.  (19)  moderatio.  (20)  felicissime  versari,  or  feli- 
citer  elaborare  in.  (21)  quid  enim  vel  judicio  vel  . .  excellentius 
iis  quas  .  .  . 


360 


Part  m. 


Section  xxi. 


in  judicial  eloquence,  particularly  on  subjects  of  a  Kvely 
cast  (22),  as  in  his  speeches  for  Cselius  and  Mursena,  and 
against  Csecilius,  that  his  talents  are  displayed  to  the 
best  advantage  (23).  In  both  these  departments  of  ora- 
tory (24)  the  grace  and  amiableness  (25)  of  his  genius  are 
manifested  in  their  full  lustre  (26),  though  none  of  his 
orations  are  without  tokens  of  those  characteristic  ex- 
cellences. Historical  allusions  (27),  philosophical  senti- 
ments, descriptions  full  of  life  and  nature,  and  polite 
raillery,  succeed  each  other  in  the  most  agreeable  man- 
ner, without  appearance  of  artifice  or  effort  (28).  Such 
are  his  jHctures  of  the  confusion  of  the  Catilinarian 
conspirators  on  detection  (29) ;  of  the  death  of  Metellus; 
of  Sulpicius  undertaking  the  embassy  to  Antony;  the 
character  he  draws  of  Catiline;  and  liis  fine  sketch (30) 
of  old  Appius,  frowning  (31)  on  his  degenerate  descen- 
dant (32)  Clodia. 

No.  256. 

Chapter  II. 

These,  however,  are  but  incidental  and  occasional 
artifices (1)  to  divert  and  refresh  the  mind,  since  his (2) 
Orations  are  generally  laid  out  according  to  the  plan 
proposed  in  rhetorical  works;  the  introduction,  contain- 
ing the  ethical  proof  (3);  the  body  of  the  speech  (4),  the 


361 


.• 


(22)  in  causis  excitationibus,  or  de  rebus  paullo  acutiorbus. 
(23)  ingenii  vires  expromere  uberrinie,  ingenio  abuti  commo- 
dissime.  (24)  artis  dicendi  campus.  (25)  jucunditas.  (26)  tan- 
quam  in  clarissimo  lumine  coUocatum  esse.  (27)  rerum  veterum 
usurpationes.  (28)  tarn  jucunde  inter  se  excipiunt  ut  nee  arte 
quaesita  nee  in  alienum  locum  trauslata  (arcessita)  esse  videan- 
tur.  (29)  conjurationem  detegere  (Ahl  absol).  (30)  iugeniosa 
(commodissima)  inductio.  (31)  succensere  alicui.  (32)  ^degen. 
descendant'"'',  ab  a  vita  virtute  degenerans. 

No.  256.  (1)  artificia,  quibus  aliquando  pro  re  nata  relaxat... 
(2)  nam  ipsae.  (3)  ad  mores  accommodatus.  (4)  causae  expositio 
(explicatio). 


argument  (5),  and  the  peroration  addressing  itself  to  the 
passions  (6)  of  the  judges.     In  opening  his  case  (7)    he 
commonly  makes  a  profession  of  timidity  and  diffidence 
with  a  view  to  concUiate  the  favour  of  his  audience' 
the  eloquence,  for  instance  (8),  of  Hortensius,  is  so  power- 
tul,  or  so  much  prejudice  has  been  excited  (9)   against 
his  client,  or  it  is  his  first  appearance  in  the  rostrum 
or  he  IS  unused  to  speak  in  an  armed  assembly,   or  to 
plead  m  a  private  appartment  (10).     He  proceeds  to  en- 
treat  the  patience   of  his  judges;    drops   out  (11)  some 
generous  (12)  or  popular  sentiment,  or  contrives  to  ex- 
cite prejudice  against  (13)  his  opponent.    He  then  states 
the  circumstances  of  his  case,  and  the  intended  plan  of 
his  oration;  and  here  he  is  particularly  clear.    But  it 
18  when  he  comes  actuaUy(14)  to  prove  his  point  that 
his  oratorical  powers  begin  to  have  their  full  play  (15) 
He  accounts  for  everything  so  naturaUy(16),  makes  tri- 
vial circumstances  tell  so  happily  (17),  so  adroitly  con- 
verts apparent  objections  (18)   into  confirmations  of  his 
argument,connects  independent  faxjts  (19)  with  such  ease 
and  plausibility,  that  it  becomes  impossible  to  entertain 
a  question  (20)  on  the  truth  of  his  statement.    This  is 
particularly  observable  in  his  defence  of  Cluentius,  where 
prejudices  (21),  suspicions,  and  difficulties  are  encounter- 
ed with  the  most  triumphant  ingenuity  (22);  in  the  ante- 

ingredi,  or  ad  causam  accedere.  (8)  velut  . .  dicit.  (9)  invidiam 
creare  ahem.  (lOinter  domesticos  parietes.  (11)  enuntiare,  i" 
ferre,  mj.cere.  (12)  ingenuus.  (13)  de  auctoritate  alicujus  de- 
trahere,  or  hmare.  (14)  ubi  vero  accessit  ad.  (15)  vim  atque 
copiam  eloquentiae  omnem  expromere,  or  frenos  omnes  eloquen- 
mt  «^'''  .T-  ^f*"'  «l°-l»«ntiae  fontes  aperire.  (16)  facile. 
17  exigua  fehc.ter  augere,  o,-  minima  feliciter  exaggerare. 
(18)  ea  quae  yidentur  contraria  callide  convertere  ad.  (19)  dissi- 
nuha  (d.spana)  connectere     (20)  ut  dubitare  non  posse  videaris 

SunS  oirrir^"''"*^-    ''''  ''-'^  "^^''^'^'^'^  ^"- 


362 


Pabt  m. 


cedent  probabilities  of  bis  Pro  Milone;  in  bis  apology 
for  Muraena's  public,  and  CsbHus's  private  life,  and  his 
disparagement  of  Verres's  military  services  in  Sicily  (23); 
it  is  observable  too  in  the  address  with  which  (24)  the 
Agrarian  law  of  RuUus,  and  the  accusation  of  Rabirius, 
both  popular  measures  (25),  are  represented  to  be  hostile 
to  public  liberty;  with  which  (26)  Milo's  impolitic  un- 
concern (27)  is  made  a  touching  incident  (28);  and  Cato^s 
attack  upon  the  crowd  of  clients  which  accompanied  the 
candidate  for  affice,  a  tyrannical  disregard  (29)  for  the 
feelings  (30)  of  the  poor.  So  great  indeed  is  his  talent  (31), 
that  he  even  hurts  a  good  cause  by  an  excess  of  (32) 
plausibility. 

No.  257. 

Chapter  m. 

But  it  is  not  enough  to  have  barely  proved  his 
point;  he  proceeds,  either  immediately,  or  towards  the 
conclusion  of  his  speech,  to  heighten  (1)  the  effect  by 
amplification.  Here  he  goes  (as  it  were)  round  and 
round  (2)  his  object;  surveys  it  in  every  light  (3);  exa- 
mines it  in  all  its  parts;  retires,  and  then  (4)  advances; 
turns  and  re -turns  it  (5);   compares  and  contrasts  it; 


(23)  extenuare  (deminuere)  .  .  militarem  gloriam  Siciliensem. 
(24)  idem  apparet  qumn  .  .  .  apte  demonstrat  esse . . .  (25)  qua- 
rum  utraque  esset  admodum  popularis.  (26)  quum  .  .  utitur  .  . 
ad.  (27)  imprudens  lentitudo.  (28)  hy  movere  animos  judicum. 
(29)  j^attack  upon^'^  etc.  reprehensionem  assectationis  in  petitio- 
nibus  officiorum  trahit  (vertit)  in,  or  interpretatur  esse  crimen 
crudelitatis  contemnentis  etc,  (30)  pietas,  observantia  (Sitig.), 
also  officia.  (31)  atque  adeo  hac  ipsa  sollertia  efficitur  ut. 
(32)  nimius. 

No.  257.  (1)  augere  contendit.  (2)  tamquam  circumeundo 
varie  illustrare.  (3)  quantum  in  ea  momenti  sit  undique  anqui- 
rere.  (4)  Omit  ^^and  then".  Liketvise  ^^and''''  in  the  foil.  (5)  tractare 
retractare,  also  semel  atque  iterum  yersare. 


Section  xxi. 


363 


iUustrates  (6),  confirms,  enforces  (7)  his  view  of  the  ques- 
tion, till  at  last  the  hearer  feels  ashamed  of  doubting  (8) 
a  position  which  seems  built  on  a  foundation  so  strictly 
argumentative.  Of  this  nature  is  his  justification  (9)  of 
iiabirius  in  taking  up  arms  against  Satuminus;  his  ac- 
count of  the  imprisonment  of  the  Eoman  citizens  by 
Verres,  and  of  the  crucifixion  (10)  of  Gavius;  his  com- 
parison of  Antony  with  Tarquin;  and  the  contrast  he 
draws  (11)  of  Verres  with  Fabius,  Scipio,  and  Marius. 

And  now,  having  established  his  case,  he  opens  upon 
his  opponent   a   discharge   of  raillery,   so   deHcate   and 
good-natured  (12),  that  it  is  impossible  for  the  latter  to 
maintain  his  ground  against  it.     Or  where  (13)  the  sub- 
ject IS  too  grave  to  admit  this,  he  colours  his  exagger- 
ation with  all  the  bitterness  of  irony  or  vehemence  of 
pa^ion(14).     Such  are  his  frequent  delineations  (15)  of 
Gubmius     Piso,  Clodius,  and  Antony;  particularly  his 
vmd  and  almost  humorous  contrast  (16)  of  the  two  con- 
suls, who  sanctioned  his  banishment,  in  his  oration  for 
bextius.     Such  the  celebrated  account  (already  referred 
to)  of  the  crucifixion  of  Gavius  by  Verres,  which  it  is 
difficult  to  read,  even  at  the  present  day,  without  having 
our  feelings  roused(17)  against  the  merciless  Pr^tor.  But 
the  appeal  to  the  gentler  emotions  of  the  soul  is  reserv- 


(6)  declarare.    (7)  probare  (=  ,,conP%  confirmare  (=  ,enf.-). 

8)  satisne,  or  an  parum  tutus  sit  is  locus,  quern  tot  argumen- 
torum  firmitate,  or  tot  tamque  gravium  argumentorum  praesi- 
dns  mumverit.     (9)  purgatio  illius  in  Rabirium  criminis  quod  . . . 

10    m    crucem   agere.      (11)   hy  dissimilitudo,    or  hy   opponere 

(12)  lacessere  dictis  adversarium  aggredi  tarn  et  facete  et  in-' 
genue,   or  adversarium  acute   et  ingenue  dictis  sic  obruere,   ut. 

(13)  quod  81  Id.  (14)  vituperationem  exaggeratam  acerbissima 
imsione  et  gravissima  indignatione  distinguere,  or  acerb,  irr.  et 
ira  ardentissima   utens   (usus)   rem    exaggerare    atque   colorare. 

15    quo   m   genere   lUae    sunt   frequentatae    descriptiones  .  . 
(16)  acris.ac  paene  faceta  comparatio.    (17)  odio  accendi,  inflam-' 
man. 


364 


Pabt  in. 


ed(18)  (perhaps  with  somewhat  of  sameness  (19))  for  the 
close  of  his  oration;  as  in  his  defence  (20)  of  Cluentius,  Mu- 
rsena,  Cselius,  Milo,  Sylla,  Flaccus,  and  Rabirius  Postu- 
mus;  the  most  striking  instances  of  wliich  are  the  poetic- 
al burst  of  feeling  with  which  he  addresses  (21)  his 
client  Plancius,  and  his  picture  of  the  desolate  condition 
of  the  Vestal  Fonteia,  should  her  brother  be  condem- 
ned (22).  At  other  times,  ihis  peroration  contains  more 
heroic  and  elevated  sentiments  (23) ;  as  in  his  invoca- 
tion (24)  of  the  Alban  groves  and  altars  in  the  perora- 
tion of  the  Pro  MilmiCj  the  panegyric  on  patriotism,  and 
the  love  (25)  of  glory  in  his  defence  (26)  of  Sextius,  and 
that  on  liberty  at  the  close  (27)  of  the  third  and  tenth 
Philippics. 

No.  258. 

7.  Cicero's  Style  (1).  Conclusion  (2). 
But  it  (3)  is  by  the  invention  of  a  style  (4),  which 
adapts  itself  with  singular  felicity  to  every  class  of 
subjects (5),  whether  lofty  or  familiar,  philosophical  or 
forensic,  that  Cicero  answers  even  more  exactly  to  his 
own  definition  (6)  of  a  perfect  orator  than  by  his  plau- 
sibility, pathos,  and  brilliancy (7).  It  is  not,  however, 
here  intended  to  enter  upon  the  consideration  (8)  of  a 
subject   so  ample  and  so  familiar  to  all  scholars  (9)  as 

(18)  ciere  non  solet  nisi  (=  ^^the  appeal  .  .  is  resJ"^)^  or  con- 
ferre  solet  in.  (19)  nimis  fortasse  neglegere  rationem  varietatis 
{All.  ahsoL).  (20)  ut  in  causis,  o>'  ut  factum  videmus  in  .  .  . 
(21)  „f^e  poetical  6."  etc.  ornatissima  ilia  atque  ardentissima  com- 
pellatio.  (22)  quae  fratre  condemnato  futura  sit.  (23)  grandioribus 
atque  excelsioribus  sententiis  perorare.  (24)  ut  quum  appellat. 
(25)  studium.     (26)  causa.     (27)  extremus.     Gram.  §  237.  3. 

Ko.  258.  (1)  dictio.  (2)  commentarium,  tractationem  absol- 
vere.  (3)  ^^But  it  is  ...  that  Cicero'^^,  only  ac  tamen,  or  sed  idem. 
(4)  genus    quoddam    novum    dicendi.      (5)  omnis  rerum  varietas. 

(6)  magis   etiam  .  .  .  qualem   ipse   definivit    speciem   expressit. 

(7)  either  suadendi,  movendi,  ornandi  facultas,  or  argumentandi 
probabilitas,  augendi  amplitudo,  eloquendi  ornatus.  (8)  tractan- 
dum  suscipere.     (9)  litteratus. 


Section  xxi. 


365 


Cicero's  diction,  much  less  to  take  an  extended  view  of 
it  through  the  range  (10)  of  his  philosophical  writings 
and  familiar  correspondence.     Among  many  excellences, 
the  greatest  is  its  suitableness  to  the  genius  (11)  of  the 
Latin  language;  though  the  diffuseness  thence  necessar- 
ily resulting (12)  has  exposed  it,  both  in  his  own  days 
and  since  his  time,  to  the  criticisms (13)  of  those  who 
have  affected  (14)  to  condemn  its  Asiatic  character  (15), 
in    comparison    with  (16)    the    simpHcity  (17)    of   Attic 
writers,  and   the  strength  (18)  of  Demosthenes.     Greek, 
however,    is    celebrated    for    its    copiousness    in    voca- 
bulary (19),    for    its    perspicuity,    and    its    reproductive 
power  (20);  and  its  consequent  facility  of  expressing  the 
most   novel   or   abstruse    ideas   with  precision  (21)   and 
elegance.     Hence  the  Attic  style  of  eloquence  was  plain 
and   simple,   because  simj^licity  and  plainness (22)  were 
not  incompatible  (23)  with   clearness,  energy,  and  har- 
mony.    But   it  was  a  singular  want  (24)  of  judgment, 
an  ignorance  of  the  very  principles  of  composition  (25), 
which   induced  Brutus,   Calvus,  Sallust,  and  others  to 
imitate   this   terse  (26)  and  severe  beauty  in  their  own 
defective    language  (27) ,    and    even    to    pronounce    the 
opposite  kind  of  diction  deficient  in  taste  and  purity  (28). 
In  Greek,  indeed,  the  words  falf,  as  it  were,  naturally, 
into  a  distinct  and  harmonious  order  (29);  and,  from  the 
exuberant  richness  of  the  materials,  less  is  left  to  the 
ingenuity  of  the  artist  (30).     But  the  Latin  language  is 


(10)  omnem  ambitum  .  .  .  diligenter  persequi.  (11)  natura 
et  quasi  indoles.  (12)  indidem  derivatus.  (13)  by  incurrere  in 
reprehensiones.  (14)  dicere.  (15)  pompa  Asiatica.  (16)  alienus  a. 
(17)  sanitas,  or  siccitas.  (18)  gra vitas.  (19)  verborum.  (20)  quae- 
dam  fecunditas  (=  „reprod.  j?.").  (21)  proprie.  (22)  mediocritas. 
(23)  pugnare  cum.  (24)  by  carere.  (25)  bene  dicendi  leges. 
(26)  nudus.  (27)  sermonis  egestas.  (28)  ^.deficient  in  t,  and  p.'', 
ineptus  ac  putidus,  or  horridus  sordidusque.  (29)  sua  sponte 
quodammodo  et  apte  et  numerose  cadere.    (30)  here  orator. 


366 


Pakt  m. 


Section  xxi. 


367 


comparatively  weak,  scanty,  and  unmusical  (31);  and 
requires  considerable  skill  and  management  to  render  it 
expressive  (32)  and  graceful.  Simplicity  in  Latin  is 
scarcely  separable  from  baldness  (33) ;  and  justly  as 
Terence  is  celebrated  for  chaste  and  unadorned  (34) 
diction,  yet,  even  he,  compared  with  Attic  writers,  is 
flat  and  heavy (35).  Again,  the  perfection  of  strength 
is (36)  clearness  united  to  brevity;  but  to  this  combination 
Latin  is  utterly  unequal  (37).  From  the  vagueness  and 
uncertainty  of  meaning  which  characterises  its  separ- 
ate (38)  words,  to  be  perspicuous (39)  it  must  be  full. 
"What (40)  Livy,  and  much  more  Tacitus,  have  gained 
in  energy,  they  have  lost  in  lucidity  and  elegance;  the 
correspondence  of  Brutus  with  Cicero  is  forcible  (41), 
indeed,  but  harsh  and  abrupt.  Latin,  in  short,  is  not 
a  philosophical  language,  not  a  language (42)  in  which 
a  deep  thinker  (43)  is  likely  to  express  himself  with 
purity  or  neatness.  Cicero  found  it  barren  and  disso- 
nant (44),  and  as  such  he  had  to  deal  with  it  (45).  His 
good  sense  enabled  him  to  perceive  (46)  what  could  be 
done,  and  what  it  was  in  vain  to  attempt;  and  happily (47) 
his  talents  answered  precisely  to  the  purpose  required  (48). 
He  may  be  compared  to  a  clever  landscape-gardener  (49), 
who  gives  depth  and  richness  (50)  to  narrow  and  confined 


(31)  multo  with  Compar.  of  exilis,  astrictus,  asper.  (32)  ar- 
gutus.  (33)  tenuitas  humilitas  est.  (34)  sanus  et  sincerus. 
(35)  humilis  ac  durus.  (36)  vis  summa  inest  in.  (37)  minime 
idoneus  ad.  (38)  singuli.  (39)  hy  perspicuitatem  repetere  a. 
(40)  itaque  quantum  roboris  .  .  .  tantum  luminis  .  .  .  (41)  ner- 
vosus.  (42)  non  apta  philosopliiae  nee  talis.  (43)  by  graves  acu- 
taeque  sententiae.  (44)  inopem  et  hiulcum  nancisci.  Begin  sent 
toith  quum.  (45)  his  impeditum  difficultatibus  formandum  susci- 
pere.  (46)  sapienter  intellexit,  or  sensu  quodam  recti  ac  judicio 
ductus  intellexit.  (47)  contigit  autem  ut.  (48)  rei  efficiendae 
accommodatum  esse.  (49)  topiarius  quispiam.  (50)  laxare  et  lo- 
cupletare. 


premises  (51)  by  ingenuity  and  skiU  in  the  disposition 
ot  ins  trees  and  walks. 

No.  259. 

Chapter  n. 

Terence  and  Lucretius  had  cultivated  simplicity  (1) 
Cotta,  Brutus,  and  Calvus  had  attempted  strength  (2) 
but    Cicero   rather  made   a   language   than   a  style  (3) 
yet  not  so  much  by  the  invention  as  by  the  combina- 
tion  of  words.    Some   terms,  indeed,  his  philosophical 
subjects  obHged  him  to  coin  (4);  but  his  great  art  lies 
in  the  application  of  existing  materials  (5),  in  convert- 
ing (6)    the    very   disadvantages    of  the    language  into 
beauties,   in  enriching (7)  it  with  circumlocutions  and 
metaphors  (8),  in  pruning  it  of  harsh  and  uncouth  ex- 
pressions (9),  in  systematizing  the  structure    of  a  sen- 
tence(lO).    This  is  that  copia  dicendi  which  gained  Cicero 
the  high  testimony  of  Ca«sar  to  his  inventive  powers(ll) 
and  which,  we  may  add (12),  constitutes  him  the  great- 
est master  of  composition  that  the  world  has  seen  (13). 

Such,  then,  are  (14)  the  principal  characteristics  of 
Cicero's   oratoiy;   on  a   review   of  which  (15)   we  may 
■mth  some  reason  (16),  conclude  that  Eoman  eloquence 
stands  scarcely  less  indebted  to  his  works  than  Eoman 
phUosophy.    For,  though  in  his  De  claris  Orataribus  he 


(51)  fundus  angustis  circumscriptus  finibus. 

No.  259.  (1)  tenue  dicendi  genus  excolere.  (2)  lacertos,  or 
nervos  adders  orationi.  (3)  ipsa  dictio,  non  genus  aliquod  di- 
cendi.    (4)  fabncari.     (5)  communibus  soUerter  uti,  or  sapienter 

T  ''\  ?r  .""  P'°°'P'°  *"°*-  (^)  "^^^^  ad,  mth  ornare, 
Oram.gS88.1.  (7)  addere.  (8)  translatio.  (9)  aspera  et  agre- 
at.a  expurgare.  (10)  stmendorum  verborum  rationem  demon- 
strare.  (11)  qnam  ab  eo  inventam  tantopere  laudavit.  (12)  bt, 
nesoio  an.  Gram,  g  176.  Note  3.d.  (13)  onlt,  omnium  temporum, 
or  saeculonm.  (W)  either  hae  propriae  sunt  maximaeque  lau- 
des  .  .,  or  haec  habui  dicere  de  .  .  (15)  quas  si  consideres. 
<16)  non  temere. 


368 


Part  in. 


Section  xxi. 


369 


begins  his  review  (17)  from  the  age  of  Julius  Brutus, 
yet,  soberly  speaking (18)  (and  as  he  seems  to  allow  in 
the  opening  of  the  De  Oraiore),  we  cannot  assign  an 
earlier  date  to  (19)  the  rise  of  eloquence  among  his 
countrymen,  than  that  of  the  same  Athenian  embassy 
which  introduced  the  study  of  philosophy.  To  aim, 
indeed,  at  persuasion,  by  appeals  to  the  reason  or 
passions  (20) ,  is  so  natural,  that  no  country,  whether 
refined  or  barbarous,  is  without  its  orators.  If,  however, 
eloquence  be  the  mere  power  of  persuading,  it  is  but  a 
relative  term (21),  Kmited  to  time  and  place,  connected 
with  a  particular  audience,  and  leaving  to  posterity  no 
test  of  its  merits  (22)  but  the  report  (23)  of  those  whom 
it  has  been  successful  in  influencing;  but  we  are  speak- 
ing of  it  as  the  subject-matter  of  an  art  (24). 

The  eloquence  of  Cameades  and  his  associates  had 
made  [to  use  a  famiKar  term  (25)]  a  great  sensation  (26) 
among  the  Eoman  orators,  who  soon  split  into  two 
parties,  —  the  one  adhering  (27)  to  the  rough  unpolished 
maimers (28)  of  their  forefathers,  the  other  favouring 
the  artificial  graces  (29)  which  distinguished  the  Grecian 
rhetoricians.  In  the  former  class  were  Cato  and  LaeHus, 
both  men  of  cultivated  minds,  particularly  Cato  (30), 
whose  opposition  to  Greek  literature  was  founded  solely 
on  political    considerations  (31).     But,    as    might    have 


(17)  numeruin  oratorum  ordiri,  or  cursum  eloquentiae  re- 
petere  usque  a.  (18)  verius  tamen,  or  si  volumus  ingenue  agere, 
or  si  verum  quaerimus.  (19)  antiquiorem  esse  dicere.  (20)  ra- 
tionum  momentis  et  animorum  motibus  uti  ad  persuadendum. 
(21)  comparationem  quandam  habere.  (22)  argumentum,  or  in- 
dicium laudis  suae  transmitters  ad.  (23)  testimonia.  (24)  quae- 
rere  id  quod  est  studii  atque  artis.  (25)  vulgare  dicere.  (26)  ©om- 
movere  animos.  (27)  adhaerescere.  (28)  rudis  atque  impolita 
consuetude.  (29)  ad  artem  elegantiamque  se  applicare,  or  arti- 
ficiosam  venustatem  adamare.  (30)  only  ille  quidem  maxime. 
(31)  rationibus  civilibus  moveri  ut. 


been  expected (32) ,  the  Athenian  cause  had  prevailed; 
and  (33)  Carbo  and  the  two  Gracchi,  who  are  the  prin- 
cipal orators  of  the  next  generation,  are  praised  as 
masters  of  an  oratory  learned,  majestic,  and  harmonious 
in  its  character  (34).  These  were  succeeded  by  Antonius, 
Crassus,  Gotta,  Sulpicius,  and  Hortensius;  who,  adopting 
greater  liveliness  and  variety  of  manner  (35),  form  a 
middle  age  in  the  history  of  Roman  eloquence. 

No.  260. 

Chapter  HI. 

But  it  was  in  that  which  immediately  followed 
that  the  art  was  adorned  by  an  assemblage  (1)  of  orators, 
which  even  Greece  will  find  it  difficult  to  match.  Gf 
these  Caesar,  Cicero,  Curio,  Brutus,  Caelius,  Calvus, 
and  Callidius,  are  the  most  celebrated.  The  talents, 
indeed,  of  Caesar  were  not  more  conspicuous  in  arms 
than  in  his  style,  which  was  noted  for  its  force  and 
purity  (2).  Caelius,  whom  Cicero  brought  forward  into 
public  life  (3),  excelled  in  natural  quickness  (4) ,  loftiness 
of  sentiment,  and  politeness  in  attack  (5);  Brutus  in 
philosophical  gravity,  though  he  sometimes  indulged 
himself  (6)  in  a  warmer  and  bolder  style.  Callidius  was 
delicate  (7)  and  harmonious;  Curio  bold  and  flowing  (8); 
Calvus,  from  studied  opposition  to  Cicero's  peculiarities  (9), 
cold,  cautious,  and  accurate.     Brutus  and  Calvus  have 


(32)  id  quod  futurum  praevidisses,  or  id  quod  fieri  necesse 
fuerat.  ..Athenian'',  Atticorum.  (33)  ita  (quo)  factum  est  ut. 
(34)  oratio  limata,  grandis,  numerosa.    (35)  stilus. 

No.  260.  (1)  magnum  ornamentum  (decus)  addit  tanta  mul- 
titudo.  (2)  urbanitas,  or  incorrupta  integritas.  (3)  ad  rempubli- 
cam  adducere,  or  auctorem  atque  ducem  esse  reipublicae  capes- 
sendae.  (4)  animi  quaedam  alacritas.  (5)  accusationis  (accusandi) 
urbanitas.  (6)  delectari.  (7)  tener,  or  lenis.  (8)  fluens,  or  per- 
facile  currens,  or  volubilis.  (9)  studiose  recedere  a  propriis 
Ciceronis  laudibus;  ..coW.  lentus. 

MUlIer,  Exerpi8eK.  24 


370 


Pabt  in. 


\  • 


been  before  noticed  as  the  advocates  of  the  dry  senten- 
tious mode  (10)  of  speaking,  which  they  dignified  by 
the  name  (11)  of  Attic;  a  kind  of  eloquence  which  (12) 
seems  to  have  been  popular  from  the  comparative  (13) 
facility  with  which  is  was  attained. 

In  the  Ciceronian  age  the  general  character  of  the 
oratory    was     dignified     and     graceful.      The     popular 
nature  (14)   of   the  government    gave   opportunities   for 
effective  appeals  to  the  passions  (15);  and,  Greek  litera- 
ture being  as  yet  (16)  a  novelty,  philosophical  sentiments 
were   introduced   with   corresponding   success  (17).     The 
republican    orators   were    long    in    their    introductions, 
diffuse  in  their  statements  (18),  ample  in  their  divisions, 
frequent  in  their  digressions,  gradual  and  sedate (19)  in 
their  perorations.     Under   the  Emperors,   however,  the 
people   were    less    consulted    in    state    affairs;    and   the 
judges,    instead    of    possessing    an    almost    independent 
authority  (20) ,  being  but  delegates  of  the  executive  (21) 
from  interested  politicians  (22)  became  men  of  business; 
literature,   too,   was    now   familiar   to   all   classes;   and 
taste  began  sensiby  to  decline  (23).    The  national  appetite 
felt  a   craving  (24)   for  stronger  and   more   stimulating 
compositions  (25).    Impatience  was  manifested  (26)  at  the 
tedious  majesty  and   formal  graces  (27),   the  parade   of 


(10)  sententiosa  brevitas  (=  .^ry  sent.  w.").  (11)  honorifice, 
or  iionorifico  nomine  appellare.  (12)  quod  quidem  genus  .  .  . 
(13)  by  a  clause  with  propterea  quod.     (14)  popularis    .  .    consti- 

tutio.  (15)  persuasio  oratoria  (=  „c#ec^.  aj)p.  to  fAcy)-  (16)etiam- 
tum.  (17)  usurpatio  philosophiae  magnopere  probatur,  or  trans- 
latae  a  philosophis  sententiae  magn.  probantur.  (18)  narratio. 
(19)  lentus  or  sedatus,  or  tardo  gradu  atque  composito.  (20)  sui 
juris  esse.  (21)  ubi  delegato  officio  fungi  coeperunt,  or  ex  quo 
principum  mandata  exsequi  coacti  sunt.  (22)  omittere  studia  ci- 
yilia  (AM.  ahsol).  (23)  infirmari  atque  labi,  or  obrui  atque  inter- 
ire.  (24)  vulgo  desiderium  excitare.  (25)  valentior  atque  acutior 
oratio.  (26)  „to  manifest  imp,'',  improbare,  vituperare.  (27)  ve- 
nustus  apparatus. 


Section  xxi. 


371 


arguments (28),   grave   sayings,   and   shreds  of  philoso- 
phy (29),  which  characterized  their  fathers;  and  a  smarter 
and  more  sparkling (30)  kind  of  oratory  succeeded,  just 
as  in  our  own  country  the  minuet  (31)  of  the  last  century 
has    been    supplanted    by    the    quadriUe  (32),    and    the 
stately   movements  (33)  of  Giardini  have  given  way  to 
Eossini's  brisker  and  more  artificial  melodies.    Corvinus, 
even  (34)  before  the  time  of  Augustus,  had  shown  him- 
self more  elaborate  (35)  and  fastidious  in  his  choice  of 
expressions.      Cassius    Severus,    the    first    who    openly 
deviated  from  the  old  style  of  oratory,    introduced  an 
acrimonious  and  virulent  mode  of  pleading  (36).    It  now 
became    the   fashion    to    decry  (37)    Cicero    as    inflated, 
languid,    tame,    and    even    deficient    in    ornament  (38); 
Maecenas  and  Gallio  followed  in  the  career  of  degener- 
acy (39);    till    flippancy    of    attack  (40),    prettiness    of 
expression  (41),   and  glitter  of  decoration  (42)  prevaHed 
over(43)  the  bold  and  manly  eloquence  of  free  Eome(44). 

,^,  ^^^^  .^"""^^^  argumentorum.  (29)  decerpti  e  philosophia  loci. 
30)  acnus  et  quasi  micantius.  (31)  „minuta"  ilia  saltatio. 
(32)  chorea  „quadruplex".  (33)  numeri  graviores.  (34)  quid 
quod  etiam  ante  .  .  .,  sed  primus  Cassius  Sev.,  etc.  (35)  dili- 
gens.  (36)  acerbus  a^ue  amarus,  or  malignus  accusandi  modus. 
(37)  reprehendere  quod  fuisset.  (38)  tardus  (timidus)  atque  adeo 
inornatus  (incomptus).  (39)  eandem  viam  declivem  persequi. 
(40)  impugnandi  petulantia.  (41)  eloquendi  nitor.  (42)  ornamen- 
torum  splendor.  (43)  by  opprimere,  obruere.  (44)  eitJier  liberae 
illius  aetatis,  or  ea  quae  in  libero  populo  floruerat. 


0.  A.  M.  D.  G.  et  H.  B.  M.  V. 


24* 


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Conigeiida  and  Addenda. 


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^e    5  for  hi^ht  read  height. 

14  "    Earthen  ware  read  Earthenware. 
12    *     Cretes  irad  Cretans. 

5  from  the  bottom  add  (20)  fungi,  Gram.  §  231. 

15  for  his  7'ead  is. 

7  from  the  bottom  for  negotiation  of  read  neg. 

about. 
4  from  the  bottom  read  at  one  time  this. 

3      "      "       "    /orperfundereyrafi^profundere. 

12  for  ennmies  read  enemies. 

3  from  the  bottom  add  (17)  inducere.  (18)  scutum 
( =  "  an  obL  sh").  (19)  tergum  taurinum. 
(20)  umbo.  (21)  eminere.  (22)  chpeus 
(  =  "round  sh."). 

3  for  guidance  read  guidance. 

3  from  the  bottom  for  that  7^ead  to. 
10  for  suppress  read  oppress. 

5  from  the  bottom  read  sedes  ;  Pipinus  etc. 

8  dele  that  he. 

8  for  dispaired  read  despaired. 
17    "    hear  read  ear. 
13    "    sacrifices  read  sacrificers. 
16    "    sacrificers     "    sacrifices. 
10  from  the  bottom  read  to  steal  (2)  there. 

^     "      "       "     for  se  se  parare  read  se 
se-parare. 


Page  254  line  15  for  cartain  read  certain. 


271 


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4  from  the  bottom  for  quod  ammodo  read  quo- 
-    dammodo. 

7  from  the  bottom  for  would  he  read  would  be. 
10      "       "       "       "    beed  r^flf/ been. 

4     "       "       "       "    plane    or    perspicue    read 
plane  et  perspicue. 

16  for  custom  read  customs. 
2    "    mind  read  minds. 

17  "    circumstance  J'ead  circumstances. 
9  from  th^  fH)ftom  for  quum  autem  contra  read 

quum  autem-contra. 

1  from  the  bottom  for  publicae   read  f^erendae, 

and  add  Omit  "  private." 
4  from  the  htffom  for  consuetude   read  neces- 

situdo. 
12  for  treatise  read  treatises. 

8  from  the  bottom  for  oratio  read  sermo. 

2  "      "        '*      infiert  or  before  quomm. 
12      "      "        "     for  excitationibus  and  acuti- 

orbus  read  excitatioribus  and  acutioiibus. 
10  for  affice  read  office. 
21    *'    sensiby  read  sensibly. 
7  from  the  Ixjttomfor  leutus  or  sedatus  read  lentus 
ac  sedatus. 
Other  inacvnracies  if  less  imj^orlance,  as  Milet  for  Miletus, 
Tarent  for  Tarentum,  etc.,  aill  l)e  eafult/  noticed  and  correeted. 


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COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 


811  St 


0032143796 


M88 


Lluller 

DxerciGGG  for  translation  into 

l.n  tin 


.....  /% 


